Altogether the room was exceedingly pretty. It would have been vulgar if in England; but it was beautifully clean, and it shortly became the wonder of Central Africa.

I had brought the large gilt mirrors from England specially for M'tese, the king of Uganda, and for Kamrasi. I knew that if they were arranged in my own house, the news would be carried to M'tese immediately; and the fact of so great a curiosity and treasure being on the road to him would at once open a communication.

On 8th May, the prisoners of Suleiman's company, numbering twenty-five persons, came to the divan, headed by Ali Genninar, and supplicated forgiveness. They all declared their desire to be registered on the government books as irregular troops.

I had already witnessed an example of their duplicity, therefore I had no confidence in their professions, but at the same time I did not know what to do with them. The fact of their being in custody required twenty soldiers to relieve the necessary guards. I therefore determined to be magnanimous, as I was only too happy to be rid of such bad bargains should they run away. The only man that I trusted was Ali Genninar; he was a clever and plucky fellow that I had known in my former African journey, at which time he belonged to the company of Ibrahim.

After a good lecture I forgave them, and they all received their serkis (certificates) as members of the irregular corps. Ali Genninar was to have the rank of lieutenant.

I told them that it was my intention to hoist the Ottoman flag, and to officially annex the country in the presence of Kabba Rega and his people, therefore I did not wish any subjects of the Khedive to be in disgrace upon such an occasion, excepting only Suleiman, who would be sent to Cairo on the first opportunity, to answer for the murder of the prisoner at Foweera. I therefore divided a few pounds of beads among them for the purchase of new bark-cloths, as I could not allow them to appear in their dirty clothes on the day of the ceremony.

They all went away rejoicing, and swearing fidelity, at the same time confessing their sins, and vowing that I had treated them better than they had deserved.

As usual, our proceedings were narrowly watched by the guards stationed at Kabba Rega's new divan, within fifty yards of my house. These spies immediately ran off to their master with the report that I had forgiven the slave-hunters who were lately prisoners, and that I had actually made them presents of beads. (At that time I had not the slightest idea that the liberation of the prisoners would excite suspicion in the minds of Kabba Rega and his people, but there can be no doubt that this act of clemency on my part destroyed the confidence which had previously existed.)

This report was quickly confirmed, as the new and dirty members of the irregular corps, who were now at liberty, presented themselves in the town with their hands full of beads to purchase the necessary bark-cloths. These cloths are prepared from the bark of a species of fig-tree in a very simple manner, which I have personally witnessed.

A piece of bark about six feet long, and as wide as possible, is detached from the trunk of the tree. The outside rind is pared off by a lance-head used with two hands, like a cooper's drawing-knife. The bark is then laid upon a beam of wood on the ground, on which it is hammered with a mallet grooved in fine cuts, so that the repeated blows stamp the bark with lines somewhat resembling corduroy. This hammering expands the bark, which is repeatedly turned and hammered again, until at length it is beaten into a cloth of rather fine texture. The action of the air colours the material, which, although white when first stripped from the tree, quickly assumes a delicate shade of brown, as a slice of an apple oxydizes upon exposure in our own climate.

The finest cloths are ornamented with patterns in black. These are simply produced by drawing the design with water from iron springs, which combining with the tannin of the bark immediately stains it.

The sheets of bark-cloth are frequently dyed this colour by immersing them for a short time in springs of the same water.

The finest cloths are produced in Uganda, and all that are used for royal wear are brought from that country in exchange for ivory.

My new men, the late slave-hunters, who I hoped were "wicked men that had turned away from their wickedness," had succeeded in purchasing a quantity of new cloths ready for the day of annexation.

That night, at about nine o'clock, just before we were going to bed, we had remarked an extraordinary stillness in the town of Masindi. There was not a whisper to be heard throughout the capital, where generally the night was passed in the uproar of drunken singing and blowing of horns.

Suddenly this extraordinary silence was broken by the deep notes of a nogara or drum. This sounded for a second or two, and ceased. Again all was still as death.

A sudden burst of hellish noise, such as I have never heard before or since, now startled every soldier to his feet, and without orders, every man armed and fell into position!

Colonel Abd-el-Kader, with his sword belted on and a rifle in his hand, came to me for orders on the instant. The ever-ready Monsoor was armed and by my side.

In the mean time the din of very many thousands continued, yelling and shrieking as though maniacs; I should imagine that at least a thousand drums were beating, innumerable horns were blowing, with whistles, fifes, and every instrument that would add to the horrible uproar.

At the same time not a human being was visible.

Mohammed, the dragoman, appeared, together with Umbogo. In reply to my question as to the cause of such a sudden irruption of noise, Umbogo laughed, and said it was "TO MAKE ME AFRAID, and to exhibit the great numbers of people that were collected at Masindi."

This was all. I therefore at once ordered the band to play, as I determined to accept the carefully planned surprise as a compliment that I would return.

The band struck up, the cymbals clashed, the big drum thundered, and the buglers blew their loudest, while the regimental drums rattled away as hard as the sticks could roll upon the skins.

In a short time the noise of the town ceased, and the only sound was occasioned by our own band.

I ordered them to cease playing. Once more there was perfect stillness.

I ordered the sentries to keep a sharp look-out, and we all went to bed.

This was a practical joke that did not please me, as it smacked of distrust and defiance. It took place on the same day upon which I had liberated the slave-hunter's people, and engaged them as irregular troops.

On the following morning I sent several messengers to Kabba Rega to beg him to pay me a visit. They all returned, some saying that he was asleep—others, that he was drunk. It was the usual habit of this young man to get very drunk every night, and to sleep until about 2 p.m., when he dressed and attended at his public divan.

I now heard that native messengers had arrived from the country of Faieera, which formed one of the districts within nine miles of Fatiko, under the charge of the great sheik, Rot Jarma, who had sworn allegiance to the government, and was under the protection of Major Abdullah.

These messengers had brought some guns and ammunition to sell to Kabba Rega. They wished particularly to see me, as they had important news.

When they appeared in the divan, I at once recognized them as people that I had seen at Fatiko.

They informed me that since my departure, Abou Saood and his people had ridiculed the authority of my commandant, Major Abdullah; and to prove to the natives how powerless he was to protect them, Abou Saood had sent his men to attack Rot Jarma, and they had carried off his cattle and slaves.

The messengers declared that both Rot Jarma and all the natives were delighted with Major Abdullah and his troops, as they were very different from the slave-hunters, but the latter were too numerous and strong for Abdullah to contend against.

I told them that Abdullah was only waiting for orders; but if such was the state of things "why had he not written a letter by this opportunity?"

The natives asserted that the slave-hunters of Abou Saood had lost five of their party, killed in the attack upon Rot Jarma; therefore they (the messengers) were afraid to go near the station of Major Abdullah. They had accordingly travelled fast to bring me the news (160 miles), at the same time they brought the guns for sale to Kabba Rega.

It was the old story of deception and rebellion. Before my face Abou Saood would cringe to the earth, but he became an open rebel in my absence. It was absolutely necessary to place this man under arrest. When the Baris were at open war with the government, he had not only associated with their chief, but he had armed parties of these natives with muskets, which he employed in his zareebas.

He now attacked, in defiance of government protection, those friendly natives of Faieera who had become peaceable subjects of the Khedive. This was the same spirit of defiance that had been exhibited by Suleiman when he slaughtered the prisoner to whom I had granted an asylum.

Unless I should arrest Abou Saood, it would be ridiculous to attempt the establishment of a government. This scoundrel knew the weakness of my military force. He had himself requested Kabba Rega to attack me upon my arrival in his country. He was now plundering and kidnapping in the districts that were under government protection; this would immediately be known to Kabba Rega and his people, who would naturally conclude that my assurances of protection were valueless, and that Abou Saood was stronger than the government of the Khedive.

I determined to send orders to Major Abdullah to arrest Abou Saood if the reports were true concerning Faieera, at the same time he was to insist upon the liberation of all the Unyoro slaves, which he was to escort with his detachment to Foweera on the Victoria Nile.

