The excitement in the town was intense. There was a proposition to organize immediately a force and pursue after the train, in order to capture the murderer and the Satsuma chief. It was with no small effort and with the almost unanimous sentiment of the foreign community against him, that Colonel Neale, the British charge d'affaires, restrained them from an act which would have brought quick vengeance upon the town and involved Great Britain in a war with Japan. A demand was made upon the government for the capture and punishment of the assassin of Mr. Richardson, and for the payment of an indemnity of L100,000, by the shogun's government and an additional sum by the daimyo of Satsuma.

Neither the surrender of the assassin nor the payment of this indemnity was willingly undertaken by Satsuma. It ended therefore in Admiral Kuper being despatched with a squadron of seven vessels to Kagoshima in order to enforce on the recalcitrant daimyo the terms agreed upon with the government at Yedo. He arrived on the 11th of August, 1863, and was received with frowning batteries and a terrible typhoon of wind and rain. Negotiation failed to effect a settlement and the naval force was called upon to play its part. Three valuable new steamers, which the daimyo had recently purchased, were captured and burned. The batteries which lined the shore were dismantled by the guns of the ships. The city of Kagoshima, said to have had at this time a population of 180,000 and to have been one of the most prosperous towns in Japan, was almost completely destroyed by fire. After this drastic lesson the money demanded was paid, but the murderer of Richardson was not and probably could not be surrendered, and never has been publicly known.

The most important result which followed this severe experience was its moral effect on the Satsuma leaders. They had become convinced that western skill and western equipments of war were not to be encountered by the antiquated methods of Japan. To contend with the foreigner on anything like equal terms it would be necessary to acquire his culture and dexterity, and avail themselves of his ships and armaments. It was not long after this therefore, that the first company of Japanese students(291) were sent to London under the late Count Terashima by the daimyo of Satsuma, and the purchase of cannon and ships of war was authorized.

In the meantime another collision still more serious had occurred with the treaty powers. The daimyo of Choshu had, as we have seen, taken sides with the court of Kyoto against the more liberal policy of the shogun's government. He had placed men-of-war as guards and had erected batteries within his territory on the shores of the Shimonoseki straits through which ships usually passed on their way to and from the western ports. It is claimed, and is not improbable, that he was encouraged by the Kyoto statesmen to attack foreign ships on their way through these narrow straits, in order to embroil the Yedo government with the treaty powers.

Accordingly on the 25th of June, 1863 the Pembroke, a small American merchant steamer on her way from Yokohama to Nagasaki was fired upon by two men-of-war belonging to the daimyo of Choshu. She was not hit or hurt and escaped through the Bungo channel without injury. Shortly afterwards, on the 8th of July, the French gunboat Kienchang while at anchor in the straits, was also fired upon and severely injured. And lastly the Dutch ship-of-war Medusa, in spite of a warning from the Kienchang, undertook to pass the straits and was fired upon by the ships and batteries of the daimyo of Choshu, to which she responded with decisive effect.

News of these hostile acts was brought immediately to Yokohama. The U. S. Steamship Wyoming was lying there, and was at once despatched to avenge the insult to the American flag. She arrived at Shimonoseki on July 16th, and in a conflict with ships and batteries sunk a brig and exploded the boiler of a steamer. On the 20th inst. the French frigate Semiramis and the gunboat Tancrede under the command of Admiral Juares arrived to exact vengeance for the attack on the Kienchang. One of the batteries was silenced, and a force of two hundred and fifty men were landed who destroyed what remained.

These acts of signal vengeance were followed by negotiations for damages. The shogun's government disavowed the actions of their rebellious subordinate; but this did not free them from responsibility for the injuries which he had inflicted. The American minister secured the payment of twelve thousand dollars for alleged losses by the Pembroke, although as we have seen the vessel got off without any damage. Negotiations in regard to freeing the Inland sea from obstructions dragged along for almost a year. The bakufu promised to take measures to reduce to a peaceful attitude the daimyo of Choshu whose territories bordered on the narrow straits of Shimonoseki. But the growing political disturbances of the nation and the impoverishment of the shogun's treasury made it impossible to carry out its pacific designs.

Finally an expedition was organized by the treaty powers to visit Shimonoseki, in order to destroy whatever might be in existence there. It consisted of nine British(292) ships-of-war, four Dutch, three French, and one steamer, chartered for the occasion to represent the United States.(293) It sailed from Yokohama on the 28th and 29th of August, 1864. The attack was made from the 5th to the 8th of September. The daimyo, finding it useless to contend against such overwhelming odds, gave in his absolute submission.

After the return of the expedition the representatives of the allied powers held a conference with the Japanese ministers of foreign affairs with reference to the final settlement of this unfortunate business. A convention(294) was entered into between the interested parties, dated the 22d of October, 1864, by which an indemnity of three million dollars was to be paid by Japan to the four powers for damages and for expenses entailed by the operations against the daimyo of Choshu. This sum was to be paid in instalments of half a million dollars each. The four powers agreed among themselves as to the division of this indemnity: That France, the Netherlands, and the United States, in consideration of the actual attacks made on their shipping, were to receive each one hundred and forty thousand dollars, and that the remaining sum should be divided equally between the four powers.

It has always been felt that the exaction of this large indemnity was a harsh if not an unwarrantable proceeding. The government of Yedo had disavowed and apologized for the conduct of the rebellious daimyo, and promised, if time were allowed, to reduce him to subjection. Of the powers which were allied in the expedition, Great Britain had suffered no damage, and the United States had already received an indemnity for the injuries and expenses of the vessel fired upon. To insist, therefore, upon the government not only paying for the damage inflicted, but for the expense of an unnecessarily large and costly expedition to suppress the rebellious subordinate, which was sent contrary to the express protest of the responsible government, seems too much like that overbearing diplomacy with which western nations have conducted their intercourse in the East.(295) The promised sum, however, was at last, after much financial distress, all paid, and the painful episode was ended.

One undesigned benefit resulted from the Shimonoseki expedition. Just as the bombardment of Kagoshima had taught the daimyo of Satsuma the folly of resisting western armaments, so now the daimyo of Choshu had learned by an expensive experience the same bitter lesson. For the future these two powerful clans might therefore be counted on, not only to oppose the moribund government of Yedo, but to withstand the folly of trying to expel the foreigners who by treaty with an unauthorized agent had been admitted into the country. The Choshu leaders had also taken advantage of their experiences in this conflict with foreigners to put their troops on a better basis as regards arms and organization. For the first time the privilege of the samurai to do all the fighting, was disregarded, and a division(296) of troops was formed from the common people, which was armed with foreign muskets and drilled in the western tactics. They went by the name of "irregular troops" (kiheitai), and played no small part in rendering nugatory the efforts of the shogun to "chastise" the daimyo of Choshu in 1865 and 1866.

Another noteworthy military event deserves mention here. Colonel Neale had applied to his government for a military guard to protect British interests at Yokohama. Two companies of the 20th regiment were sent from Hongkong, and with the consent of the Japanese government took up their residence in 1864 at barracks in the foreign settlement. They were afterwards joined by a French contingent, and for many years they were a familiar sight, and gave a sense of security to the nervous residents.

While these serious collisions were taking place between Japan and the foreign powers, there was an increasing and irreconcilable animosity developed between the Kyoto and Yedo governments. The ostensible reason, which was put forward on all occasions, was the difference of opinion upon the question of the foreign treaties and foreign intercourse. The Yedo government had by the force of circumstances become practically familiar with the views of the representatives of foreign nations, and had been convinced that the task of expelling foreigners and returning again to the ancient policy of seclusion was far beyond the power of Japan. On the contrary, the court of the emperor was a hot-bed of anti-foreign sentiment in which all the ancient prejudices of the empire naturally flourished, and where the feudal princes who were jealous of the shogun found a ready element in which to foment difficulties.

Two important games were in progress. Yedo was the field on which one of these was to be decided, and the players were the representatives of the treaty powers on the one side, and the shogun's government on the other. Victory had already been virtually declared in favor of an open country and foreign intercourse. The other game was being played at Kyoto between the shogun's friends and his enemies. The stake was a momentous one, namely, to determine whether the present dual government was to continue and who was hereafter to wield the destinies of the empire.

The government of the shogun had long been convinced that it was necessary to make the best of the presence of foreigners in the country and that it was vain to make further exertions for their expulsion. But a vast number of the feudal retainers of the daimyos were still bitterly hostile, and took frequent occasion to commit outrages, for which the government was held responsible. Besides the cases which have been already mentioned, a new legation which the British government had built in Gotenyama, a site which the Japanese government had set apart in Yedo for foreign legations, was burned to the ground in 1863. In the same year the temple buildings in Yedo which the United States had leased for a legation were burned. Twice the shogun's castle in Yedo had been destroyed by fire. A murderous attack was made upon British subjects in Nagasaki; Lieutenant de Cannes of the French troops was assassinated in 1864; and in the same year Major Baldwin and Lieutenant Bird, two British officers, were murdered at Kamakura.

