But so little had the President even yet grasped the wide sweep of the policy which his Secretary of State was framing that, when he read to the Cabinet a first draft of his annual message, he expressed his pointed disapprobation of the invasion of Spain by France and urged an acknowledgment of Greece as an independent nation. This declaration was, as Adams remarked, a call to arms against all Europe. And once again he urged the President to refrain from any utterance which might be construed as a pretext for retaliation by the allies. If they meant to provoke a quarrel with the United States, the administration must meet it and not invite it. "If they intend now to interpose by force, we shall have as much as we can do to prevent them," said he, "without going to bid them defiance in the heart of Europe." "The ground I wish to take," he continued, "is that of earnest remonstrance against the interference of the European powers by force with South America, but to disclaim all interference on our part with Europe; to make an American cause and adhere inflexibly to that." In the end Adams had his way and the President revised the paragraphs dealing with foreign affairs so as to make them conform to Adams's desires.

No one who reads the message which President Monroe sent to Congress on December 2, 1823, can fail to observe that the paragraphs which have an enduring significance as declarations of policy are anticipated in the masterly state papers of the Secretary of State. Alluding to the differences with Russia in the Pacific Northwest, the President repeated the principle which Adams had stated to Baron Tuyll: "The occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers." And the vital principle of abstention from European affairs and of adherence to a distinctly American system, for which Adams had contended so stubbornly, found memorable expression in the following paragraph:

"In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparations for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective Governments; and to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies and dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States."

Later generations have read strange meanings into Monroe's message, and have elevated into a "doctrine" those declarations of policy which had only an immediate application. With the interpretations and applications of a later day, this book has nothing to do. Suffice it to say that President Monroe and his advisers accomplished their purposes; and the evidence that they were successful is contained in a letter which Richard Rush wrote to the Secretary of State, on December 27, 1823:

"But the most decisive blow to all despotick interference with the new States is that which it has received in the President's Message at the opening of Congress. It was looked for here with extraordinary interest at this juncture, and I have heard that the British packet which left New York the beginning of this month was instructed to wait for it and bring it over with all speed.... On its publicity in London... the credit of all the Spanish American securities immediately rose, and the question of the final and complete safety of the new States from all European coercion, is now considered as at rest."



CHAPTER XV. THE END OF AN ERA

It was in the midst of the diplomatic contest for the Floridas that James Monroe was for the second time elected to the Presidency, with singularly little display of partisanship. This time all the electoral votes but one were cast for him. Of all the Presidents only George Washington has received a unanimous vote; and to Monroe, therefore, belongs the distinction of standing second to the Father of his Country in the vote of electors. The single vote which Monroe failed to get fell to his Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams. It is a circumstance of some interest that the father of the Secretary, old John Adams, so far forgot his Federalist antecedents that he served as Republican elector in Massachusetts and cast his vote for James Monroe. Never since parties emerged in the second administration of Washington had such extraordinary unanimity prevailed.

Across this scene of political harmony, however, the Missouri controversy cast the specter-like shadow of slavery. For the moment, and often in after years, it seemed inevitable that parties would spring into new vigor following sectional lines. All patriots were genuinely alarmed. "This momentous question," wrote Jefferson, "like a fire bell in the night, awakened and filled me with terror. I considered it at once as the knell of the Union. It is hushed, indeed, for the moment. But this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence."

What Jefferson termed a reprieve was the settlement of the Missouri question by the compromise of 1820. To the demands of the South that Missouri should be admitted into the Union as a slave State, with the constitution of her choice, the North yielded, on condition that the rest of the Louisiana Purchase north of 36 degrees 30' should be forever free. Henceforth slaveholders might enter Missouri and the rest of the old province of Louisiana below her southern boundary line, but beyond this line, into the greater Northwest, they might not take their human chattels. To this act of settlement President Monroe gave his assent, for he believed that further controversy would shake the Union to its very foundations. With the angry criminations and recriminations of North and South ringing in his ears, Jefferson had little faith in the permanency of such a settlement. "A geographical line," said he, "coinciding with a marked principle, moral and political, once conceived and held up to the angry passions of men, will never be obliterated; and every new irritation will mark it deeper and deeper." And Madison, usually optimistic about the future of his beloved country, indulged only the gloomiest forebodings about slavery. Both the ex-Presidents took what comfort they could in projects of emancipation and deportation. Jefferson would have had slaveholders yield up slaves born after a certain date to the guardianship of the State, which would then provide for their removal to Santo Domingo at a proper age. Madison took heart at the prospect opened up by the Colonization Society which he trusted would eventually end "this dreadful calamity" of human slavery. Fortunately for their peace of mind, neither lived to see these frail hopes dashed to pieces.