There was no doubt that this fellow, Abou Saood, was confident of support from some Egyptian authority behind the scenes; he had therefore determined to be humble before my face, to avoid being pounced upon at once, but to have his own way when my back was turned, as he trusted that after the advice he had given to Kabba Rega I should never return from Unyoro. It would then be said that I had been killed by the natives, the affair would be ended, and the official supporters of Abou Saood would reinstate him in his original business for a sufficient CONSIDERATION.

I made arrangements for the departure of my new irregulars. After many invitations I at length succeeded in allaying Kabba Rega's apprehensions, and he promised to pay me a visit on the 11th May. Lieutenant-Colonel Abd-el-Kader went to meet him, and escorted him to the new house.

On arrival in the divan he was much astonished and delighted. The room, twenty-eight feet by fourteen, was arranged with double rows of metal boxes on all sides, so closely packed that they formed either low tables or seats, as might be required. These were all covered with blue blankets, which gave a neat appearance, upon which, at the east end of the room, were exhibited samples of the various goods that I had brought for the establishment of a regular trade in Unyoro. There were tin plates as bright as mirrors, crockery of various kinds, glasses, knives of many varieties, beautiful Manchester manufactures, such as Indian scarfs, handkerchiefs, piece-goods, light blue serge, chintzes, scarlet and blue blankets, blue and crimson cotton cloth, small mirrors, scissors, razors, watches, clocks, tin whistles, triangles, tambourines, toys, including small tin steamers, boats, carriages, Japanese spinning tops, horn snakes, pop-guns, spherical quicksilvered globes, together with assortments of beads of many varieties.

"Are these all for me?" asked Kabba Rega.

"Certainly," I replied, "if you wish to exchange ivory. All these things belong to the Khedive of Egypt, and any amount remains in the magazines of Gondokoro. These are simply a few curiosities that I have brought as an experiment to prove the possibility of establishing a trade."

Among other things, the wheel of life attracted his attention. This had frequently been exhibited, but neither Kabba Rega nor his chiefs ever tired of the performance.

The magnetic battery was now called for, and Kabba Rega insisted upon each of his chiefs submitting to the operation, although he was afraid to experiment upon himself. He begged Lieutenant Baker, who managed the instrument, to give as powerful a shock as he could, and he went into roars of laughter when he saw a favourite minister rolling on his back in contortions, without the possibility of letting the cylinders fall from his grasp.

Every individual of his headmen had to suffer, and when all had been exhausted, the ministers sought outside the divan among the crowd for any particular friends that might wish to try "the magic."

At length one of the wires of the instrument gave way, as a patient kicked and rolled frantically upon the ground; this was a good excuse for closing the entertainment.

Kabba Rega now requested permission to see our private residence. I told him that only himself together with four of his chiefs and the interpreter, Umbogo, could be permitted to enter. These were Rahonka (his maternal uncle), Neka (his uncle, Kamrasi's brother), Kitakara, and Quonga. On that occasion the tall chief, Matonse, endeavoured to push his way through, but was immediately turned back by the sentry and Monsoor. (This little incident must be remembered, as the man took a dislike to Monsoor from that moment.) The first exclamation upon entering the room was one of surprise—"Wah! Wah!"—and Kabba Rega and his chiefs covered their mouths with one hand, according to their custom when expressing astonishment.

The large looking-glasses were miracles. Kabba Rega discovered a great number of Kabba Regas in the endless reflections of the two opposite mirrors. This was a great wonder that attracted particular attention.

It was then discovered that every person was multiplied in a similar manner! This was of course "cojoor" (magic). It was difficult to draw them away from the looking glasses, but at length the pictures were examined. The Queen was exhibited and explained, and I described her subjects to be as numerous as the white ants in Unyoro. The Princess of Wales was a three-quarter face; and they immediately asked "why she had only one ear?" The same question of unity was asked respecting the leg of a man in a red coat on a white horse.

Every lady's portrait was minutely examined, but to our great satisfaction, that of the Princess was declared by general consent to be the most lovely.

I was much struck with this exhibition of good taste, as the other portraits were pretty faces, but the hair and dresses were gaudily ornamented, whereas that of the Princess of Wales was exceedingly simple; the dress being an evening gown of white satin.

I should have suspected that natives would have preferred the gaudy attire, without bestowing sufficient admiration on the features.

Kabba Rega now asked "why the women in the various portraits all looked at him?" wherever he moved, their eyes followed him.

His chiefs now discovered that the faces in the pictures were also looking at them; and the eyes followed them whether they moved to the right or left! This was cojoor, or magic, which at first made them feel uncomfortable.

One of my wife's female servants, Wat-el-Kerreem, would never remain by herself in this room, for fear of "the eyes that stared at her."

Everything that we possessed was now minutely scrutinized. The guns and rifles of various breechloading mechanism were all displayed and admired. Kabba Rega thoughtfully asked "which of them I had intended for him?" His uncle, Rahonka, exclaimed—"You have done wisely in bringing all those guns as presents for Kabba Rega." My visitors were quite charmed. The musical box played various delightful airs, and it was remarked that it would be more convenient than an instrument which required the study of learning, as "you might set this going at night to play you to sleep, when you were too drunk to play an instrument yourself; even if you knew how to do it."

This was my young friend Kabba Rega's idea of happiness—to go to sleep drunk, assisted by the strains of self-playing melody.

Of course, the large musical box was asked for; and, of course, I promised to give it as a present from the Khedive of Egypt, if I found that Kabba Rega conducted himself properly.

My wife's trinkets, &c., were now begged for; but it was explained that such things were private property belonging to the Sit (lady). "The Sit! the Sit! the Sit!" the young cub peevishly exclaimed; "everything that is worth having seems to belong to THE SIT!"

A small and beautifully-made revolver, with seven chambers, now attracted his attention. "Does this also belong to the Sit?" inquired Kabba Rega. "Yes, that is the Sit's own little revolver," was the reply; at which the young king burst out laughing, saying, "Do women also carry arms in your country? I see everything belongs to the Sit!"

My wife now gave him some of the finest Venetian beads, of which we only had a few dozen. These were much prized. He was then presented with a handsome gilt bracelet, set with four large French emeralds. This was a treasure such as he had never seen. He also received a few strings of fine imitation pearls.

After much delay and vexatious demands for everything that he saw, we at length got rid of our visitor.

I had explained to Kabba Rega the intended ceremony of hoisting the flag in the name of the Khedive, and that the country would be in future under the protection of Egypt, but that he should remain as the representative of the government. He seemed highly pleased at the idea of protection and presents, and expressed himself as very anxious to witness the ceremony. . . . . . . On the 14th May, 1872, I took formal possession of Unyoro in the name of the Khedive of Egypt.

I recalled to the recollection of Kabba Rega and his chiefs the day when, many years ago, I had hoisted the British flag, and thus I had turned back the invading force of Wat-el-Mek, and saved Unyoro. I now declared that the country and its inhabitants would be protected by the Ottoman flag in the same manner that it had been shielded by the Union Jack of England.

There was a tall flag-staff fixed at the east end of the government house.

The bugle sounded the "taboor," the troops fell in, the irregulars (late slave-hunters) formed in line with that charming irregularity which is generally met with in such rude levies.

Kabba Rega had received due notice, and he quickly appeared, attended by about a thousand people.

The band played; Kabba Rega's drums and horns sounded, and the troops formed a hollow square to listen to a short address.

Kabba Rega was invited within the square; and the men faced about with fixed bayonets, as though prepared to receive cavalry. It was now explained to the young king that this formation defended all sides from attack at the same time. He seemed more interested in getting out again, than in the explanation of military tactics. He evidently had suspicions that he was fairly entrapped when he found himself in the middle of the square.

The flag was now hoisted with due formality; the usual military salutes took place; volleys were fired; and the crowd at length dispersed, leaving the Ottoman flag waving in a strong breeze at the head of the flag-staff.