These repeated outrages seriously disturbed the Yedo government, and led to several attempts to curtail the privileges which by the treaties were secured to foreigners. The last proposition of the kind which was made was one conveyed to the French government by an embassy sent out in 1864. They presented a request to have the port of Kanagawa closed up and trade to be confined to Hakodate and Nagasaki. They received no encouragement, however, and returned with their eyes "opened by the high state of material and moral prosperity which surrounded them," and reported the complete failure of their attempts at persuasion. "The bakufu reprimanded them for having disgraced their functions, and, reducing their incomes, forced them to retire into private life."(297)

It is necessary now to trace the course of events at Kyoto. According to the theory of the government of Japan the emperor was the supreme and unlimited ruler and the shogun was his executive. The maintenance of the emperor and his court was a function of the shogun, and hence it was almost always possible for him to compel the emperor to pursue any policy which he might desire.

At the time now under review Komei, the father of the present emperor, occupied the imperial throne. He had succeeded to this dignity in 1847 at the age of eighteen, and he died in 1866 at the age of thirty-seven. The shogun was Iemochi, who in 1858 had been chosen from the family of Kii, because of the failure of an heir in the regular line. At the time of his election he was a boy of twelve years of age, and was placed under the guardianship of the prime minister Ii Kamon-no-kami. After the assassination of the prime minister in 1861, Hitotsubashi Gyobukyo, a son of the daimyo of Mito, was appointed guardian, and served in this capacity until the shogun's death.

Around the court of the emperor were gathered many discordant elements. The party of the shogun was always represented, and the daimyo of Aizu, its ardent friend and champion, had the honorable distinction of guarding the imperial palace. By invitation many other daimyos were at Kyoto with retinues of officers and attendants, and with guards of troops. The southern and western daimyos were present in imposing numbers, and although they did not always agree among themselves, they were in harmony in the general purpose to discredit the government at Yedo and to promote the imperial authority.

The expulsion of foreigners was the common subject of discussion and agitation. Although again and again it had been assured that it was impossible to dislodge the treaty powers from their position in the country, the court still continued to direct its efforts to this object. For the first time in two hundred and thirty years,(298) when Iemitsu went up to the imperial court, the Shogun Iemochi visited Kyoto in 1863 in order to consult about the affairs of the country. In accordance with the precedent set by Iemitsu, the shogun distributed on this occasion rich presents to the emperor and the officers of his court. He also scattered among the townspeople his largesses, until "the whole populace, moistened in the bath of his mercy and goodness, were greatly pleased and gratified."(299)

Conferences(300) were held between the daimyos who were present in Kyoto and the officials of the court, and in spite of the objections and remonstrances of the Yedo official, an imperial edict was issued and entrusted to the shogun for execution, to expel from the country the hated foreigners. This edict was notified to the representatives of the treaty powers by the Yedo officials. They seemed, however, to regard their duty fully done when this notice was given. No serious steps were ever taken to carry out these expulsive measures, unless the obstruction of navigation of the Shimonoseki straits by the daimyo of Choshu be regarded of this character.

In 1863 a plot was alleged to have been formed by the Choshu men to seize the emperor and carry him off to their own territory. The object aimed at by this plot was of course to get the court out of the hands of the shogun's friends, and surround it by influences favorable to the plans of the southern daimyos. The court, however, became alarmed by the reports in circulation, and steps were taken to forbid the Choshu troops, who guarded Sakaimachi gate, access to the grounds of the imperial palace. Offended by this action they retired to their own territory. Seven of the most prominent court nobles (kuges)(301) who sympathized with Choshu in his aims and purposes accompanied them, and were thereupon deprived of their rank and revenue.

The departure of the Choshu clansmen and the triumph of the shogun's party seemed to have put an end to the anti-foreign policy. The emperor and his court had been forced to the conclusion that the effort to expel the treaty powers was far beyond the powers of Japan, even if it were united and its exertions directed from one centre. From this time may be estimated to begin a new phase in the contest which was to end in the restoration of the original form of government.

The territory of Choshu had become the rendezvous for all the disaffected elements of the empire. The daimyo was looked upon as the patriotic leader of the country, and ronins from all parts hastened to enroll themselves under his banner. In the summer of 1864 the Choshu forces, to the number of several thousand, composed not only of the samurai of the province, but also of the disaffected ronins who had gathered there, and of the "irregular troops," kiheitai, which had been organized, started to re-enter Kyoto in order to regain the position they had previously occupied. The contest which followed has been described with lurid distinctness by native annalists. They were encountered by Hitotsubashi in command of the troops of Aizu, Echizen, Hikone, and other loyal clans. After a battle which lasted several days, and which raged chiefly about the imperial palace, the Choshu troops were completely defeated and forced to retire. It gives us an idea of the terrible earnestness of these Japanese warriors to read how a little remnant of the Choshu troops took refuge on Tennozan; and when they heard their pursuers approaching, how seventeen of them committed hara-kiri(302); and lest their heads should be recognized and their names disgraced, how they had thrown themselves into the flames of a temple which they had set on fire. Three of the company who had performed the friendly act of decapitation for their comrades had escaped by mountain roads and made their way back to Choshu.



Kido Takeyoshi.

The usual concomitant of fighting in a town had followed, and a great part of Kyoto had been destroyed by fire.(303) The Satsuma troops had taken an important part in this repulse of Choshu. They had intervened at a very critical moment, and had captured a considerable number of Choshu prisoners. But they had treated them with great consideration, and subsequently had even sent them home with presents, so that the Choshu men felt they really had friends instead of enemies in the warlike southern clan. It is in this battle we catch the first glimpse of the Choshu leader, Kido Takeyoshi, then known as Katsura Kogoro.(304) He must have been about thirty-four years of age, and already gave promise of the talents which made him one of the most conspicuous and influential statesmen of the restoration.

In 1865 Sir Harry Parkes arrived in Japan as the envoy plenipotentiary of the British government. He had resided in China from boyhood, and had been especially conspicuous in the war between China and Great Britain in 1860. His career in Japan continued until 1883, when he was promoted to the court of Peking. He had the good fortune to be the representative of his country during the most momentous years of modern Japanese history, and in many of the most important events he exerted an influence which was decisive.



Udaijin Iwakura Tomomi.

The troubles in Choshu were finally brought to a close. The efforts of the shogun, although conducted at great expense, were unavailing. Satsuma, when summoned to render aid in crushing the rebellious prince, declined to join in the campaign. Through the efforts of Saigo Kichinoske,(305) a treaty of amity was effected between the two clans. The kind treatment of the Choshu prisoners in the attack on Kyoto was remembered, and the help and alliance of the powerful Kyushu clan were eagerly accepted. Peace was negotiated between the shogun and the rebels. Thus the Choshu episode was ended, with no credit to the shogun's party, but with a distinct gain to the cause of the imperial restoration.(306)

It had long been recognized that the treaties which had been made by the foreign powers would possess a greatly increased influence on the Japanese people if they could have the sanction of the emperor. The shogun Iemochi had been summoned to Kyoto by the emperor to consult upon the concerns of the nation, and was occupying his castle at Osaka. The representatives of the foreign powers thereupon concluded that it would be a timely movement to proceed with their naval armaments to Hyogo, and wait upon the shogun at Osaka, with the purpose of urging him to obtain the imperial approval of the treaties. This was accordingly done, and an impressive display of the allied fleets was made at the town, which has since been opened to foreign trade.

The shogun was both young and irresolute, and personally had neither weight nor influence. But his guardian, Hitotsubashi, was a man of mature years and judgment. He recognized the importance of obtaining the approval of the emperor to the foreign treaties, and of thus ending the long and ruinous agitation which prevailed in the country.

A memorial(307) was presented to the emperor in the name of the shogun, setting forth the embarrassment under which the administration of the country had been conducted on account of the supposed opposition of the emperor to the treaties, and begging him to relieve them by signifying his sanction; and assuring him that if this is not given, the foreign representatives who are at Hyogo will proceed to the capital and demand it at his hands.

It ended in the sanction of the treaties being signified October 23, 1865, by the following laconic decree(308) addressed to the shogun: "The imperial consent is given to the treaties, and you will therefore undertake the necessary arrangements therewith."

During this critical time the Shogun Iemochi died September 19, 1866, at his castle in Osaka at the age of eighteen. He had been chosen in 1858, in the absence of a regular heir, by the determined influence of Ii Kamon-no-kami, who was then all-powerful at Yedo. He was too young to have any predominating influence upon affairs. Until the assassination of the prime minister Ii Kamon-no-kami in 1861 the boy shogun had been under his guardianship. Since then that duty had been devolved upon Hitotsubashi, a son of the diamyo of Mito, who had been himself strongly pressed for the office of shogun, but who was alleged to be too mature and resolute a character for the prime minister's purposes. As guardian, Hitotsubashi had taken an active part in the effort to obtain the sanction of the treaties, and the final success of this important step must in a great measure be attributed to him.

After the death of Iemochi without direct heirs, the office of shogun was offered to Hitotsubashi as a representative of Mito, one of the "honorable families" from whom a shogun was to be chosen in case of a failure of direct heirs. It is said that he accepted the office with great reluctance, knowing the troubles which would surely await him who assumed it. He assented only on the command of the emperor and the assurance of support from many of the diamyos. He has thus the distinction of becoming the last of the long line of Tokugawa shoguns, under the name of Tokugawa Yoshinobu.(309)

A few months after the death of Iemochi, on the 3d of February, 1867, Emperor Komei also died from an attack of small-pox. He is said to have been strongly prejudiced against foreigners and foreign intercourse, and it was claimed at the time of his death, that when he sanctioned the foreign treaties the divine nature left him to fall a prey to the ravages of ordinary disease. His son Mutsuhito, then in his fifteenth year, succeeded him and is now the reigning emperor, the one hundred and twenty-first of his line.