Signs were not wanting that statesmen of the Virginia school were not to be leaders in the new era which was dawning. On several occasions both Madison and Monroe had shown themselves out of touch with the newer currents of national life. Their point of view was that of the epoch which began with the French Revolution and ended with the overthrow of Napoleon and the pacification of Europe. Inevitably foreign affairs had absorbed their best thought. To maintain national independence against foreign aggression had been their constant purpose, whether the menace came from Napoleon's designs upon Louisiana, or from British disregard of neutral rights, or from Spanish helplessness on the frontiers of her Empire. But now, with political and commercial independence assured, a new direction was imparted to national endeavor. America made a volte-face and turned to the setting sun.

During the second quarter of the nineteenth century every ounce of national vitality went into the conquest and settlement of the Mississippi Valley. Once more at peace with the world, Americans set themselves to the solution of the problems which grew out of this vast migration from the Atlantic seaboard to the interior. These were problems of territorial organization, of distribution of public lands, of inland trade, of highways and waterways, of revenue and appropriation problems that focused in the offices of the Secretaries of the Treasury and of War. And lurking behind all was the specter of slavery and sectionalism.

To impatient homeseekers who crossed the Alleghanies, it never occurred to question the competence of the Federal Government to meet all their wants. That the Government at Washington should construct and maintain highways, improve and facilitate the navigation of inland waterways, seemed a most reasonable expectation. What else was government for? But these proposed activities did not seem so obviously legitimate to Presidents of the Virginia Dynasty; not so readily could they waive constitutional scruples. Madison felt impelled to veto a bill for constructing roads and canals and improving waterways because he could find nowhere in the Constitution any specific authority for the Federal Government to embark on a policy of internal improvements. His last message to Congress set forth his objections in detail and was designed to be his farewell address. He would rally his party once more around the good old Jeffersonian doctrines. Monroe felt similar doubts when he was presented with a bill to authorize the collection of tolls on the new Cumberland Road. In a veto message of prodigious length he, too, harked back to the original Republican principle of strict construction of the Constitution. The leadership which the Virginians thus refused to take fell soon to men of more resolute character who would not let the dead hand of legalism stand between them and their hearts' desires.

It is one of the ironies of American history that the settlement of the Mississippi Valley and of the Gulf plains brought acute pecuniary distress to the three great Virginians who had bent all their energies to acquire these vast domains.. The lure of virgin soil drew men and women in ever increasing numbers from the seaboard States. Farms that had once sufficed were cast recklessly on the market to bring what they would, while their owners staked their claims on new soil at a dollar and a quarter an acre. Depreciation of land values necessarily followed in States like Virginia; and the three ex-Presidents soon found themselves landpoor. In common with other planters, they had invested their surplus capital in land, only to find themselves unable to market their crops in the trying days of the Embargo and NonIntercourse Acts. They had suffered heavy losses from the British blockade during the war, and they had not fully recovered from these reverses when the general fall of prices came in 1819. Believing that they were facing only a temporary condition, they met their difficulties by financial expedients which in the end could only add to their burdens.

A general reluctance to change their manner of life and to practice an intensive agriculture with diversified crops contributed, no doubt, to the general depression of planters in the Old Dominion. Jefferson at Monticello, Madison at Montpelier, and to a lesser extent Monroe at Oak Hill, maintained their old establishments and still dispensed a lavish Southern hospitality, which indeed they could hardly avoid. A former President is forever condemned to be a public character. All kept open house for their friends, and none could bring himself to close his door to strangers, even when curiosity was the sole motive for intrusion. Sorely it must have tried the soul of Mrs. Randolph to find accommodations at Monticello for fifty uninvited and unexpected guests. Mrs. Margaret Bayard Smith, who has left lively descriptions of life at Montpelier, was once one of twenty-three guests. When a friend commented on the circumstance that no less than nine strange horses were feeding in the stables at Montpelier, Madison remarked somewhat grimly that he was delighted with the society of the owners but could not confess to the same enthusiasm at the presence of their horses.