As a proof of his satisfaction, Kabba Rega immediately sent me a present of twelve goats.

One of the soldiers had been caught in the act of stealing potatoes from a native. This having been proved conclusively against him, I sent word to Kabba Rega to summon his people to witness the punishment of the offender.

A great crowd of natives assembled, and the thief having received punishment in their presence, was confined in the stocks, and was condemned to be sent back to Gondokoro. This strict discipline had a strong moral effect upon my men; as thefts, which had formerly been the rule, had now become the exception. The natives were always assured of justice and protection.

On 19th May, my people were ready to start, with the post and the prisoner Suleiman, to Fatiko. Kabba Rega declared that the 300 carriers were in readiness with fifty loads of flour for the journey; and he said that he had already sent orders to Foweera to prepare the deserted zareeba of Suleiman for the reception of Major Abdullah and his detachment on their arrival.

The party was to consist of a serjeant and ten men (regulars), together with twenty-five irregulars under the charge of my old Cairo dragoman, Mohammed.

Ali Genninar had the military command in the place of the second vakeel, Eddrees, who was suffering from chronic dysentery. I had arranged that the party should start on the following day.

In the afternoon I had an interview with Kabba Rega in his private divan, within our garden. I was suddenly interrupted by Ali Genninar and a few of his men, who presented themselves in the face of Kabba Rega, to inform me that they could not start without their guns!

It appeared that on the day that Abd-el-Kader had ordered Kabba Rega to disarm the people of Suleiman upon his first arrival at Masindi, the young king had certainly ordered their disarmament, but he had himself retained their arms and ammunition, in addition to a goatskin bag with about 300 rounds of ball-cartridge. This had never been reported to me.

The mendacious young king had the audacity to deny this, in face of several witnesses; and he would at once have retired from the divan (and probably I should never have seen him again) had I not insisted upon his remaining until the affair had been thoroughly explained.

It was then discovered that he had returned all the muskets to Abd-el-Kader, except five; which were not forthcoming.

I requested him in future to adhere more strictly to the truth; as it was a disgrace for a man in his position to tell a falsehood, which would render it impossible for me to place implicit confidence in him; at the same time I insisted upon the immediate return of the guns, together with the cartouche-belts and ammunition.

The young king retired in great confusion and stilled anger, with a promise that everything should be restored!

In the afternoon he sent five wretched old muskets that had been injured in the stocks, and repaired with the raw hide of crocodiles. These had never belonged to the irregulars; but he had kept their good guns, and hoped to exchange these wretched weapons, which had been given some years ago to Kamrasi by the vakeel, Ibrahim.

I spoke very strongly to Kittakara, his favourite minister; and explained to him the folly and discredit of such conduct.

Kittakara replied: "Is not Kabba Rega your son? Do you begrudge him a few good guns and ammunition taken from your late enemies, the slave-hunters?"

It was in vain that I endeavoured to explain that these people were subjects of the Khedive, and had now received forgiveness: therefore, as they were engaged as irregulars they must receive their arms. Kittakara simply replied: "Do you believe in these people? Do you think that, because they have now enlisted through fear, they will ever change their natures?"

I asked him "if soap would wash the black spots from a leopard's skin?" but I explained that I could strip the skin at once off the leopard, and should quickly change their natures.

Day after day passed, and the ammunition was only returned in driblets, after constant and most urgent demands.

On 21st May I sent word to Kabba Rega (who had declined to appear in public or private) that if he persisted in this deception I should myself be compelled to return to Fatiko, as it would be impossible for me to hold communications with any person in whom I could place no confidence.

In the event of my departure from Unyoro he knew the consequences. He would be ridiculed by Rionga, who would join the slave-hunters and attack him should I withdraw my protection. On the south he would be invaded by M'tese, who would imagine that Kabba Rega had prevented me from visiting him; thus his country would be utterly ruined.

The chiefs, Neka, Kittakara, and Matonse, to whom I spoke, appeared thoroughly to comprehend the position.

During the day the five missing guns were returned, together with the goatskin bag (chorab), containing much of the missing ammunition—some of which had been abstracted.

On 23rd May I sent off the party to Fatiko, together with the post—including letters to Egypt, Khartoum, and England, to be forwarded by first opportunity. (These never arrived in England.)

I wrote to Wat-el-Mek to offer him the command of an irregular corps of 400 men, which he was to raise immediately from those companies that were now thrown out of employment by the termination of the contract with Agad & Co.

I sent written instructions to Major Abdullah to arrest Abou Saood, and to liberate all the Unyoro slaves in the possession of his people. He was then to forward Abou Saood, together with Suleiman, as prisoners, to the care of Raouf Bey at Gondokoro; and to march himself with his detachment and all effects, together with the liberated slaves, to Foweera.

Three hundred natives accompanied my party from Unyoro to transport the baggage of Major Abdullah.

I had not seen Kabba Rega since the day when he had lied concerning the possession of the muskets and ammunition. Whether from shame or anger I could not tell, but he declined to appear.

The party started with the post, thus reducing my force by the departure of thirty-six men, including eleven regulars and twenty-five of the new irregular levy.

I was now left with one hundred regulars, four sailors, and four armed Baris.



CHAPTER XX.

ESTABLISH COMMERCE.

For some time past the natives had commenced a brisk trade with ivory in exchange for all kinds of trifles, which left a minimum profit for the government of 1500 per cent. A few beads, together with three or four gaudy-coloured cotton handkerchiefs, a zinc mirror, and a fourpenny butcher's knife, would purchase a tusk worth twenty or thirty pounds. I calculated all the expenses of transport from England, together with interest on capital. In some cases we purchased ivory at 2,000 per cent. profit, and both sellers and buyers felt perfectly contented.

I am not sure whether this is considered a decent return for an investment of capital among the descendants of Israel; but I am convinced that at the conclusion of a purchase in Unyoro each party to the bargain thought that he had the best of it. This was the perfection of business.

Here was free trade thoroughly established: the future was tinged with a golden hue. Ivory would be almost inexhaustible, as it would flow from both east and west to the market where such luxuries as twopenny mirrors, fourpenny knives, handkerchiefs, ear-rings at a penny a pair, finger signet-rings at a shilling a dozen, could be obtained for such comparatively useless lumber as elephants' tusks.

Manchester goods would quickly supersede the bark-cloths, which were worn out in a month, and, in a few years, every native of Unyoro would be able to appear in durable European clothes. Every man would be able to provide himself with a comfortable blanket for the chilly nights, and an important trade would be opened that would tend to the development of the country, and be the first step towards a future civilization. Unfortunately for this golden vision, the young king, Kabba Rega, considered that he had a right to benefit himself exclusively, by monopolizing the trade with the government. He therefore gave orders to his people that all ivory should be brought to him; and he strictly prohibited, on pain of death, the free trade that I had endeavoured to establish.

The tusks ceased to arrive; or, if any individual was sufficiently audacious to run the risk of detection, he sent word beforehand, by Monsoor (who was known to be confidential), that he would bring a tusk for sale during the darkness of night.

This was a troublesome affair. Annexation is always a difficult question of absolute right, but, as I trust my readers will acknowledge, I had done all that lay in my power for the real benefit of the country. I had to make allowance for the young king, who now had become a vassal, and I determined to observe the extreme of moderation.

It was generally acknowledged that the conduct of the troops was most exemplary. No thefts had been allowed, nor even those trifling annexations of property which are distinguished from stealing by the innocent name of "cribbing." Not a garden had been disturbed; the tempting tobacco plantations had been rigidly respected, and the natives could only regard my troops as the perfection of police. They were almost as good as London police—there were no areas to the houses, neither insinuating cooks or housemaids, nor even nursemaids with babies in perambulators, to distract their attention from their municipal duties.

Among my troops there was an excellent young man, named Ramadan, who was the clerk of the detachment. This intelligent young fellow was a general favourite among our own men, and also among the natives. He had a great aptitude for languages, and he quickly mastered sufficient of the Unyoro to make himself understood.