The Reigning Emperor.

It was thought that the death of an emperor of strong prejudices and of a mature age would naturally favor a more complete control by the new shogun. It was not to be anticipated that an emperor, still only a youth, would pursue the same policy as his father, and undertake to assume a real and active part in the government of his country. But the shogun and his friends underrated the influences which were gathered at Kyoto, and which now went far beyond an anti-foreign sentiment and were chiefly concerned with schemes for restoring the imperial power and unifying the form of government.

The daimyo of Tosa, who was a man of liberal sentiments and of great penetration, addressed a letter to the shogun in October, 1867, in which he frankly says: "The cause [of our trouble] lies in the fact that the administration proceeds from two centres, causing the empire's eyes and ears to be turned in two different directions. The march of events has brought about a revolution, and the old system can no longer be persevered in. You should restore the governing power into the hands of the sovereign and so lay a foundation on which Japan may take its stand as the equal of other countries."(310)



Imperial Crests.

The shogun being deeply impressed with the wisdom of this advice drew up a document addressed to his vassals, asking their opinion of the advisability of his resignation. Among other things he says: "It appears to me that the laws cannot be maintained in face of the daily extension of our foreign relations, unless the government be conducted by one head, and I propose therefore to surrender the whole governing power into the hands of the imperial court. This is the best I can do for the interests of the empire."(311) According to this announced resolution, on the 19th of November, 1867, the shogun resigned into the hands of the emperor his authority. This surrender was accepted, and thus a dynasty which had lasted from 1603 came to an end. That this surrender might be declined and the power still continue to be held by the Tokugawa, was perhaps the hope and wish of the last shogun. But it was not to be. The powerful clans who for years had labored for the destruction of the Tokugawa primacy were ready to undertake the responsibility of a new government. And although the change was not to be effected without a struggle, yet from this point may be counted to begin the new period of the restoration.



CHAPTER XV. THE RESTORED EMPIRE.

The resignation of the shogun was accepted by the emperor, on the understanding that a conference of the daimyos was to be called and its opinion taken in reference to the subsequent conduct of affairs. In the meantime the ex-shogun, under the command of the emperor, was to continue the administration, particularly of those interests which concerned the foreign powers. But the allied western daimyos feared the effect of leaving the administration in the hands of their enemies. The possession of the person of the emperor was always reckoned an important advantage. Especially was this the case when the emperor was only a boy, whose influence in the affairs of the government could have little weight. They resolved, therefore, to take measures which would definitely ensure the termination of the shogun's power, and secure for themselves the result for which they had been so long laboring.

On January 3, 1868, by a so-called order of the emperor,(312) but really by the agreement of the allied daimyos, the troops of the Aizu clan, who were in charge of the palace gates, were dismissed from their duty, and their place assumed by troops of the clans of Satsuma, Tosa, Aki, Owari, and Echizen. The kuges who surrounded the court and who were favorable to the Tokugawa party were discharged and forbidden to enter its precincts. The vacant places were filled by adherents of the new order of things. The offices of kwambaku and shogun were by imperial edict abolished. A provisional plan of administration was adopted and persons of adequate rank appointed to conduct the several departments. "A decree was issued announcing that the government of the country was henceforth solely in the hands of the imperial court."(313)

One of the first acts of the new government was to recall the daimyo of Choshu, who had been expelled from Kyoto, in 1863, and to invite back the kuges who had been exiled and deprived of their revenues and honors. The sentence of confiscation which had been pronounced upon them was abrogated and they were restored to their former privileges. One of them, Sanjo Saneyoshi, as prime minister spent the remainder of his life in reviving the ancient and original form of government. The Choshu troops who had been driven out of the capital in 1863, were recalled and given a share with the loyal clans in guarding the palace of the emperor.

This powerful clan,(314) which had suffered such a varied experience, was destined to take and maintain a leading position in the future development of the restored empire.

The Aizu and other clans which had been devoted friends of the Tokugawa shoguns were especially outraged by this conciliatory spirit shown to the Choshu troops. They claimed that this clan by resisting the imperial commands had merited the opprobrious title of rebels (chotoki), and were no longer fit for the association of loyal clans. But the Choshu daimyo had been restored to the favor of his emperor, and moreover was allied with the clans whose power was paramount at Kyoto, so that the disapprobation of the Tokugawa adherents had little terror for him.

At the suggestion of his friends the shogun retired to his castle at Osaka, and the troops attached to his cause also retreated and gathered under his standard. The situation of affairs was for a time uncertain. The shogun had resigned, and his resignation had been accepted, but he had been asked by the emperor to continue his administration. Subsequently, under the pressure of the allied clans, the emperor had abolished the shogunate and entrusted the administration to a provisional government. This last action the friends of the ex-shogun resented as the doings of revolutionists. It is believed that he himself was averse to further conflict. Any step which he might take in the vindication of his rights must involve war with the allied clans, and he was not a man of war.

While these critical events were taking place, the representatives of foreign powers came down from Yedo to Hyogo with an impressive array of men-of-war. By invitation of the ex-shogun they visited him at Osaka. In reply to the representatives he made an address,(315) complaining of the arbitrary conduct of those who now had possession of the imperial person, and notifying them that he was willing and able to protect their rights under the treaties, and asking them to await the action of a conference to be summoned. In consequence of the conflict which was now imminent, the representatives of the treaty powers issued a notice to their citizens that neutrality must be maintained under all circumstances, and arms and ammunition must not be sold to either party.

The first armed conflict between the two parties took place during the closing days of January, 1868. Two of the allied daimyos, Owari and Echizen, were sent to Osaka to confer with the ex-shogun, in the hope that some terms might be agreed upon, by which further difficulty could be avoided. They were both Tokugawa daimyos, Owari belonging to one of the go-sanke families, and Echizen being a descendant of Ieyasu's son. They offered to the ex-shogun an honorable appointment, and if he would come to Kyoto they assured him a ready audience before the emperor. He promised to obey the emperor's command and visit the capital.

After the envoys had gone his friends raised suspicions in his mind concerning his personal safety. The daimyos of Aizu and Kuwana offered to accompany him in case he determined to go. They organized, therefore, a force of about 10,000 men with which they proposed to escort him. He must have known that a formidable military escort like this would precipitate a conflict. However, he set out. The news of the preparations of the ex-shogun was brought to Kyoto, and aroused a determination to resist his invasion of the capital. He had been invited to the palace by the emperor, but he was to come as a peaceful visitor. If he had determined to come with a guard composed of the enemies of the empire he must be resisted.

Troops of the Satsuma and Choshu clans were, therefore, posted to intercept the march of the ex-shogun's escort. It is believed that they numbered about 1,500(316) men. The fighting took place on the roads leading from Osaka to Kyoto, and lasted during the 28th, 29th, and 30th of January. It ended in the complete defeat of the rebel army, although it so far outnumbered its adversaries.

The ex-shogun being thus disappointed in his plan to enter the capital with a commanding force retired to his castle at Osaka, from which he proceeded on a steam corvette to Yedo.(317) The castle at Osaka was burnt, and the defeated troops made their way by land to the same rendezvous. The antipathy existing between the Satsuma clan and the Tokugawa adherents showed itself in a very pronounced manner in Yedo. The Satsuma yashiki, which was occupied by troops of that clan and by ronins favorable to them was surrounded by Tokugawa troops and burnt. Collisions between the two parties were of constant occurrence, which continued until the arrival of the imperial troops restored order. In Hyogo too, which with Osaka was opened to foreign trade on the first of January, 1868, there were difficulties between the foreigners and anti-foreign element in the population. But these troubles rapidly disappeared, because the new government took pains at once to make it plain that the treaties with foreign powers were to be kept, and outrages committed against those who were in the country under these treaties were not to be tolerated.

On February 8, 1868, the emperor sent to the foreign representatives a request that they communicate to their governments the fact that hereafter the administration of both internal and external affairs would be conducted by him, and that officers would be appointed to conduct the business which may arise under the foreign treaties.

In token of the sincerity of this communication an invitation was conveyed to the representatives of the powers then at Hyogo to present themselves before the emperor on March 23d. The significance of this event can scarcely now be conceived. Never before in the history of the empire had its divine head deigned to admit to his presence the despised foreigner, or put himself on an equality with the sovereign of the foreigner. The event created in the ancient capital the utmost excitement. The French and Dutch ministers had each in turn been conducted to the palace and had been received in audience. No serious incident had occurred. But during the progress of Sir Harry Parkes,(318) the British representative, from his lodgings to the palace, two fanatical samurai rushed upon his escort, and before they could be overpowered wounded nine of them. One of the would-be assassins was killed and the other was captured after being desperately wounded. The party returned at once to the lodgings of the envoy who fortunately was uninjured.

The court, by whose invitation the ministers had undertaken to present themselves before the emperor, was overwhelmed with mortification. High officers at once waited upon Sir Harry and tendered their sympathy and profound regret. After making every reparation in their power, arrangements were made to hold the audience on the day following that originally appointed. It was held accordingly without further incident. Warned by this alarming occurrence, the government issued an edict, that as the treaties had now been sanctioned by the emperor, the protection of foreigners was henceforth his particular care; that if therefore any samurai were to be guilty of an outrage against them, he should be degraded from his rank, and denied the honorable privilege of committing hara-kiri; he should suffer the punishment of a common criminal and have his head exposed in token of dishonor. Miyeda Shigeru, the surviving culprit, was thus punished.