Both Jefferson and Madison were victims of the indiscretion of others. Madison was obliged to pay the debts of a son of Mrs. Madison by her first marriage and became so financially embarrassed that he was forced to ask President Biddle of the Bank of the United States for a long loan of six thousand dollars—only to suffer the humiliation of a refusal. He had then to part with some of his lands at a great sacrifice, but he retained Montpelier and continued to reside there, though in reduced circumstances, until his death in 1836. At about the same time Jefferson received what he called his coup de grace. He had endorsed a note of twenty thousand dollars for Governor Wilson C. Nicholas and upon his becoming insolvent was held to the full amount of the note. His only assets were his lands which would bring only a fifth of their former price. To sell on these ruinous terms was to impoverish himself and his family. His distress was pathetic. In desperation he applied to the Legislature for permission to sell his property by lottery; but he was spared this last humiliation by the timely aid of friends, who started popular subscriptions to relieve his distress. Monroe was less fortunate, for he was obliged to sell Oak Hill and to leave Old Virginia forever. He died in New York City on the Fourth of July, 1831.

The latter years of Jefferson's life were cheered by the renewal of his old friendship with John Adams, now in retirement at Quincy. Full of pleasant reminiscence are the letters which passed between them, and full too of allusions to the passing show. Neither had lost all interest in politics, but both viewed events with the quiet contemplation of old men. Jefferson was absorbed to the end in his last great hobby, the university that was slowly taking bodily form four miles away across the valley from Monticello. When bodily infirmities would not permit him to ride so far, he would watch the workmen through a telescope mounted on one of the terraces. "Crippled wrists and fingers make writing slow and laborious," he wrote to Adams. "But while writing to you, I lose the sense of these things in the recollection of ancient times, when youth and health made happiness out of everything. I forget for a while the hoary winter of age, when we can think of nothing but how to keep ourselves warm, and how to get rid of our heavy hours until the friendly hand of death shall rid us of all at once. Against this tedium vitae, however, I am fortunately mounted on a hobby, which, indeed, I should have better managed some thirty or forty years ago; but whose easy amble is still sufficient to give exercise and amusement to an octogenary rider. This is the establishment of a University." Alluding to certain published letters which revived old controversies, he begged his old friend not to allow his peace of mind to be shaken. "It would be strange indeed, if, at our years, we were to go back an age to hunt up imaginary or forgotten facts, to disturb the repose of affections so sweetening to the evening of our lives."

As the fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration of Independence approached, Jefferson and Adams were besought to take part in the celebration which was to be held in Philadelphia. The infirmities of age rested too heavily upon them to permit their journeying so far; but they consecrated the day anew with their lives. At noon, on the Fourth of July, 1826, while the Liberty Bell was again sounding its old message to the people of Philadelphia, the soul of Thomas Jefferson passed on; and a few hours later John Adams entered into rest, with the name of his old friend upon his lips.



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

GENERAL WORKS

Five well-known historians have written comprehensive works on the period covered by the administrations of Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe: John B. McMaster has stressed the social and economic aspects in "A History of the People of the United States;" James Schouler has dwelt upon the political and constitutional problems in his "History of the United States of America under the Constitution;" Woodrow Wilson has written a "History of the American People" which indeed is less a history than a brilliant essay on history; Hermann von Holst has construed the "Constitutional and Political History of the United States "in terms of the slavery controversy; and Edward Channing has brought forward his painstaking "History of the United States," touching many phases of national life, to the close of the second war with England. To these general histories should be added "The American Nation," edited by Albert Bushnell Hart, three volumes of which span the administrations of the three Virginians: E. Channing's "The Jeffersonian System" (1906); K. C. Babcock's "The Rise of American Nationality" (1906); F. J. Turner's "Rise of the New West" (1906).

CHAPTER I

No historian can approach this epoch without doing homage to Henry Adams, whose "History of the United States," 9 vols. (1889-1891), is at once a literary performance of extraordinary merit and a treasure-house of information. Skillfully woven into the text is documentary material from foreign archives which Adams, at great expense, had transcribed and translated. Intimate accounts of Washington and its society may be found in the following books: G. Gibbs, "Memoirs of the Administrations of Washington and John Adams", 2 vols. (1846); Mrs. Margaret Bayard Smith, "The First Forty Years of Washington Society" (1906); Anne H. Wharton, "Social Life in the Early Republic" (1902). "The Life of Thomas Jefferson," 3 vols. (1858), by Henry S. Randall is rich in authentic information about the life of the great Virginia statesman but it is marred by excessive hero-worship. Interesting side-lights on Jefferson and his entourage are shed by his granddaughter, Sarah N. Randolph, in a volume called "Domestic Life of Thomas Jefferson" (1871).