I arranged that Ramadan should become the schoolmaster, as it would be useless to establish commerce as a civilizing medium without in some way commencing a system of education.

Ramadan was proud at the idea of being selected for this appointment.

There was a son of Kittakara's, of about nine years old, named Cherri-Merri. This nice little boy had paid us many visits, and had become a great favourite of my wife's. He usually arrived after breakfast, and was generally to be found sitting on a mat at her feet, playing with some European toys that were his great delight, and gaining instruction by conversation through the interpreter.

Although Cherri-Merri was a good boy, he possessed the purely commercial instinct of Unyoro. He seldom arrived without a slave attendant, who carried on his head a package of something that was to be SOLD.

He was told that it was bad taste to bring articles for sale to people who had shown him kindness, at the same time no presents would be received. The little trader quickly relieved himself of this difficulty by marching off with his slave and package to the soldiers' camp, where he exchanged his flour or tobacco for metal buttons, which they cut off their uniforms; or for beads, or other trifles which they possessed.

Cherri-Merri was a general favourite, and he was to form the nucleus for the commencement of a school.

The station was now in perfect order. Altogether, including the soldiers' gardens, about three acres had been cleared and planted. Everything was well above ground, and was growing with that rapidity which can only be understood by those who have witnessed the vegetation of the tropics on the richest soil.

English cucumbers, varieties of melons, pumpkins, tomatoes, Egyptian radishes, onions, Egyptian cotton, &c., were all flourishing. Also a small quantity of wheat.

Every cottage was surrounded by a garden; the boys had formed partnerships, and, having been provided with seeds, they had beds of pumpkins already nearly a foot above the ground.

The girls and women-servants were as usual extremely industrious; they also had formed little companies, and the merits of the rival gardens were often warmly discussed.

Three acres of land, thus carefully cultivated, made a very civilized appearance. The cucumber plants had grown wonderfully, and had already formed fruit. Not a leaf was withered or attacked by insects, and both the soil and climate of Masindi were perfection for agricultural experiments. The thermometer generally stood at 62 degrees F at six a.m., and at 78 degrees F at noon. The air was always fresh and invigorating, as the altitude above the sea-level was nearly 4,000 feet.

An industrious population would have made a paradise of this country, but the Unyoro people are the laziest that I have ever seen. The days were passed either in sleep, or by the assembly of large crowds of idlers, who stood at the entrance of the broad, gravelled approach, and simply watched our proceedings.

The only excitement was produced by the sudden rush of Kabba Rega's guards (bonosoora) with big sticks among the crowd, whom they belaboured and chased, generally possessed themselves of the best garments of those who were captured, with which they returned to their quarters, as lawful prizes.

This daring system of thieving was considered as great fun by all those members of the crowd who had escaped; and the unfortunates who had been reduced to nudity by the loss of their garments were jeered and ridiculed by the mob with true Unyoro want of charity.

These bonosoora were an extraordinary collection of scoundrels.

The readers of "The Albert N'yanza" may remember the "Satanic Escort," with which I was furnished by Kamrasi for my journey from M'rooli to the lake; these were bonosoora. I could never learn the exact number that formed Kabba Rega's celebrated regiment of blackguards, but I should imagine there were above 1,000 men who constantly surrounded him, and gained their living by pillaging others.

Any slave who ran away from his master might find an asylum if he volunteered to enlist in the bonosoora. Every man who had committed some crime, or who could not pay his debts, could find a refuge by devoting himself to the personal care of the young king, and enrolling within the ranks of the royal guards. The general character of these ruffians may be easily imagined. They lounged away their time, and simply relieved the monotony of their existence by robbing passers-by of anything that attracted their cupidity.

Umbogo belonged to this celebrated corps, and he informed me that hardly a night passed without some person being murdered by these people, who would always kill a man after dark, unless he yielded up his property without resistance. The great number of vultures that continually hovered over Masindi were proofs of Umbogo's story, as these birds generally denote the presence of carrion. My men had, on several occasions, found bodies lying in the high grass, neatly picked to the bone, which had only recently died.

There was much to be done before the brutal customs of Unyoro could be reformed: and I was by no means satisfied with the conduct exhibited by Kabba Rega. He had promised faithfully that he would send a large force to clear away the high grass by which our station was surrounded; this was never fulfilled, neither could I engage the natives to work for hire.

I had observed for some time past that his people were rapidly extending the town of Masindi, by erecting new buildings upon both our flanks, which, although only a few yards from our clearing, were half obscured by the high grass; thus it appeared that we were being gradually surrounded.

Since the departure of the post with my escort and the irregular levy, nothing was done by the natives, except the usual lounging by day, and drinking and howling, with drums and horns as an accompaniment, throughout the night.

Kabba Rega had always declared that the natives would work for me and obey every order when the slave-hunters should have been expelled from the country. Although the people who were lately a portion of the slave-hunter's company had now been enlisted in the service of government, not one man remained in Masindi, as I had sent them all away to Fatiko, at the particular request of Kabba Rega.

The real fact was, that so long as the slave-trader's people were in the country, both the king and his people knew that we were independent of native guides, as Suleiman's men knew all the paths, from their long experience of the country when engaged in the civil wars. It was considered that in the absence of the new levy of irregulars we should be perfectly helpless to move, as we were dependent upon Kabba Rega for guides.

From the general conduct of the people since the departure of my party with the post to Fatiko, I had a strong suspicion that some foul play was intended, and that, when the 300 native carriers should have taken the people across the Victoria Nile, they would desert them in the night, and return with the boats. I therefore wrote a letter addressed to the second vakeel, Eddrees, ordering him to return at once to Masindi with the entire party if he had any suspicion of treachery.

I concealed this note in a packet of blue cloth, together with a few little presents for Shooli and Gimoro, at Fatiko; but I had written on the brown paper cover of the parcel, instructions that Eddrees or Mohammed, the dragoman, should search the contents, as a letter was hidden within. I gave this packet to Umbogo, telling him that it was a present for Shooli, and begging him to despatch a messenger without delay to overtake the party before they should have crossed the Victoria Nile. The native messenger, to whom I gave a small gratuity, immediately started; thus I should be able to forewarn my people in the event of trouble.

In the afternoon Kabba Rega sent for me to repair the small musical box that I had given him, which was slightly deranged. I replied that, until he fulfilled his agreement to clear the high grass from the neighbourhood, I could not think of attending to any request, as he had broken all his promises.

In half an hour after this answer he sent forty men, under Kittakara, to commence the clearing, as he was in despair about his musical box.

Two native merchants from the distant country of Karagwe, who had been sent by their king, Rumanika, to purchase ivory from Unyoro, had arrived at Masindi. These people were brought to me on 26th May, accompanied by Kittakara, together with Umbogo, the interpreter. I observed that Kittakara was acting the part of spy, to overhear and to report the substance of the conversation. Some excitement had been caused by the report that two travellers were residing with Rumanika, and that these people had arrived from the M'wootan N'zige. I was in hopes that one of these travellers might be Livingstone.

The Karagwe merchants were well-dressed, and very civilized-looking people. They stared upon arrival in the divan, and were shortly seated upon a mat before me.

After some conversation, I questioned them concerning the travellers, and I immediately wrote both questions and replies in my journal, which I now give verbatim.

"Have you personally seen the travellers?"

Answer: "Yes; one is tall, with a long beard and white hair. The other is a very black man (an African), and short."

Question: "How do they eat?"

Answer: "With a knife and fork and plate."

Question: "Have they a compass" (Compass exhibited)?

Answer: "No; but they have a small mirror like those in your possession."

Question: "Do they purchase ivory?"

Answer: "Yes. We are now sent by Rumanika to buy ivory for them."

Question: "Have they a large quantity?"

Answer: "An immense quantity. They have a large house, which is quite full."

Question: "How will they transport it?"

Answer: "They are building a vessel of iron on the M'wootan N'zige, upon the borders of which they are now staying."

Question: "Do they know that I am commanding this expedition?"