The scene of the brief contest was now shifted to the east. The ex-shogun seemed to vacillate between a complete surrender of his power and a provisional retention of it until the will of the nation could be taken by a conference of the daimyos. On the arrival of the imperial forces in Yedo the final terms of his future treatment were announced to the ex-shogun: That he retire to Mito, and there live in seclusion; that the castle in Yedo be evacuated; and that the vessels and armaments now in the possession of the ex-shogun be surrendered. These terms were accepted, and he took up his residence in his ancestral province of Mito. Subsequently he was permitted to remove to the castle of Sumpu at Shizuoka. With him the dynasty of Tokugawa shoguns vanishes from history.

His adherents, however, still continued to resist the imperial forces. For months the Aizu troops hovered about Yedo, and at last came to blows with the imperial troops at the grounds of the Uyeno temple on July 4, 1868. It was a hard-fought battle, and was at last decided by an Armstrong gun in the hands of the Hizen troops. The fine old temple was destroyed, and the rebel forces withdrew to the north.

Further complications arose—fighting at Utsunomiya, etc.,—but at last they were ended by the surrender of the castle of Wakamatsu, where the daimyo of Aizu had made a stand. With generous fortitude he took the blame upon himself and submitted to the clemency of his sovereign.

It is only necessary now in order to bring to a close the account of this short military contest, to refer to the movements of the fleet lying at Shinagawa. It will be remembered that by the terms accepted by the ex-shogun these vessels were to be surrendered to the imperial forces. There were seven of them, mounting in all eighty-three guns. They were under the command of Enomoto Izumi-no-kami, who had learned in Holland the science of naval war. He did not approve of his master surrendering these muniments of war. On the morning of the day when the vessels were to be delivered over to the imperial commander, they had disappeared from their anchorage. In the night Enomoto had got up steam, crept out through Yedo bay, and sailed northward to more friendly climes. The imperial fleet followed, and after some manoeuvring at Sendai proceeded to Hakodate. Here the warlike operations between the rebels and the imperial troops lasted till July, 1869. Finally, the leaders, Enomoto and Matsudaira Taro, seeing that it was hopeless to contend longer against a constantly increasing enemy, offered to commit hara-kiri, in order that their followers might be saved by a surrender. Their unselfish purpose was not, however, permitted. Then it was determined that the two leaders should give themselves up to the besiegers, to save the rest. This was done. The prisoners were sent to Yedo, and their gallant conduct and heroic devotion to the cause of their prince were so keenly appreciated that they were all pardoned.

While these events were transpiring in the east and north, the work of establishing a system of administration was proceeded with at Kyoto.

A constitution was drawn up, detailing the various departments of the government, and the duties of the officers in each. These departments were: 1. Of supreme administration; 2. of the Shinto religion; 3. of home affairs; 4. of foreign affairs; 5. of war; 6. of finance; 7. of judicial affairs; 8. of legislative affairs. This scheme underwent several changes, and for a long time was regarded as only tentative.

The ablest men in the movements which were now in progress were afraid of the traditions of indulgence and effeminacy which attached to the court at Kyoto. In order to restore the government to a true and self-respecting basis, it seemed necessary to cut loose from the centuries of seclusion in which the emperor had remained, and enter upon the work of governing the empire as a serious and solemn task. It was in this spirit that Okubo Toshimichi of Satsuma, one of the ablest of the statesmen of the new era, made in 1868 a novel and startling proposition. It was in a memorial(319) addressed by him to the emperor. He proposed that the emperor should abandon the traditions which had grown up respecting his person and his court, and rule his empire with personal supervision. To do this successfully, he recommended that the capital be transferred from the place of its degrading superstitions to a new home. He suggested that Osaka be the place selected.

If the emperor's court had been under the same influences as had governed it in past years, such a proposition would have been received with horror. Perhaps even the bold proposer would have been deemed fit for the ceremony of hara-kiri. But the men who surrounded the emperor belonged to a different school, and the emperor himself, although he was still an inexperienced youth, had already begun to breathe the freer air of a new life. The proposition was welcomed, and led to the great change which followed. After discussion and consideration it was determined that the emperor should make his residence not in Osaka, which would have been a great and impressive change, but in Yedo, where for two hundred and fifty years the family of Ieyasu had wielded the destinies of the empire. By this change more than any other was emphasized the fact that hereafter the executive as well as the ultimate power was to be found in the same imperial hands.

Acting on these principles the emperor followed his victorious army and, November 26, 1869, arrived at Yedo and took up his residence in the castle. Reports were made to him of the complete settlement of all difficulties in the north and the establishment of peace. In token of his arrival the name of Yedo had been changed to Tokyo(320) (eastern capital), by which name it has since been known. As a compensation to the disappointed and disheartened citizens of Kyoto, their city received the corresponding designation of Saikyo (western capital). The year-period, which from January, 1865, had borne the name of Keio, had been changed to Meiji(321) (Enlightened Peace), and was fixed to begin from January, 1868. Heretofore the year-periods had been changed whenever it seemed desirable to mark a fortunate epoch. But by the edict establishing the Meiji year-period, it was settled that hereafter an emperor was to make but one change in the year-period during his reign.

The emperor returned to the western capital during the spring of 1869 for a brief visit. The usual etiquette of mourning for his father required his presence at the imperial tomb. He also availed himself of this visit to wed the present empress, who was a princess of the house of Ichijo,(322) one of the ancient families descended from the Fujiwara. He came back again in April, but there was so much opposition on the part of the inhabitants of the ancient capital to the complete loss of their emperor, that it was deemed most prudent for the newly married empress to remain behind. She did not set out for Tokyo to join her husband until the November following, where she arrived without incident.

A surprising reminiscence of the Christianity which was supposed to have been extinguished in the seventeenth century came to light in 1865. Several Christian communities in the neighborhood of Nagasaki(323) were discovered, who had preserved their faith for more than two hundred years. Without priests, without teachers, almost without any printed instruction, they had kept alive by tradition through successive generations a knowledge of the religion which their ancestors had professed. These communities had no doubt maintained a discreet quiet as to the tenets of their belief. They had a traditional fear of the persecution to which their fathers had been subjected and sought by silence to remain undisturbed. It was the rejoicing at their discovery which directed the attention of the government to the fire which had been so long smouldering.

A new edict of the imperial government, displayed upon the public edict-boards in 1868, first called the notice of the foreign representatives to the measures which were being taken.(324) It was as follows: "The evil sect called Christian is strictly prohibited. Suspicious persons should be reported to the proper officers, and rewards will be given." Nearly all the ministers of foreign powers remonstrated against this proclamation, as throwing discredit on the religions of their countries. The Japanese officials defended the punishment of Christians by alleging the national prejudice against them, which had come from the preceding centuries. They argued that the question was one of purely domestic concern, of which foreign nations could have no adequate knowledge, and in which they had no right to interfere.

The Christians chiefly lived in Urakami, a village near Nagasaki. They were said to number about four thousand. Orders were sent by the government from Tokyo in June, 1868, that all the families who would not recant should be deported and put in the charge of daimyos in different provinces. Only a small part of the Christians were thus exiled. The government probably dealt with greater leniency because they found the treaty powers so deeply interested. Subsequently the measures taken against the native Christians were withdrawn. In March, 1872, those who had been dispersed among the daimyos were granted permission to return to their homes, and persecution for religious belief was ended forever.

On April 17, 1869, before his court and an assembly of daimyos, the emperor took what has been called the charter oath(325) in five articles, in substance, as follows:

1. A deliberative assembly shall be formed, and all measures decided by public opinion.

2. The principles of social and political economics should be diligently studied by both the superior and inferior classes of our people.

3. Every one in the community shall be assisted to persevere in carrying out his will for all good purposes.

4. All the absurd usages of former times should be disregarded, and the impartiality and justice displayed in the workings of nature be adopted as the basis of action.

5. Wisdom and ability should be sought after in all quarters of the world for the purpose of firmly establishing the foundations of the empire.

The promise in the first article to establish a deliberative assembly was watched with the greatest solicitude. And when during the same year the kogisho(326) (parliament) was called together, great hopes were entertained of its usefulness. It was composed of persons representing each of the daimiates, who were chosen for the position by the daimyos. It was a quiet peaceful debating society,(327) whose function was to give advice to the imperial government.

That it was a thoroughly conservative body is apparent from the result of its discussion upon several of the traditional customs of Japan. On the proposition to recommend the abolition of the privilege of hara-kiri the vote stood: Ayes 3, noes 200, and not voting 6. On the proposition to abolish the wearing of swords, which was introduced and advocated by Mori Arinori, the final vote was unanimously against it in a house of 213.(328) After a short and uneventful career the kogisho was dissolved in the autumn of the same year in which it was summoned. It had been a step, but not a very important step, in the direction of parliamentary government.

We must now give an account of the most remarkable event in the modern history of Japan. We refer to the termination of feudalism by the voluntary surrender of their feudal rights on the part of the daimyos. This action was a logical consequence of the restoration of the executive power into the hands of the emperor. It was felt by the statesmen of this period that in order to secure a government which could grapple successfully with the many questions which would press upon it, there must be a centralization of the powers which were now distributed among the powerful daimyos of the empire. To bring this about by force was impossible. To discover among the princes a willingness to give up their hereditary privileges and come down to the position of a powerless aristocracy was something for which we have hitherto looked in vain.