CHAPTER II

The problems of patronage that beset President Jefferson are set forth by Gaillard Hunt in "Office-seeking during Jefferson's Administration," in the "American Historical Review," vol. III, p. 271, and by Carl R. Fish in "The Civil Service and the Patronage" (1905). There is no better way to enter sympathetically into Jefferson's mental world than to read his correspondence. The best edition of his writings is that by Paul Leicester Ford. Henry Adams has collected the "Writings of Albert Gallatin," 3 vols. (1879), and has written an admirable "Life of Albert Gallatin" (1879). Gaillard Hunt has written a short "Life of James Madison" (1902), and has edited his "Writings," 9 vols. (1900-1910). The Federalist attitude toward the Administration is reflected in the "Works of Fisher Ames," 2 vols. (1857). The intense hostility of New England Federalists appears also in such books as Theodore Dwight's "The Character of Thomas Jefferson, as exhibited in His Own Writings" (1839). Franklin B. Dexter has set forth the facts relating to Abraham Bishop, that arch-rebel against the standing order in Connecticut, in the "Proceedings" of the Massachusetts Historical Society, March, 1906.

CHAPTER III

The larger histories of the American navy by Maclay, Spears, and Clark describe the war with Tripoli, but by far the best account is G. W. Allen's "Our Navy and the Barbary Corsairs" (1905), which may be supplemented by C. O. Paullin's "Commodore John Rodgers" (1910). T. Harris's "Life and Services of Commodore William Bainbridge" (1837) contains much interesting information about service in the Mediterranean and the career of this gallant commander. C. H. Lincoln has edited "The Hull-Eaton Correspondence during the Expedition against Tripoli 1804-5" for the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, vol. XXI (1911). The treaties and conventions with the Barbary States are contained in "Treaties, Conventions, International Acts, Protocols and Agreements between the United States of America and Other Powers," compiled by W. M. Malloy, 3 vols. (1910-1913).

CHAPTER IV

Even after the lapse of many years, Henry Adams's account of the purchase of Louisiana remains the best: Volumes I and II of his "History of the United States." J. A. Robertson in his "Louisiana under the Rule of Spain, France, and the United States," 1785-1807, 2 vols. (1911), has brought together a mass of documents relating to the province and territory. Barbe-Marbois, "Histoire de la Louisiana et de la Cession" (1829), which is now accessible in translation, is the main source of information for the French side of the negotiations. Frederick J. Turner, in a series of articles contributed to the "American Historical Review" (vols. II, III, VII, VIII, X), has pointed out the significance of the diplomatic contest for the Mississippi Valley. Louis Pelzer has written on the "Economic Factors in the Acquisition of Louisiana" in the "Proceedings" of the Mississippi Valley Historical Association, vol. VI (1913). There is no adequate biography of either Monroe or Livingston. T. L. Stoddard has written on "The French Revolution in San Domingo" (1914).

CHAPTER V

The vexed question of the boundaries of Louisiana is elucidated by Henry Adams in volumes II and III of his "History of the United States." Among the more recent studies should be mentioned the articles contributed by Isaac J. Cox to volumes VI and X of the "Quarterly" of the Texas State Historical Association, and an article entitled "Was Texas Included in the Louisiana Purchase?" by John R. Ficklen in the "Publications" of the Southern History Association, vol. V. In the first two chapters of his "History of the Western Boundary of the Louisiana Purchase" (1914), T. M. Marshall has given a resume of the boundary question. Jefferson brought together the information which he possessed in "An Examination into the boundaries of Louisiana," which was first published in 1803 and which has been reprinted by the American Philosophical Society in "Documents relating to the Purchase and Exploration of Louisiana" (1904). I. J. Cox has made an important contribution by his book on "The Early Exploration of Louisiana" (1906). The constitutional questions involved in the purchase and organization of Louisiana are reviewed at length by E. S. Brown in "The Constitutional History of the Louisiana Purchase, 1803-1812" (1920).