Answer: "Yes; they have frequently asked 'whether you had arrived;' and they wish to go to Khartoum."

"There is no trace of poor Livingstone in their description. I imagine that some enterprising Portuguese trader is building a ship to trade upon M'wootan N'zige. God help him if he tries to transport his ivory by this route.

"I shall write to Livingstone by the first opportunity. Like all other of my informants, these native merchants told me that the M'wootan N'zige extended to Karagwe, after a long turn to the west. It varied much in width, and at Karagwe it was narrow."

For some days I had conversations with these intelligent people. They brought me two elephants' tusks to sell, as they wished to show Rumanika the quality of goods that were now introduced from the north. I made them a few presents, after the bargain, to create a favourable impression, and I once more cross-examined them upon geographical questions.

Their description of the east shore of the M'wootan N'zige was as follows:

Geographical Information:

"South of Unyoro is a country Kabboya; " " Kabboyu " " Tambooki; " " Tambooki " " M'Pororo; " " M'Pororo " " Ruanda; " " Ruanda " " Baroondi; " " Baroondi " " Chibbogora; " " Chibbogora " " Watuta; " " Watuta " " Manchoonda;"

"Beyond the Machoonda they knew nothing, except that the lake extends for an enormous and unknown distance.

"On the west shore, opposite Kabboyu and Tambooki, is situated the cannibal country of Booamba.

"The route to Karagwe from Masindi, via the M'wootan N'zige (Albert N'yanza), is—take boat from Chibero (a day's long march from Masindi) to M'Pororo—at which spot you leave the boat, and proceed overland in one day to the Karagwe frontier.

"The Kittangide river passes through M'Pororo, N'Kole, and Kishakka, and, after a very winding course, it cuts through Karagwe, and falls into the Victoria N'yanza.

"'Baroondi' must be Speke's 'Urundi;' as I find that many names that he has prefixed with 'U' are here pronounced as 'B.'

"By Speke's map Urundi is in about 3 degrees south latitude. The M'wootan N'zige is therefore known to pass through Ruanda, Baroondi, and the Watuta—or beyond the north end of the Tanganyika Lake.

"This looks as though the Tanganyika and the M'wootan N'zige were only one vast lake bearing different names according to the localities through which it passes."

I have extracted this from my journal, as it was written at the moment that the information was given. I have no theory, as I do not indulge in the luxury of geographical theories; but I shall give my information in the same words in which I received it from the natives. Speculative geographers may then form their own opinions.

From the day when Kabba Rega had denied the possession of the guns and ammunition belonging to the irregular levy, he had never appeared at his new divan, neither had I seen him.

Upon many occasions I had sent to request his attendance, but he was always in the sanctuary of his own private house, or rather establishment of houses; these were a series of enormous beehive-shaped straw and cane dwellings in a courtyard of about an acre, surrounded by a fence, and guarded by many sentries, each of whom had a small but built in the middle of the hedge.

Since the departure of the irregular levy, I had noticed a decided change in the demeanour of the chiefs. Kittiakara, who had been our greatest friend, could never look me in the face, but always cast his eyes upon the ground when speaking or listening.

The food for the troops was obtained with the greatest difficulty, after constant worry and endless applications. It was in vain that I insisted upon the right of paying for a supply of corn; the chiefs replied: "Is not Kabba Rega your son? can a son sell corn to his own father"

At the same time we never had two days' provisions in store, and we were simply living from hand to month. This looked suspicious, as though the troops were to be rendered helpless by the absence of supplies in the event of hostilities.

My few Baris consisted of my good interpreter Morgian, together with three other natives, who had been for some years in the employ of Suleiman. I had kept these people with me, as they knew something about the country and the Unyoros. They were all armed and were tolerably good shots. One of these fellows (Molodi), a native of the Madi country, was extremely useful and intelligent. He now told me that I could never depend upon Kabba Rega, and that he had simply begged me to send the irregulars out of the country in order that I should not hear the truth of his former conduct from them; also, in their absence, I should be quite ignorant of the paths that were now completely overgrown with immensely high grass throughout the country.

An incident occurred on the 31st May which caused me serious anxiety.

The station was in complete order: the cultivation was thriving, and the general appearance of the government settlement was a strong contrast to the surrounding wilderness of high grass, and the large and dirty town of Masindi.

My troops were now without occupation, therefore I instructed Colonel Abd-el-Kader to drill them every morning.

It had been the daily practice of the band to march up and down the broad approach, and to perform nearly opposite Kabba Rega's public divan.

There was no clear place in which the troops could be drilled, except in the public square at the back of Kabba Rega's divan; this was about the centre of the town.

The square was an open space of about two acres, and was the spot at which all public festivities were held, and where, upon many occasions, Kabba Rega delighted to sit, in a large open shed, to witness the absurd performance of his buffoons.

This open space was well adapted for the exercise of a company of troops. I therefore ordered the men on parade, and I accompanied them myself together with Lieutenant Baker.

The band played, as usual, at the head of the company, and we marched through the town to the open square.

Here the troops were put through their musketry drill, and commenced various evolutions.

To my astonishment, I saw the natives hurrying off in all directions. I was perfectly unarmed, as were also the officers (excepting their side arms) and Lieutenant Baker.

Almost immediately the huge war-drum sounded in the house of Kabba Rega, and the dull hollow notes continued to beat the alarm!

In less than ten minutes, horns were blowing and drums were beating in all directions, and with extraordinary rapidity, some five or six thousand men came pouring down from every quarter, fully armed with spears and shields, in a state of frantic excitement, and at once surrounded the troops. Fresh bands of natives, all of whom were in their costume of war, continued to concentrate from every side. The crowd of warriors leapt and gesticulated around my little company of men as though about to attack.

I immediately gave the order to form a square with fixed bayonets. This manoeuvre puzzled the natives extremely.

They danced around the square, within a few feet of the glistening row of bayonet-points, which were lowered so as to form an impenetrable fence.

The officers were of course inside the square. I gave the men strict orders not to fire under any provocation, unless I gave the word of command, and attended by Lieutenant Baker and Monsoor, the latter with his sword drawn, I left the square, and walked into the middle of the crowd, towards the three chiefs, Rahonka, Kittakara, and Matonse, who were all standing with lances in their hands, and apparently prepared for action.

Although the situation was full of meaning, I thought the best policy was to appear amused. At this moment Monsoor struck up with his sword, a lance, which one of the frantic warriors, in the midst of his wild gesticulations, had advanced within a few inches of my back.

The interpreters (many of whom I knew well) were all armed with muskets, and the bonosoora were dressed in their usual fantastic manner when prepared for war; a considerable number were provided with guns.

The slightest accident would have caused a general outbreak of hostilities. I had eighty men on the ground; the remainder of the force were at the station, about three hundred yards distant, where Lady Baker, and all stores and ammunition, would have been in extreme danger, had an attack become general.

I at once walked up to Rahonka and Kittakara, and calling an interpreter, named Kadji-Barri, who was standing near them, dressed in Arab clothes, with his musket in his hand, and his cartouche-belt on his waist, I burst out laughing, and exclaimed: "Well done, Kadji-Barri! this is famously managed; let us have a general dance. Ash Kitiakitri if my band shall play, or will you dance to your own music?"

This was immediately translated to the chiefs, and my demeanour seemed to cause some hesitation. I at once ordered our band to strike up.

The instant that a well-known lively air commenced, I begged them to exhibit some native dance to amuse us. Seeing their hesitation, I inquired whether they would wish to see my men perform? After a few words between Kittakara and Rahonka, the former agreed that it would be better for my men to commence the dance first.

I lost no time in explaining to Kittakara. At that he must at once address the crowd and assure them that the performance about to commence was intended for their amusement, and there was no cause for fear. At the same time, I begged him to order the crowd to stand back, and to afford space for my troops, who were about to advance with the bayonet.

In a loud voice Kittakara gave the necessary explanation.

I ordered the bugler to sound the advance, and the whole band sounded the charge with the bayonet (sinjatre doran).