Mori Arinori.

Doubtless the faineant condition of nearly all the daimyos at this time made the accomplishment of this event more easy. With only a few exceptions, the hereditary princes of the provinces had come to be merely the formal chiefs of their daimiates. The real power was in the hands of the energetic and capable samurai, who were employed to manage the affairs. They saw that any scheme for transferring the political authority of the daimyos to the central government would render more important their services. They would become not merely the formal administrative functionaries, but the real officers to whom responsible duties and trusts would be confided. Some of this class of subordinates had already in the new imperial government tasted the savoriness of this kind of service, and they were ready to carry out a plan which seemed to have patriotism and practicability in its favor.

The most notable circumstance in this series of events was the presentation to the emperor of an elaborate memorial signed by the daimyos of Choshu, Satsuma, Tosa, Hizen, Kaga, and others, offering him the lists of their possessions and men. This memorial(329) appeared in the official gazette March 5, 1869. Its preparation is attributed to Kido Takayoshi, and bears supreme evidence to his learning and statesmanship. With lofty eloquence the memorial exclaims: "The place where we live is the emperor's land, and the food which we eat is grown by the emperor's men. How can we make it our own? We now reverently offer up the lists of our possessions and men, with the prayer that the emperor will take good measures for rewarding those to whom reward is due and taking from those to whom punishment is due. Let the imperial orders be issued for altering and remodelling the territories of the various classes.... This is now the most urgent duty of the emperor, as it is that of his servants and children."

The example thus set by the most powerful and influential daimyos was followed rapidly by others. Two hundred and forty-one(330) of the daimyos united in asking the emperor to take back their hereditary territories. And in the end only a small number remained who had not so petitioned. Prince Azuki in his memorial says: "1. Let them restore the territories which they have received from the emperor and return to a constitutional and undivided country. 2. Let them abandon their titles and under the name of kwazoku (persons of honor) receive such properties as may serve for their wants. 3. Let the officers of the clans abandoning that title, call themselves officers of the emperor, receiving property equal to that which they have hitherto held."

In response to these memorials a decree(331) was issued by the emperor August 7, 1869, announcing the abolition of the daimiates, and the restoration of their revenues to the imperial treasury. It was also decreed that the ranks of court nobles (kuges) and of daimyos be abolished and the single rank of kwazoku be substituted.

Thus at one stroke the whole institution of feudalism which had flourished from the time of Yoritomo was cut away. The government made provision for the administration by creating prefectures (ken) to take the place of daimiates. This was done in 1871. At first the daimyos were appointed governors of the prefectures. But it was soon found that these hereditary princes were as a class utterly unfit for the chief executive offices of their old provinces. Hence, one by one other competent persons were appointed to vacancies, until it came to be understood that competence and fitness were to be the requisite qualifications for such appointments.

The financial questions involved in the suppression of the feudal system were serious and difficult. When the daimyos surrendered their fiefs, they did so with the understanding that they themselves should "receive such properties as may serve their wants,"(332) and that the emperor should take "measures for rewarding those to whom reward is due."(333) It was decided that each ex-daimyo, and each of the suzerains that were dependent on him, should receive one tenth of the amount of their income from their fiefs. The ex-daimyos received this amount free of any claims upon them for the support of the non-productive samurai, who formed the standing armies of each clan. The central government assumed all the payments to the samurai for services of whatever kind. This heavy charge of the government was met by borrowing $165,000,000,(334) which was added to the national debt. With this sum they undertook to capitalize the pensions, which was finally accomplished by a compulsory enactment. Each claimant received from the government interest-bearing bonds for the amount of his income reckoned at from five to fourteen years' purchase according to its sum. Thus to the great relief of the country the matter of pensions was disposed of.

To many of the samurai this summary settlement had unfortunate results. The lump sums which they received were often soon consumed, and they were left penniless and helpless. The traditions under which they had been trained led them to look down upon labor and trade with disdain, and rendered them unfit to enter successfully on the careers of modern life. In many cases worry and disappointment, and in others poverty and want, have been the sequels which have closely followed the poor and obsolete samurai.

Several minor but noteworthy steps in reform were taken. The ancient disqualifications of the eta and heimin were removed in 1871, and these pariahs placed on the same legal footing as the rest of the population. The first railway in Japan was opened between Yokohama and Tokyo in 1872. The European calendar, so far as it regarded the beginning of the year and the beginning of the months, was adopted in 1873. The year was still counted from Jimmu Tenno, 1873 of the Christian era corresponding to 2533 of the Japanese era, and also by the Meiji year-period, the commencement of which was from 1868.

Several international events deserve notice here. A number of Ryukyu islanders (vassals of Japan) had been shipwrecked on Formosa and some killed by the semi-savage inhabitants. To punish this cruelty, and to insure a more humane treatment in the future, the Japanese government sent an expedition under General Saigo Tsugumichi. They made short work of the inhuman tribes and enforced upon them the lesson of civility. China, who claimed a sovereignty over this island, acknowledged the service Japan had rendered, and agreed to pay an indemnity for the expenses of the expedition.

The long-pending dispute between Russia and Japan concerning the boundary in Saghalien was settled in 1875 by a treaty(335) which exchanged the Japanese claims in Saghalien for the Kurile islands (Chishima).

An unexpected attack by the Koreans upon a Japanese steamer asking coal and provisions awakened an intense excitement in Japan. An expedition after the pattern of Commodore Perry's, under the command of General Kuroda Kiyotaka, was despatched in January, 1876, to come to an understanding with the Koreans. The negotiations were entirely successful, and a treaty(336) of amity and commerce was concluded, and thus another of the secluded kingdoms of the East had been brought into the comity of nations. Then outbreaks of this kind in Saga, in Higo, in Akizuki, and in Choshu occurred, but they were all put down without difficulty or delay. The promptness with which the government dealt with these factions boded no good to the reactionary movements that were ready to break out in other places.

Although the Satsuma clan had taken the most prominent part in the destruction of the shogunate and in the restoration of an imperial government, there was in it a greater amount of conservatism and opposition to modern innovations than was to be found elsewhere. Indeed, the clan had split into two distinct parties, the one aiding in all the reforms and changes which the government was attempting to carry out, the other holding resolutely to the old feudal traditions which they saw endangered by the present attitude of the emperor's counsellors. The latter party had for its leaders Shimazu Saburo and Saigo Takamori, both of whom had played conspicuous parts in the recent history of their country. The government had tried to conciliate these two influential men and to secure their co-operation in the administration. But both had retired from Tokyo, and declined longer to share the responsibility of a course which they could not approve.

Saigo, who was the idol of the samurai, after his retirement established near Kagoshima a military school, where the young men of that class were drilled in the duties of the army. Branch schools on the same model were also carried on in several other places in the province. In all it was said that not less than 20,000 young samurai were receiving a training in these dangerous schools. They were filled with the most violent antipathy to the government and were with difficulty restrained, even by their leaders, from outbreaks in sympathy with the uprisings which elsewhere were taking place.

The government was naturally solicitous concerning these collections of inflammable material. A collision with the students over the removal of some stores of arms and ammunition, revealed their readiness to break into rebellion. It is not improbable that designing conspirators took advantage of the open and chivalric character of Saigo to push him into the initiation of hostilities. Admiral Kawamura, himself a Satsuma man and a connection of Saigo, was sent down to hold an interview with him and if possible to make a peaceful settlement. But the interview was declined. The rebellious elements were at once gathered together, and Saigo, at the head of a force of 14,000 men, started about the middle of February, 1877, on his march up the west coast of Kyushu, on his way to Tokyo. The conspirators estimated that a force of 30,000 troops could be counted on to take part in the expedition.

The first impediment in their march was the castle of Kumamoto,(337) where the government had a garrison of 2,000 to 3,000 men under General Tani. Saigo determined to reduce it before making further progress. He spent several weeks in this vain attempt. This was a precious delay for the government, which it spent in organizing and sending forward troops for opposing the advance of the rebels. All available forces were collected and put in motion to the seat of war. Prince Arisugawa-no-miya was appointed commander-in-chief and established his headquarters at Fukuoka.

The equipment of troops at the seat of government was under the supervision of General Saigo Tsugumichi, a younger brother of the rebel leader. Loyal as he was to his emperor, it was a painful task for him to organize war against his brother. With native delicacy he left to others the duty of fighting on the field, and confined himself to the less conspicuous part of gathering and sending troops as they were needed.

The rebels had besieged Kumamoto and had already reduced it to great straits. But the imperial forces came in time to its relief. There was desperate fighting, but at last the besiegers were compelled to withdraw.

They retreated toward the east coast with the apparent purpose of seeking a way to the north by Hyuga and Bungo. Promptly they were followed and confined to a defensive attitude. The most desperate battles were fought in this part of the campaign. Though disappointed and outnumbered, the rebels fought with consummate bravery. They were almost in the shadow of the mountains where their celestial ancestor was fabled to have descended upon the Japanese islands.(338) Their last stand was at Nobeoka in the northeast corner of Hyuga. Their leaders realized that to continue the contest would only cause unnecessary and hopeless slaughter.