CHAPTER VI

The most painstaking account of Burr's expedition is W. F. McCaleb's "The Aaron Burr Conspiracy" (1903) which differs from Henry Adams's version in making James Wilkinson rather than Burr the heavy villain in the plot. Wilkinson's own account of the affair, which is thoroughly untrustworthy, is contained in his "Memoirs of My Own Times," 3 vols. (1816). The treasonable intrigues of Wilkinson are proved beyond doubt by the investigations of W. R. Shepherd, "Wilkinson and the Beginnings of the Spanish Conspiracy," in vol. IX of "The American Historical Review," and of I. J. Cox, "General Wilkinson and His Later Intrigues with the Spaniards," in vol. XIX of "The American Historical Review." James Parton's "Life and Times of Aaron Burr" (1858) is a biography of surpassing interest but must be corrected at many points by the works already cited. William Coleman's "Collection of the Facts and the Documents relative to the Death of Major-General Alexander Hamilton" (1804) contains the details of the great tragedy. The Federalist intrigues with Burr are traced by Henry Adams and more recently by S. E. Morison in the "Life and Letters of Harrison Gray Otis," 2 vols. (1913). W. H. Safford's "Blennerhassett Papers" (1861) and David Robertson's "Reports of the Trials of Colonel Aaron Burr for Treason, and for a Misdemeanor," 2 vols. (1808), brought to light many interesting facts relating to the alleged conspiracy. The "Official Letter Books of W. C. C. Claiborne, 1801-1816," 6 vols. (1917), contain material of great value.

CHAPTER VII

The history of impressment has yet to be written, but J. R. Hutchinson's "The Press-Gang Afloat and Ashore" (1913) has shown clearly that the baleful effects of the British practice were not felt solely by American shipmasters. Admiral A. T. Mahan devoted a large part of his first volume on "Sea Power in its relations to the War of 1812," 2 vols. (1905), to the antecedents of the war. W. E. Lingelbach has made a notable contribution to our understanding of the Essex case in his article on "England and Neutral Trade" printed in "The Military Historian and Economist," vol. II (1917). Of the contemporary pamphlets, two are particularly illuminating:

James Stephen, "War in Disguise; or, the Frauds of the Neutral Flags" (1805), presenting the English grievances, and "An Examination of the British Doctrine, which Subjects to Capture a Neutral Trade, not open in Time of Peace," prepared by the Department of State under Madison's direction in 1805. Captain Basil Hall's "Voyages and Travels" (1895) gives a vivid picture of life aboard a British frigate in American waters. A graphic account of the Leopard-Chesapeake affair is given by Henry Adams in Chapter I of his fourth volume.

CHAPTERS VIII AND IX

Besides the histories of Mahan and Adams, the reader will do well to consult several biographies for information about peaceable coercion in theory and practice. Among these may be mentioned Randall's "Life of Thomas Jefferson," Adams's "Life of Albert Gallatin" and "John Randolph" in the "American Statesmen Series," W. E. Dodd's "Life of Nathaniel Macon" (1903), D. R. Anderson's "William Branch Giles" (1914), and J. B. McMaster's "Life and Times of Stephen Girard," 2 vols. (1917). For want of an adequate biography of Monroe, recourse must be taken to the "Writings of James Monroe," 7 vols. (1898-1903), edited by S. M. Hamilton. J. B. Moore's "Digest of International Law", 8 vols. (1906), contains a mass of material bearing on the rights of neutrals and the problems of neutral trade. The French decrees and the British orders-in-council were submitted to Congress with a message by President Jefferson on the 23d of December, 1808, and may be found in "American State Papers, Foreign Relations," vol. III.

CHAPTER X

The relations of the United States and Spanish Florida are set forth in many works, of which three only need be mentioned: H. B. Fuller, "The Purchase of Florida" (1906), has devoted several chapters to the early history of the Floridas, but so far as West Florida is concerned his work is superseded by I. J. Cox's "The West Florida Controversy, 1789-1813" (1918). The first volume, "Diplomacy," of F. E. Chadwick's "Relations of the United States and Spain," 3 vols. (1909-11), gives an account of the several Florida controversies. Several books contribute to an understanding of the temper of the young insurgents in the Republican Party: Carl Schurz's "Henry Clay," 2 vols. (1887), W. M. Meigs's "Life of John Caldwell Calhoun," 2 vols. (1917), M. P. Follett's "The Speaker of the House of Representatives" (1896), and Henry Adams's "John Randolph" (1882).