At the inspiriting call, each side of the square advanced at the double with bayonets at the charge. The crowd, lately so demonstrative, fell quickly back, and, having thus cleared the square, I told Kittakara to order every individual of the crowd to sit down upon the ground.

The great mass of people obeyed the order with the discipline of soldiers, and my troops fell back and re-formed their square as before. The little square, with a single line of front of twenty men, now occupied the centre of the clear space.

I lost no time in inquiring for Kabba Rega, whom I insisted upon seeing. After a short delay he appeared, in company of some of his bonosoora. He was in a beastly state of intoxication, and, after reeling about with a spear in his hand, he commenced a most imbecile attempt at warlike gestures.

Had my eighty men been armed with breech-loaders, I could have mown down hundreds by a fire from the square, had hostilities been forced upon us; but, as the greater portion were armed with old muskets, we might have been overwhelmed by a general rush, when reloading after the first volley.

Kabba Rega was so drunk that he did not appear to recognize me, but he continued to reel about for a short time, and thus to expose his idiotic condition, until his chiefs at length recommended him to retire.

Kittakara now explained that, if I wished to have a general dance, they would prepare a grand entertainment at some future time; but he now begged me to withdraw the troops, as the sun was very hot, and the natives were fatigued.

I assured Kittakara and the chiefs that the people had no cause for fear, and that now that my station was completed I should frequently bring the troops to the public square for musketry drill, as there was no other open space, unless Kabba Rega would order his people to clear away the high grass, which he had so often promised to do.

The band now struck up, and the troops, in single file, marched through the narrow lanes of the crowded town. I walked at their head, and I was much pleased by seeing my little friend, Cherri-Merri, who ran out of the crowd, and taking my hand, he marched with us as a volunteer, and accompanied us to the station.

Upon arrival at the government quarters, I found all hands armed and well stationed for the defence of the divan and powder-magazine, by my wife, who was commandant in my absence. She had placed rockets in readiness to fire the town on the instant of a volley of musketry being heard. My good little officer had also laid out a large supply of spare ammunition, together with every gun, rifle, and pistol, all of which were laid on a table in the divan, ready to repel an attack.

I now sent for Rahonka, who was supposed to be the general of Kabba Rega's forces.

The conduct of little Cherri-Merri was very gratifying, as he had adhered to his true friends in a moment of great uncertainty.

Rahonka shortly appeared. My interpreter, Umbogo, was absent on leave for two days to visit his farm; thus Rahonka was accompanied by Kadji-Barri, who was well accustomed to us, and had often received presents.

I now insisted upon an explanation concerning the sudden beating of the war-drum and the extraordinary assembly of the people armed for war. Rahonka looked foolish and nervous, as though he doubted the chance of a safe retreat. He could not give any satisfactory reason for the hostile display we had so recently witnessed, but he attributed it to the drunken state of Kabba Rega, who had sounded the alarm without any reason.

I assured Rahonka that such conduct would not be permitted; and that if such a scene should occur again, I should not allow the troops to be surrounded by thousands of armed men, in hostile attitudes, without immediately taking the initiative.

Rahonka retired, and in a few minutes we received twenty loads of corn for the troops, as a peace-offering.

Thus ended the month of May, which had nearly closed in bloodshed.

There could be no doubt that an attack upon the troops had been intended; and I could not help admiring the organization of the people, that enabled so large a force to be concentrated upon a given point in a few minutes after the alarm had sounded. My wife, upon whose cool judgment I could always depend, described vividly her apprehensions of treachery. She had witnessed the extraordinary energy which the natives had exhibited in rushing from the neighbouring villages, almost immediately when the war-drum had sounded. They had poured in streams past the station, and had brandished their lances and shields at her as they thronged at full speed within fifty yards of the government clearing.

Fortunately, when the big nogara had sounded, both she and the troops understood the signal, and with praiseworthy speed she had placed every man in position to defend the station. Even the servants and our black boys were armed, and occupied the posts assigned to them. Without these precautions it is highly probable that the station would have been attacked, in which case it might have been at once overwhelmed by so immense a superiority of force.

I felt that on the whole we had narrowly escaped from ruin. My intention, when in the open square, had been to seize a rifle from a soldier, and at once to shoot Kabba Rega had hostilities commenced after his appearance; but, even had we been able to hold our own, with a party of eighty men, we should have lost the entire station, together with all our ammunition, and every soul would have been massacred.

I had serious misgivings for the future. This demonstration looked extremely bad after the departure of my thirty-six men with the post to Fatiko. If Kabba Rega and his people were treacherous, they could easily murder the party whom they were pretending to escort as friends.

On the other hand, I could not conceive why Kabba Rega or his people should be ill-disposed, unless he harboured resentment on account of the discovery of his theft of the muskets and ammunition from the irregulars, which I had forced him to restore.

My Baris and Molodi all declared that he was suspicious because I had pardoned the slave-hunters and received them into government service. This merciless young villain, who had so treacherously murdered his own kith and kin, had no conception of forgiveness; thus he could not understand why I had not killed the slave-hunters when they were once in my power.

There was no doubt that discontent rankled deeply in his heart for some cause or other; as he had never appeared, or received visits, for many days, but had sulkily shut himself up within his own court.

He only went out daily, at a certain time, to collect subscriptions for the pay of his beloved rascals, the bonosoora; but this led him through the town in the opposite direction to our camp, therefore we never saw him.

The collection of alms was a most undignified proceeding. At the hour of his exit from his house, a band of fifes or flageolets struck up a peculiar air which was well known as the signal for preparing to pay for the king's visit. The few notes they played was a monotonous repetition of :—

As his pipes played before him, Kabba Rega called at any houses that he thought proper to select, and received from the inmates of each, a few cowrie shells, which are used as the smallest coin in Unyoro. These shells were afterwards divided among his bonosoora as their daily pay.

My station had not been arranged for defence, as I considered that hostilities in this country could not be possible. Although black human nature is the darkest shade of character, I never could have believed that even Kabba Rega could have harboured treacherous designs against us, after the benefits that both he and his people had received from me. The country had been relieved from the slave-hunters, and my people were actually on the road to Fatiko to liberate and restore to their families about 1,000 women and children of Unyoro. I was about to establish a school. No thefts had taken place on the part of the troops. The rights of every native had been respected. The chiefs had received valuable presents, and the people had already felt the advantage of legitimate trade.

At the same time that hostility appeared impossible, I could not blind myself to the fact of the late demonstration; it would therefore be absolutely necessary to construct a small fort, for the security of the ammunition and effects, which could no longer be exposed in simple straw huts, without protection.

I explained this necessity to my officers and men, all of whom were keenly alive to the evil spirit of Kabba Rega, from whom they expected future mischief.

This miserable young fellow was nearly always drunk; his time was passed in sucking plantain cider through a reed, until he became thoroughly intoxicated. We were, therefore, subject to any sudden order that he might give in a fit of drunkenness.

His people obeyed him implicitly, with that fanatical belief that is held in Unyoro respecting the person who occupies the magic throne (Bamba).

There could be no doubt that he was offended and insulted: therefore, according to the principle in vino veritas, he might pluck up courage to surprise us when least expected.

I determined to build a fort immediately.

I drew a plan of a circular stockade, surrounded by a ditch and earthen parapet. The ditch ten feet wide by seven deep. The diameter from scarp to scarp, sixty feet; diameter of inner circular court, thirty-six feet.

With the assistance of Lieutenant Baker I drew the plan on the ground, and my troops set to work with that vigour which always distinguished them.

There were numerous large trees of the fig tribe in the immediate neighbourhood. This wood was exactly adapted for the purpose, as it was easy to cut, and at the same time it was undying when once planted in the ground. Any log of the bark-cloth tree will take root if watered.

The axes with which the men were provided now came into play, and the clicking of so many tools at work at once surprised the natives. Rahonka, Kittakara, and other chiefs came to inquire concerning our intention.