Under these circumstances Saigo saw that to end the fighting and save his followers he must leave them. Accordingly with about two hundred of those who were personally devoted to him, he broke through the imperial line and escaped to Kagoshima. The army, finding they were forsaken, surrendered, August 19, 1877. Saigo, with his little band, entrenched himself on the summit of the hill Shiroyama overlooking Kagoshima. Here he was surrounded by the imperial forces and bombarded night and day. The veteran leader was at last wounded in the thigh, and seeing that all hope of escape was gone, he requested one of his lieutenants to perform for him the friendly office of severing his head from his body. After the capture of the stronghold, the bodies of Saigo and his comrades were discovered. Admiral Kawamura himself with tender hands washed the bloody head of his dead friend, and saw that the bodies of all were decently buried. Thus, on September 24, 1877, the last and most serious of the attempts which have been made to disturb the empire in its new career came to an end.

There was, however, one mournful sequel to this rebellion. Okubo Toshimichi, a statesman and patriot of the purest type, had from the beginning resisted the reactionary movements of his clan. At the time of the rebellion he was minister of Home Affairs and put forth all his exertions to suppress it. A baseless slander that he had sent to Satsuma hired assassins to take Saigo's life, had been used by the reckless conspirators to force the rebel leader to an outbreak. This was believed by many of the samurai, not only in Satsuma but in other provinces. On May 14, 1878, Tokyo was startled by the news that Okubo, while driving through a secluded spot in the old castle grounds, on his way to the emperor's palace, had been murdered. The assassins were from the province of Kaga, and gave as the reason for their crime their desire to avenge the death of Saigo. Japan could ill afford to spare at this time her most clear-headed statesman and her noblest and most unflinching patriot.



Okubo Toshimichi.

What followed these important events must be told in a summary manner. There was a powerful and growing party in the empire, who looked forward to a modification of the absolute form of government to which they had returned in 1868. This party was particularly aggressive in the province of Tosa. They recalled to themselves and others the solemn pledge which the emperor had given to his people in his charter oath,(339) when he announced that "a deliberative assembly shall be formed, and all measures decided by public opinion."

The ruling minds in the government feared that the people were too inexperienced and too unaccustomed to deciding and acting for themselves to be entrusted with the grave duty of constitutional government. As a preparation for so important a step local assemblies were authorized and established in 1878. Matters referring to the government of each fu and ken were to be discussed, and to a certain extent decided in these assemblies. It was believed that the experience gained in such bodies would go far towards preparing men for service in an imperial legislative body. The expectations founded on these local assemblies were realized and in a fair degree they continued to fulfil their purpose.

In further pursuance of the plan of constitutional government, the emperor, on February 11, 1889, at his palace, promulgated a constitution(340) for his people. In the presence of his cabinet and court he took a solemn oath to govern under its limitations and powers. This constitution contains seven chapters consisting of one hundred and eleven articles: Chapter I. The Emperor; II. Rights and Duties of Subjects; III. The Imperial Diet; IV. The Ministers of State and Privy Council; V. The Judicature; VI. Finance; VII. Supplementary Rules. The emperor also announced that the imperial diet would be convoked in the twenty-third year of Meiji (1890), and that the constitution would go into effect at the date of its assembling.



Ito Hirobumi.

It would seem that no great advance can be secured in Japan without the sacrifice of a valuable life. As Ii Kamon-no-kami was murdered in 1860, and as Okubo fell by the assassin's hand at the close of the Satsuma rebellion, so now on the very day when the emperor was to promulgate this liberal constitution, Viscount Mori Arinori fell a victim to the fanatical hatred of one who looked with distrust upon the progress which his country was making. No one could look, or did look, on this progress with more interest than Mori. He had so long and so earnestly advocated a liberal and tolerant policy in the councils of his country, and had been a leader in all that was high and noble, that we cannot regard, except with profound regret, his untimely death.



APPENDIX I. LIST OF EMPERORS.

(The list here printed is the official list issued by the government, and has been revised by Mr. Tateno, the Japanese Minister at Washington.)

Name. Date of Date of Age at Access. Death. Death. 1. Jimmu 660 B.C. 585 B.C. 127 2. Suizei 581 549 84 3. Annei 548 511 57 4. Itoku 510 477 77 5. Kosho 475 393 114 6. Koan 392 291 137 7. Korei 290 215 128 8. Kogen 214 158 116 9. Kaikwa 157 98 111 10. Sujin 97 30 A.D. 119 11. Suinin 29 A.D. 70 141 12. Keiko 71 130 143 13. Seimu 131 190 108 14. Chuai 192 200 52 Jingo (Empress Regent)(341) 201 269 100 15. Ojin 270 310 110 16. Nintoku 313 399 110 17. Richu 400 405 67 18. Hanzei 406 411 60 19. Inkyo 412 453 80 20. Anko 454 456 56 21. Yuriyaku 457 479 —— 22. Seinei 480 484 41 23. Kenzo 485 487 —— 24. Ninken 488 498 50 25. Muretsu 499 506 18 26. Keitai 507 531 82 27. Ankan 534 535 70 28. Senkwa 536 539 73 29. Kimmei 540 571 63 30. Bidatsu 572 585 48 31. Yomei 586 587 69 32. Sujun 588 592 73 33. Suiko (Empress) 593 628 75 34. Jomei 629 641 49 35. Kokyoku (Empress) 642 —— —— 36. Kotoku 645 654 59 37. Saimei (re-accession of 655 661 68 Kokyoku 38. Tenji 668 671 58 39. Kobun 672 672 25 40. Temmu 673 686 65 41. Jito (Empress) 690 702 58 42. Mommu 697 707 25 43. Gemmyo (Empress) 708 721 61 44. Gensho (Empress) 715 748 69 45. Shomu 724 756 56 46. Koken (Empress) 749 —— —— 47. Junnin 759 765 33 48. Koken (re-enthroned) 765 770 53 49. Konin 770 781 73 50. Kwammu 782 806 70 51. Heijo 806 824 51 52. Saga 810 842 57 53. Ninna 824 840 55 54. Nimmyo 834 850 41 55. Montoku 851 858 32 56. Seiwa 859 880 31 57. Yozei 877 949 82 58. Koko 885 887 58 59. Uda 888 931 65 60. Daigo 898 930 46 61. Shujaku 931 952 30 62. Muragami 947 967 42 63. Reizei 968 1011 62 64. Enyu 970 991 33 65. Kwazan 985 1008 41 66. Ichiyo 987 1011 32 67. Sanjo 1012 1017 42 68. Go-Ichijo 1017 1028 29 69. Go-Shujaku 1037 1045 37 70. Go-Reizei 1047 1068 44 71. Go-Sanjo 1069 1073 40 72. Shirakawa 1073 1129 77 73. Horikawa 1087 1107 29 74. Toba 1108 1156 54 75. Shutoku 1124 1164 46 76. Konoye 1142 1155 17 77. Go-Shirakawa 1156 1192 66 78. Nijo 1159 1165 23 79. Rokujo 1166 1176 13 80. Takakura 1169 1181 21 81. Antoku 1181 1185 15 82. Go-Toba 1186 1239 60 83. Tsuchi-mikado 1199 1231 37 84. Juntoku 1211 1242 46 85. Chukyo 1222 1234 17 86. Go-Horikawa 1221 1234 23 87. Yojo 1232 1242 12 88. Go-Saga 1242 1272 53 89. Go Fukakusa 1246 1304 62 90. Kameyama 1259 1305 57 91. Go-Uda 1274 1324 58 92. Fushimi 1288 1317 53 93. Go-Fushimi 1298 1336 49 94. Go-Nijyo 1301 1308 24 95. Hanazono 1308 1348 52 96. Go-Daigo 1318 1339 52 97. Go-Murakami 1339 1368 41 98. Go-Kameyama 1373 1424 78 99. Go-Komatsu 1382 1433 57 100. Shoko 1414 1428 28 101. Go-Hanazono 1429 1470 52 102. Go-Tsuchi-mikado 1465 1500 59 103. Go-Kashiwabara 1521 1526 63 104. Go-Nara 1536 1557 62 105. Ogimachi 1560 1593 77 106. Go-Yojo 1586 1617 47 107. Go-Mizuo 1611 1680 85 108. Myosho (Empress) 1630 1696 74 109. Go-Komyo 1643 1654 22 110. Go-Nishio 1656 1685 49 111. Reigen 1663 1732 79 112. Higashiyama 1687 1709 35 113. Naka-mikado 1710 1737 37 114. Sakuramachi 1720 1750 31 115. Momozono 1747 1762 22 116. Go-Sakuramachi (Empress) 1763 1813 74 117. Go-Momozono 1771 1779 22 118. Kokaku 1780 1840 70 119. Jinko 1817 1846 47 120. Komei 1847 1867 37 121. Mutsuhito (reigning 1868 emperor)



APPENDIX II. LIST OF YEAR PERIODS.(342)