CHAPTER XI

The civil history of President Madison's second term of office may be followed in Adams's "History of the United States," vols. VII, VIII, and IX; in Hunt's "Life of James Madison;" in Adams's "Life of Albert Gallatin;" and in such fragmentary records of men and events as are found in the "Memoirs and Letters of Dolly Madison" (1886) and Mrs. M. B. Smith's "The First Forty Years of Washington Society" (1906). The history of New England Federalism may be traced in H. C. Lodge's "Life and Letters of George Cabot" (1878); in Edmund Quincy's "Life of Josiah Quincy of Massachusetts" (1867); in the "Life of Timothy Pickering," 4 vols. (1867-73); and in S. E. Morison's "Life and Letters of Harrison Gray Otis," 2 vols. (1913). Theodore Dwight published his "History of the Hartford Convention" in 1833. Henry Adams has collected the "Documents relating to New England Federalism," 1800-1815 (1878). The Federalist opposition to the war is reflected in such books as Mathew Carey's "The Olive Branch; or, Faults on Both Sides" (1814) and William Sullivan's "Familiar Letters on Public Characters" (1834).

CHAPTER XII

The history of the negotiations at Ghent has been recounted by Mahan and Henry Adams, and more recently by F. A. Updyke, "The Diplomacy of the War of 1812" (1915). Aside from the "State Papers," the chief sources of information are Adams's "Life of Gallatin" and "Writings of Gallatin" the "Memoirs of John Quincy Adams," 12 vols. (1874-1877), and "Writings of John Quincy Adams" 7 vols. (1913-), edited by W. C. Ford, the "Papers of James A. Bayard, 1796-1815" (1915), edited by Elizabeth Donnan, the "Correspondence, Despatches, and Other Papers, of Viscount Castlereagh," 12 vols. (1851-53), and the "Supplementary Despatches of the Duke of Wellington," 15 vols. (1858-78). The Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. XLVIII (1915), contain the instructions of the British commissioners. "A Great Peace Maker, the Diary of James Gallatin, Secretary to Albert Gallatin" (1914) records many interesting boyish impressions of the commissioners and their labors at Ghent.

CHAPTER XIII

The want of a good biography of James Monroe is felt increasingly as one enters upon the history of his administrations. Some personal items may be gleaned from "A Narrative of a Tour of Observation Made during the Summer of 1817" (1818); and many more may be found in the "Memoirs and Writings" of John Quincy Adams. The works by Fuller and Chadwick already cited deal with the negotiations leading to the acquisition of Florida. The "Memoirs et Souvenirs" of Hyde de Neuville, 3 vols. (1893-4), supplement the record which Adams left in his diary. J. S. Bassett's "Life of Andrew Jackson," 2 vols. (1911), is far less entertaining than James Parton's "Life of Andrew Jackson," 3 vols. (1860), but much more reliable.

CHAPTER XIV

The problem of the recognition of the South American republics has been put in its historical setting by F. L. Paxson in "The Independence of the South American Republics" (1903). The relations of the United States and Spain are described by F. E. Chadwick in the work already cited and by J. H. Latane in "The United States and Latin America" (1920). To these titles may be added J. M. Callahan's "Cuba and International Relations" (1899). The studies of Worthington C. Ford have given John Quincy Adams a much larger share in formulating the Monroe Doctrine than earlier historians have accorded him. The origin of President Monroe's message is traced by Mr. Ford in "Some Original Documents on the Genesis of the Monroe Doctrine," in the "Proceedings" of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1902, and the subject is treated at greater length by him in "The American Historical Review," vols. VII and VIII. The later evolution and application of the Monroe Doctrine may be followed in Herbert Kraus's "Die Monroedoktrin in ihren Beziehungen zur Amerikanischen Diplomatie and zum Volkerrecht" (1913), a work which should be made more accessible to American readers by translation.

CHAPTER XV

The subjects touched upon in this closing chapter are treated with great skill by Frederick J. Turner in his "Rise of the New West" (1906). On the slavery controversy, an article by J. A. Woodburn, "The Historical Significance of the Missouri Compromise," in the "Report" of the American Historical Association for 1893, and an article by F. H. Hodder, "Side Lights on the Missouri Compromise," in the "Report" for 1909, may be read with profit. D. R. Dewey's "Financial History of the United States" (1903) and F. W. Taussig's "Tariff History of the United States" (revised edition, 1914) are standard manuals. Edward Stanwood's "History of the Presidency," 2 vols. (1916), contains the statistics of presidential elections. T. H. Benton's "Thirty Years' View; or, A History of the Working of American Government, 1820-1850," 2 vols. (1854-56), becomes an important source of information on congressional matters. The latter years of Jefferson's life are described by Randall and the closing years of John Adams's career by Charles Francis Adams.

THE END