I explained the necessity of storing the gunpowder in a fireproof building. Only a few days ago several native huts had been burnt; such an accident might endanger our station, therefore I should construct an earthen roof over a building of strong palisades. I explained that should the whole of the ammunition explode, it might ignite and destroy Masindi.

My men thoroughly understood their work. Immense logs, nine feet in length, and many upwards of two feet in diameter, were planted, close together, in holes two feet deep. Any interstices were filled up with smaller posts sunk firmly in the ground. The entrance to the little fort was a projecting passage, about twelve feet long, and only three feet wide, formed of two rows of enormous palisades, sunk two feet six inches in the earth, which was pounded closely down with heavy rammers. This passage was an important feature in the power of defence, as it added to the flanking fire. A reference to the plan will show that the arrangement of this small fort gave us three fireproof rooms for the protection of stores and ammunition, and for the accommodation of the necessary guard. Each of these rooms was formed of the strongest palisades, upon which I arranged a flat roof of thick posts, laid parallel, which were covered with tempered earth and chopped straw for the thickness of a foot.

The earth from the ditch would lie against the outside face of the stockade, at an angle of about 40 degrees from the edge of the ditch to within eighteen inches of the projecting roof: thus the defenders could fire from the strong rooms through the interstices of the upright timbers.

We commenced this fort on the morning of 2nd June, and every palisade was in its place and firmly rammed down by the evening of the 5th; thus, in four days' hard work we had an impregnable protection in a position nearly half-way between the entrance of the main approach and the government divan.

The digging of the ditch was commenced, but this was a longer operation, as we were provided with the light Unyoro hoes, which were not sufficiently powerful to cut through the hard gravel subsoil.

The interpreter, Umbogo, returned on 3rd June. He could not in the least explain the hostile demonstration of 31st May. This added to my suspicion, as Umbogo must have known more than he chose to tell.

On the 4th June envoys arrived direct from M'tese, the king of Uganda, with a letter of welcome, written in Arabic, addressed to myself.

The principal messenger was one of M'tese's headmen, named Waysooa. The commander-in-chief, Congow, had also sent a representative, named Bonneggesah; these people were accompanied by an interpreter named Bokamba.

The envoys were remarkably well-dressed, in Indian clothes, and they appeared quite civilized, as though native merchants of Bombay.

They now delivered their credentials from King M'tese: these were objects that had been given to him many years ago by Speke and Grant. A printed book (Kaffre laws), several water-colour drawings, including a picture of a guinea-fowl and a yellow-breasted pigeon; also a little folding-book with sketches of British soldiers of various regiments. These I carefully examined and returned to the envoys, who wrapped them neatly in a piece of calico as great treasures. (I must acknowledge the important assistance rendered by the King M'tese, which was the result of the good reputation left by my precursors, Speke and Grant.)

The general, Congow, had sent a tusk to SELL! I declined the offer, but I sent him a scarlet blanket as a present. I also packed up an assortment of handsome articles for M'tese, including many yards of orange-coloured gold brocade, sufficient for a large flowing robe.

I gave presents to the envoys, and they appeared delighted, bowing frequently to the ground while upon their knees, with their hands clasped together, and repeating the word, "N'yanzig," "N'yanzig," "N'yanzig."

In reply to my inquiries, nothing had been heard of Livingstone. I sent M'tese a letter in Arabic, begging him to use every exertion in a search for the great traveller, and to forward him to me, should he be so fortunate as to discover him. At the same time I wrote two letters, which I addressed to Livingstone; in these I gave him the necessary information. I consigned them to the care of M'tese, to be forwarded to any travellers who might be heard of, far or near.

In my letter to M'tese, I complimented him upon the general improvement of his country, and upon his conversion from heathenism to a belief in the Deity. I explained, that owing to his kindness to Speke and Grant, his name had become known throughout the world, and I begged him to show the same attention to Livingstone.

I described the object of the expedition, in opening up a trade from the north that would bring merchandise of every description to his kingdom; but I advised him to send his own carriers, as I felt sure that Kabba Rega was already jealous, and would endeavour to prevent the opening of the commercial road to M'tese, as he would himself wish to monopolize the trade.

This was a little stroke of diplomacy that I felt sure would open a direct communication without delay, as M'tese looked down with contempt upon Kabba Rega, and would at once feel insulted at opposition from such a quarter. (The good effect of this policy will be seen towards the close of the expedition.)

Should I have any open rupture with Kabba Rega, M'tese would at once attribute the cause to the obstructive and selfish character of the ruler in Unyoro.

I explained to the envoys all that I had written to M'tese, and having exhibited the varieties of merchandise that belonged to the expedition, I took them into the wonderful private house, where they were introduced to the Queen, and the Princess of Wales, and the gaudy ladies, together with the fox-hunters and hounds, the large mirrors, the wheel of life, &c.; all of which were duly explained to them. A good shock with the magnetic battery wound up the entertainment, and provided them with much material for a report to their royal master upon their return to Uganda.

The geographical information afforded by these people I shall extract verbatim from my journal, in which it was written at that particular time: thus, geographers will hear all that I heard, and they may form various opinions, which will perhaps add still further to the interest pertaining to the mysteries of Central Africa.

"The native name for the Victoria N'yanza is Nerraa Bali: There are two lakes adjoining each other, one is Nerraa Bali, the other Sessi; both of which are very large, and they are separated by a neck of land about a day's march across.

"On the Sessi Lake the natives live on floating islands, and subsist by fishing; exchanging their fish for flour, &c., upon the main land.

"There is a narrow water-communication through the neck of land or isthmus, which can be passed through by a canoe in one day."

On the 5th June the envoys returned towards Uganda, having been highly gratified with their visit. They had appeared much concerned at hearing of poor Speke's death; and continued to exclaim for some minutes, "Wah! Wah! Speekee! Speekee! Wah! Speekee!"



CHAPTER XXI.

TREACHERY.

For some days past, Kabba Rega had frequently sent his interpreters with messages, that he wished to sell the ivory which he had collected for the government. We had noticed on several occasions many people laden with large elephants' tusks, who invariably marched towards the same direction. The dragoman, Kadji-Barri, daily brought ivory for sale for the account of his master; and exchanged tusks for all kinds of trifles, such as porcelain cups and saucers, small musical boxes, &c., &c.

On 6th June, twenty-one tusks were purchased from the messengers of Kabba Rega, and I thought that the young king was getting tired of his sulky fit, and that we should be once more friends.

The supply of food was always a trouble. Every day was passed in repeated applications to the authorities for supplies, which were at length grudgingly bestowed.

On 7th June, there was nothing for the troops to eat. Although on 31st May we had received twenty loads of corn, these were simply the long narrow packages which are so neatly made of the plantain bark throughout Unyoro, but which contain very little.

Several times during the day Lieutenant-Colonel Abd-el-Kader, together with Monsoor, had been sent to the divan of Kabba Rega, to impress upon his chiefs the necessity of a supply of food. They explained my great annoyance, as this was precisely the result that I had foretold when Kabba Rega had neglected to clear the ground for cultivation.

At about 3 P.M., the tall chief Matonse appeared, together with Umbogo, and several natives, who carried five large jars of plantain cider. These were sent to me from Kabba Rega, with a polite but lying message, that "he much regretted the scarcity of corn; there was positively none in Masindi, but a large quantity would arrive to-morrow from Agguse." In the mean time he begged I would accept for the troops a present of five jars of cider.

I declined to accept the present, as I did not require drink, but solid food for the troops. The jars were therefore returned.

About sunset Matonse again appeared, accompanied by Umbogo and natives with SEVEN jars of cider, and two large packages of flour, which he assured me had been borrowed from Rahonka. He was exceedingly polite, and smiled and bowed, beseeching me to accept the cider, as plenty of corn would be sent on the following day, when better arrangements would be made for future supplies.

I could no longer refuse the cider, therefore I sent for Abd-el-Kader, and gave him five jars for the officers and troops.

It was at this time about seven o'clock, and we sat down to dinner in the divan, as it was too chilly to dine outside.