Name. Japanese Era. Christian Era. Taikwa 1305 645 Hakuchi 1310 650 Saimei 1315 655 Tenji 1322 662 Sujaku 1332 672 Hakuho 1333 673 Sucho 1346 686 Jito 1347 687 Momm 1357 697 Daiho 1361 701 Keiun 1364 704 Wado 1368 708 Reiki 1375 715 Yoro 1377 717 Jinki 1384 724 Tembio 1389 729 Tembio shoho 1409 749 Tembio hoji 1417 757 Tembio jingo 1425 765 Jingo keiun 1427 767 Hoki 1430 770 Teno 1441 781 Enriaku 1442 782 Daido 1466 806 Konin 1470 810 Tencho 1484 824 Jowa 1494 834 Kajo 1508 848 Ninju 1511 851 Saiko 1514 854 Tenan 1517 857 Jogwan 1519 859 Gwangio 1537 877 Ninna 1545 885 Kwampei 1549 889 Shotai 1558 898 Engi 1561 901 Encho 1583 923 Johei 1591 931 Tengio 1598 938 Tenriaku 1607 947 Tentoku 1617 957 Owa 1621 961 Koho 1624 964 Anna 1628 968 Tenroku 1630 970 Ten-en 1633 973 Jogen 1636 976 Tengen 1638 978 Eikwan 1643 983 Kwanna 1645 985 Ei-en 1647 987 Eiso 1649 989 Shoriaku 1650 990 Chotoku 1655 995 Choho 1659 999 Kwanko 1664 1004 Chowa 1672 1012 Kwannin 1677 1017 Ji-an 1681 1021 Manju 1684 1024 Chogen 1688 1028 Choriaku 1697 1037 Chokiu 1700 1040 Kwantoku 1704 1044 Eijo 1706 1046 Tengi 1713 1053 Kohei 1718 1058 Jiriaku 1725 1065 Enkiu 1729 1069 Joho 1734 1074 Joriaku 1737 1077 Eiho 1741 1081 Otoku 1744 1084 Kwanji 1747 1087 Kaho 1754 1094 Eicho 1756 1096 Jotoku 1757 1097 Kowa 1759 1099 Choji 1764 1104 Kajo 1766 1106 Tennin 1768 1108 Tenei 1770 1110 Eikiu 1773 1113 Genei 1778 1118 Ho-an 1780 1120 Tenji 1784 1124 Daiji 1786 1126 Tenjo 1791 1131 Chojo 1792 1132 Ho-en 1795 1135 Eiji 1801 1141 Koji 1802 1142 Tenyo 1804 1144 Kiu-an 1805 1145 Nimbio 1811 1151 Kiuju 1814 1154 Hogen 1816 1156 Heiji 1819 1159 Eiriaku 1820 1160 Oho 1821 1161 Chokwan 1823 1163 Eiman 1825 1165 Ninan 1826 1166 Ka-o 1829 1169 Jo-an 1831 1171 Angen 1835 1175 Jisho 1837 1177 Yowa 1841 1181 Ju-ei 1842 1182 Genriaku 1844 1184 Bunji 1845 1185 Kenkiu 1850 1190 Shoji 1859 1199 Kennin 1861 1201 Genkiu 1864 1204 Kenei 1866 1206 Jogen 1867 1207 Kenriaku 1871 1211 Kempo 1873 1213 Jokiu 1879 1219 Jo-o 1882 1222 Gennin 1884 1224 Karoku 1885 1225 Antei 1887 1227 Kwangi 1889 1229 Jo-ei 1892 1232 Tempuku 1893 1233 Bunriaku 1894 1234 Katei 1895 1235 Riakunin 1898 1238 En-o 1899 1239 Ninji 1900 1240 Kwangen 1903 1243 Hoji 1907 1247 Kencho 1909 1249 Kogen 1916 1256 Shoka 1917 1257 Shogen 1919 1259 Buno 1920 1260 Kocho 1921 1261 Bunei 1924 1264 Kenji 1935 1275 Koan 1938 1278 Sho-o 1948 1288 Einin 1953 1293 Shoan 1959 1299 Kengen 1962 1302 Kagen 1963 1303 Tokuji 1966 1306 Enkio 1968 1308 Ocho 1971 1311 Showa 1972 1312 Bumpo 1977 1317 Gen-o 1979 1319 Genko 1981 1321 Shochu 1984 1324 Kariaku 1986 1326 Gentoku 1989 1329 Shokio 1992 1331 Kemmu 1994 1334 Engen 1996 1336 Kokoku 1999 1339 Shohei 2006 1346 Kentoku 2030 1370 Bunchu 2032 1372 Tenju 2035 1375 Kowa 2041 1381 Genchu 2044 1384 Meitoku 2050 1390 O-ei 2054 1394 Shocho 2088 1428 Eikio 2089 1429 Kakitsu 2101 1441 Bunan 2104 1444 Hotoku 2109 1449 Kotoku 2112 1452 Kosho 2115 1455 Choroku 2117 1457 Kwansho 2120 1460 Bunsho 2126 1466 Onin 2127 1467 Bummei 2129 1469 Choko 2147 1487 Entoku 2149 1489 Mei-o 2152 1492 Bunki 2161 1501 Eisho 2164 1504 Dai-ei 2181 1521 Koroku 2188 1528 Tembun 2192 1532 Koji 2215 1555 Eiroku 2218 1558 Genki 2230 1570 Tensho 2233 1573 Bunroku 2252 1592 Keicho 2256 1596 Genna 2275 1615 Kwanei 2284 1624 Shoho 2304 1644 Kei-an 2308 1648 Jo-o 2312 1652 Meireki 2315 1655 Manji 2318 1658 Kwambun 2321 1661 Empo 2333 1673 Tenna 2341 1681 Jokio 2344 1684 Genroku 2348 1688 Ho-ei 2364 1704 Shotoku 2371 1711 Kioho 2376 1716 Gembun 2396 1736 Kwampo 2401 1741 Enkio 2404 1744 Kwanen 2408 1748 Horeki 2411 1751 Meiwa 2424 1764 Anei 2432 1772 Temmei 2441 1781 Kwansei 2449 1789 Kiowa 2461 1801 Bunkwa 2464 1804 Bunsei 2478 1818 Tempo 2490 1830 Kokwa 2504 1844 Ka-ei 2508 1848 Ansei 2514 1854 Manen 2520 1860 Bunkiu 2521 1861 Genji 2524 1864 Kei-o 2525 1865 Meiji 2528 1868



APPENDIX III. LIST OF SHOGUNS.(343)

I.—The Dynasty of Minamoto. 1186-1219.

1. Minamoto Yoritomo, 1186-1199, died; received his appointment as shogun in 1192.

NOTE.—In this as in the later cases, the dates will be cited which correspond to the attainment of power and its general recognition, but which do not, in many cases, correspond to the grant of the title, which frequently was much later.

2. Minamoto Yori-iye, 1199-1203, son of the preceding, first deposed by his grandfather, Hojo Tokimasa, and banished to Izu, there was murdered in 1204.

3. Minamoto Sanetomo, 1203-1219, eleven years old, brother of the preceding, murdered by his nephew Kokio, the son of Yori-iye.

The Time of the Shadow Shoguns. 1220-1338.

The shoguns of this period, taken partly from the Fujiwara family, partly from the princes of the imperial house, were mostly children, and in every instance the weak agents of the Hojo family, whose chiefs, as regents (shiken), had the power in their hands, although the nominal bearers of the same were likewise principally only children.

4. Fujiwara Yoritsune, 1220-1243, nine years old, dethroned by Hojo Tsunetoki, died 1256.

5. Fujiwara Yoritsugu, 1244-1251, son of the preceding, seven years old, deposed by H. Tokeyori, died 1256.

6. Munetaka Shino, 1252-1265, eleven, according to others thirteen, years old, deposed by H. Tokimune, died 1274.

7. Koreyasu Shino, 1266-1289, son of the preceding, three years old, deposed by H. Sadatoki, died 1325 (1326?).

8. Hisa-akira Shino, or, as he was called, Kumei Shino, 1289-1307, sixteen years old, deposed by H. Sadatoki, died 1328.

9. Morikuni Shino, 1308-1333, son of the preceding, seven years old, dethroned by Nitsuda Yoshisada, died in the same year.

10. Moriyoshi Shino, 1333-1334, son of the reigning Emperor Go-Daigo, dethroned by Taka-uji, murdered, in 1335, by Minamoto Nao-yoshi.

11. Nari-Yoshi Shino, 1334-1338, dethroned and murdered by Taka-uji.

II.—The Regents of the Hojo Family.

Hojo Tokimasa, died 1215, did not have the title of regent (shiken).

Hojo Yoshitoki, 1205-1224, from 1205 regent (shiken), murdered.

Hojo Yasutoki, 1225-1242, died.

Hojo Tsunetoki, 1243-1246, grandson of the preceding, retired in favor of his younger brother, Tokiyori, and died thirty-three years old.

Hojo Tokiyori, 1246-1256, retired in favor of his son, Tokimune, and died 1263, thirty-seven years old.

Hojo Tokimune, 1257-1284, seven years old, under the guardianship of H. Nagatoki and H. Masamura, died.

Hojo Sadatoki, 1284-1300, adopted son of the preceding, retired in favor of Morotoki, the grandson of Tokiyori, but continued to exercise a potent influence over the regency, died 1311.

Hojo Morotoki, 1300-1311, died.

Hojo Takatoki, 1312-1326, the son of Sadatoki, nine years old, under the guardianship of Hirotoki and Mune-nobu, retired in favor of his younger brother, Yasuye, who likewise soon withdrew.

Until the fall of the Hojo family Takatoki really conducted the regency, although others held the title. After the taking of Kamakura by Nitta Yoshisada in 1333, he killed himself.

III.—The Dynasty of Ashikaga. 1334-1573.

12. Ashikaga Taka-uji, 1334-1358, died fifty-three years old.

13. Ashikaga Yoshimori, 1359-1367, retired in favor of his son Yoshimitsu, died 1408, fifty-one years old.

14. Ashikaga Yoshimitsu, 1368-1393, retired in favor of his son, Yoshimochi, at the age of thirty-seven years, died 1409.

15. Ashikaga Yoshimochi, 1394-1422, retired in favor of his son, Yoshikatsu.

16. Ashikaga Yoshikatsu, 1423-1425, died nineteen years old. Ashikaga Yoshimochi, 1425-1428, the fifteenth shogun, took the power again, and died forty-three years old.

17. Ashikaga Yoshinobu, 1428-1441, murdered by Akamatsu Mitsusuke, forty-eight years old. From 1429 called Yoshinori.

18. Ashikaga Yoshikatsu, 1441-1443, son of the preceding, eight years old, died.

19. Ashikaga Yoshinari, called Yoshimasa, 1443-1473, brother of the preceding, eight years old, retired, and died in 1490.

20. Ashikaga Yoshinao, 1473-1489, died twenty-five years old; from 1488, called Yoshihiro.

21. Ashikaga Yoshimura, 1490-1493, nephew of Yoshimasa, twenty-five years old, taken prisoner and dethroned by Hosokawa Motomoto.

22. Ashikaga Yoshimitsi, 1493-1508, had to flee, died 1511; from 1449 called Yoshitaku, and from 1502 Yoshisumi; Yoshitada, 1508-1521, is Yoshimura, who from the year 1501 bore the name, and since that time was the shogun of the enemy at war with Yoshisumi, had to flee, was deposed, and died, 1523.

23. Ashikaga Yoshinaru, 1521-1546, son of Yoshisumi, retired in favor of his son, Yoshifushi, died 1550, forty years old.

24. Ashikaga Yoshifushi, 1547-1565, eleven years old, killed himself in his palace, having been confined there by the rebels.

25. Ashikaga Yoshigi-ei or Yoshinaga, 1568 died, important as opposition shogun.

26. Ashikaga Yoshi-aki, 1568-1573, deposed by Nobunaga, died 1597.

IV.—The Time of the Usurpation. 1573-1603.

27. Taira-no-Nobunaga, 1573-1582, killed himself, having been forced to do so by Akechi Mitsuhide.

Akechi Mitsuhide, who usurped the title of shogun, ruled only twelve days, and fell conquered by Hideyoshi 28. Samboshi, 1582-1586, grandson of Nobunaga.

29. Toyotomi Hideyoshi, 1586-1598, was never shogun, but kwambaku; (on his retirement called Taiko-sama).

30. Hidetsugu, 1591-1595, nephew of the preceding, killed himself, was also kwambaku.

31. Hideyori, 1600-1615, son of Hideyoshi, killed himself, conquered by Ieyasu. According to other accounts, he escaped and fled to Satsuma; was Naifu (Minister of the Interior) from 1603.

V.—The Dynasty of the Tokugawa. 1603-1868.

32. Ieyasu, 1603-1605, died 1616; 1603 appointed shogun (posthumous title Gongensama). The shoguns of this dynasty frequently retired, as soon as their successors grew up, but in spite of this fact they continued to lead the regency.

33. Hidetada, 1605-1623, died 1632, son of the preceding.

34. Iemitsu, 1623-1651, died 1652, son of the preceding.

35. Ietsuna, 1651-1680, died, son of the preceding.

36. Tsunayoshi, 1681-1709, son of Iemitsu, killed by his wife.

37. Ienobu, 1709-1712, grandson of Iemitsu, died.

38. Ietsugu (Ietsubo according to Klaproth), 1713-1715, died, son of the preceding.

39. Yoshimune, 1716-1745, retired, died 1751, formerly fifth Prince of Kii.

40. Ieshige, 1745-1760 (according to others 1761 or 1762), son of the preceding, died.

41. Ieharu, 1760-1786, son of the preceding, died.

42. Ienari, 1787-1836, died 1841, son of the preceding.

43. Ieyoshi, 1837-1852, son of the preceding.

44. Iesada, 1853-1857, son of the preceding.

45. Iemochi, 1858-1866, died, formerly thirteenth Prince of Kii.

46. Yoshihisa (Yoshinobu according to Adams, vol. ii. p. 37), 1867-1868, son of the Prince of Mito, Nari-akira, adopted by the Prince of Hitotsubashi, retired at the fall of shogunate in 1867.



APPENDIX IV. LAWS OF SHOTOKU TAISHI.(344)

[From Dai Nihonshi, vol. xii., folio 28 to 31.]

I.—Harmony shall be esteemed and obedience shall be held in regard. Because dissensions prevail, therefore men are often unfaithful to their prince and disobedient to their fathers. Let adjoining districts be left in peace, thus harmony between superior and inferior shall be cultivated and co-operation in matters of state shall be promoted, and thus the right reason of all things may be reached and the right thing accomplished.

II.—Let bountiful honor be always paid to the three precious elements of Buddhism, that is, to its priests, its ritual, and its founder. It is the highest religion in the universe, and all people in all generations must pay becoming reverence to its doctrines. Do not harshly censure men's wickedness but teach them faithfully until they yield obedience. Unless men rely upon Buddhism there is no way to convert them from the wrong to the right.

III.—To the commands of the Emperor men must be duly obedient. The prince must be looked upon as the heaven and his subjects as the earth. The earth contains all things and the heaven stretches over it. The four seasons pass orderly along and the spirit of the universe is harmonious. If the earth were to cover the heaven the effect would be distraction. Hence the prince must command and the subject obey; superiors must act and inferiors yield. Men ought therefore to pay due heed to the orders of the Emperor; if not they will bring ruin on themselves.

IV.—Politeness must be the chief rule of conduct for all officers and their colleagues in the court. The first principle governing subjects must be politeness. When superiors are not polite then inferiors will not keep in the right; when inferiors are not polite their conduct degenerates into crime. When both prince and subjects are polite, then social order is never disturbed and the state is kept in a condition of tranquillity.

V.—Covetousness and rapacity must be expelled from the hearts of officers, and they must adjudicate with just discrimination in all suits that come before them. Even in a single day there are thousands of such suits, and in the course of years how great must be the accumulation! If the suit is won through bribery, then the poor man can obtain no justice but only the rich. The poor man will have no sure place of dependence, and subjects will be driven to abandon their duty.

VI.—To punish vice and to encourage virtue is the rule in good ancient law. The virtuous man must therefore be promoted, and the vicious man must be surely punished. The man who is untruthful is a powerful instrument to endanger the state and a keen weapon to destroy the nation. The flatterer loves to tell the faults of the inferior to the superior, and also to disclose the errors of the superior to the inferior. Such men are alike unfaithful to the prince and unfriendly to fellow citizens, and in the end fail not to stir up social disorder.

VII.—The duty of men in the government must be assigned according to their capacity. When intelligent men take service the applause of the people follows, but when bad men are in office calamities ensue. If wise officers are put on duty the matters of state are well managed, and the community is free from danger and prosperity prevails. Therefore in ancient times the wise king never selected the office for the man, but always selected the man to suit the office.

VIII.—Too often officers and their colleagues come early to their offices and retire soon; so that the public work accomplished in a single day is small. It is incumbent on them to devote sufficient time to their tasks; if not, then the work of the government cannot be done.

IX.—Everything must be faithfully done, because fidelity is the origin of justice. The distinction between good and bad, between success and failure, depends on fidelity. When both prince and subjects are faithful then there are no duties which cannot be accomplished, but when both are unfaithful nothing can be done.

X.—Give up all thoughts of indignation and be not angered with others on account of a disagreement of opinion. Each one may have a different point of view and may therefore come to a different conclusion. If the one side be right then the other must be wrong, or the cases may be just reversed. It would be unjust to set down one man as surely wise and another as positively stupid; because men cannot attain perfection in their characters. It is impossible to decide either side to be perfectly right or perfectly wrong. While you are angry with another who has a different view from you, you cannot be sure lest you be in the wrong. Therefore though you may think yourself in the right, it is safer to follow the opinions of the many.

XI.—Let merit and demerit be carefully considered, and let rewards and punishments be meted out accordingly. In times past this has often failed to be justly done. It is incumbent on all who are entrusted with the direction of public affairs and on all officers of the government to look carefully after the distribution of rewards and punishments.

XII.—Governors of provinces and their deputies must be careful not to impose too heavy duties on their subjects. One state never has more than one prince, and in like manner the subjects cannot have more than one master. The prince is the head of all his dominions and of all his subjects. The officers of government are also the subjects of the prince; and there is no reason why they should dare to lay undue burdens upon others who are subjects of the same prince.

XIII.—Each officer of the government has his appointed duty. Sometimes officers complain of the stagnation of business, which, however, is caused by their own absence from their appointed duties. They must not make a pretence of the performance of their duties, and by their neglect interrupt public affairs.

XIV.—Subjects and officers must not be jealous of each other. If one person is envious of another, the second is sure to be envious of the first. Thus the evils of jealousy never end. If men shall envy each other on account of their talent and wisdom, no single wise man would ever be obtained for government service through a thousand years. What a noble method of governing a state would that be which expelled from its service all wise men!