We had just finished dinner, when Abd-el-Kader suddenly entered the divan in a state of troubled excitement, to inform me that "many of the troops appeared to be dying, and they had evidently been POISONED by the plantain cider!"

I inquired "how many men had drunk from the jars?" He could not tell, but he feared that at least half the company had taken some portion, more or less. He had himself drunk a tumblerful, and he already felt uncomfortable, with a tightness of the throat, and a burning pain in his inside.

I at once flew to my medicinal arms. Independently of the large medicine-chest, I had a small box, about nine inches by five, which contained all that could be desired for any emergency. This little chest had been my companion for twenty-five years.

I begged my wife to get as much mustard and strong salt and water ready as she could mix in a hurry, and I started off with Abd-el-Kader and Lieutenant Baker. I immediately sent Monsoor to find Umbogo.

On arrival at the camp, which was about 120 yards distant, my first order was to double all the sentries.

I found the men in a terrible state. Several lay insensible, while about thirty were suffering from violent constriction of the throat, which almost prevented them from breathing. This was accompanied by spasms and burning pain in the stomach, with delirium, a partial palsy of the lower extremities, and in the worst cases, total loss of consciousness.

I opened the jaws of the insensible, and poured down a dessert-spoonful of water, containing three grains of emetic tartar, and, in about ten minutes, I dosed everybody who had partaken of the poisoned cider with the same emetic, while I insisted upon a flood of mustard and salt and water being swallowed. Fortunately we had everything at hand. The soldiers who were sound were all nursing the sick, and they poured down gallons of brine, until the patients began to feel the symptoms of a rough passage across the British Channel.

My servants always kept the lanterns trimmed—this was a positive order. The lights were now moving to and fro, and having seen all the poisoned under the full effect of a large dose of tartarised antimony, with an accompaniment of strong brine and mustard, I returned to the divan, where I found Umbogo had just arrived with Monsoor, who had met with him at his own hut.

I sat quietly at the table as though nothing had occurred.

"Are you fond of merissa, Umbogo?"

"Yes," he replied.

"Would you like to drink some that you brought from Kabba Rega, this evening?"

"Yes, if you have any to spare," replied Umbogo.

I ordered Monsoor to fill a gourd-shell that would contain about a quart. This was handed to him, together with a reed.

Umbogo began to suck it vigorously through the tube. My wife thought he was shamming.

"Drink it off, Umbogo!" I exclaimed.

He drank with enjoyment—there was no mistake.

"Stop him!—that's enough, Umbogo! Don't drink it all." The man was evidently not guilty, although he had been employed to bring the poisoned stuff.

Umbogo had only to leave the divan and turn the corner, before he fell to the ground, with the same symptoms that had been exhibited among the men. He had drunk more than the others. His eyes were blood-stained, and nearly started from his head, as he strove wildly upon the ground and wrestled with those who endeavoured to assist him, in a state of total unconsciousness.

I was by his side immediately, and administered the same remedies.

I now ordered all the sick men to be either carried or led within the fort, from which they could not escape. Those who were slightly better, now endeavoured to wander about in delirium, and they would have been lost in the high grass unless I had thus secured them.

All that was possible had been done; the sick, were secured, and the night guards for relief were at their posts with double sentries awake and on duty; thus no man would sleep within the station.

I sent Monsoor to call the chief, Matonse, whose house was within 200 yards of the government divan.

Monsoor shortly returned without Matonse. He had brought an interpreter from this chief, in lieu of Umbogo, who was incapacitated; and Matonse had sent a message "that he could not come to me in the dark, but he would call on the following day."

In the mean time an ominous stillness reigned throughout the usually boisterous population of Masindi. Not a sound was to be heard, although the nightly custom of the people was singing, howling, and blowing horns.

My arms and ammunition were always in readiness, but I filled up my pouches to the maximum of fifty cartridges, and at midnight I went to bed.

I woke frequently to listen, as I was anxious, and therefore slept lightly. The faithful Monsoor was under arms, and was pacing throughout the whole night before my door; he never slept.

At about 2 A.M. there was a sound throughout the town of fowls cackling, as though they were being disturbed and caught while at roost.

At about 3 A.M. the lowing of cattle was heard, as though Kabba Rega's cows were being driven off.

A little after 5 A.M. I got up, and went out at daybreak to visit the sick within the fort. I found Monsoor waiting by my door.

The emetics had counteracted the poison, and my patients, although weakly, were quite out of danger.

Having examined them, I ordered the men to their quarters, and they all left the fort, with the exception of the night guard.

The two interpreters, Umbogo and Aboo Kooka, were secured by a thin cord fastened round their necks.

Having given all the necessary instructions, I ordered Monsoor to go to the chief Matonse, with a message that I wished to see him, as the men had been ill after drinking the cider, and although now recovered, it would be satisfactory if he would examine the remaining jars.

Monsoor took his rifle, and accompanied by a corporal, Ferritch Baggara, one of the best soldiers of the "Forty Thieves," started on his mission. Matonse's house, as already described, was within 200 yards of the government divan.

It was now about 5.45 A.M. I noticed that Kabba Rega's divan, within fifty yards of the government house, seemed full of people, some of whom were washing their faces, as though they had just risen from sleep.

My wife had now joined me, and, according to my usual habit, I strolled up and down the broad gravelled approach and smoked a short pipe. We were conversing together about the present state of affairs, and were anxiously expecting the return of Monsoor with Matonse, who would perhaps throw some light on the matter.

I was followed closely by a bugler and a choush (sergeant). The main entrance of the approach from the town was bordered upon either side by a dense plantation of castor-oil trees, which continued in a thick fringe along the edge of the garden, so as to screen the huts from our view, although they were within twenty paces of the entrance of the drive.

The castor-oil bushes were within five yards of the entrance, and gradually increased the distance, as they turned obliquely towards the private divan of Kabba Rega.

We little suspected that sharpshooters were already concealed within this dense covert.

My wife and I had reached the entrance of the approach. Nothing seemed to denote hostility on the part of the natives, no person being visible, except those guards who occupied the king's divan.

Suddenly we were startled by the savage yells of some thousand voices, which burst unexpectedly upon us!

This horrible sound came from the direction of Matonse's house, and was within 120 yards from the spot on which we stood; but the town was not visible, owing to the thick covert of oil bushes.

The savage yells were almost immediately followed by two rifle shots in the same direction.

"Sound the taboor!" Fortunately I gave this order to the bugler by my side without one moment's delay.

I had just time to tell my wife to run into the divan and get my rifle and belt, when the sharpshooters opened fire at me from the bushes, within a few yards.

I had white cotton clothes, thus I was a very clear object. As I walked towards the divan to meet my rifle, the serjeant who followed close behind me fell shot through the heart. Poor fellow, the shot was aimed at me!

The troops had fallen into position with extraordinary rapidity, and several ascended the roof of the fort, so as to see clearly over the high grass. A soldier immediately fell, to die in a few minutes, shot through the shoulder-blade. Another man of the "Forty Thieves" was shot through the leg above the knee. The bullets were flying through the government divan, and along the approach.

A tumultuous roar of savage voices had burst from all sides, and the whole place was alive a few instants after the first two shots had been heard. Thousands of armed natives now rushed from all directions upon the station.

A thrill went through me when I thought of my good and devoted Monsoor!

My wife had quickly given me my belt and breechloading double rifle. (This beautiful weapon, I have already mentioned, was made by Mr. Holland, of Bond Street, London.) Fortunately I had filled up the pouches on the previous evening with fifty rounds of cartridge.

The troops were now in open order, completely around the station, and were pouring a heavy fire into the masses of the enemy within the high grass, which bad been left purposely uncleared by Kabba Rega, in order to favour a treacherous attack.

The natives kept up a steady fire upon the front from behind the castor-oil bushes and the densely thronged houses.

With sixteen men of the "Forty Thieves," together with Colonel Abd-el-Kader and Lieutenant Baker, R.N., I directed a heavy fire into the covert, and soon made it too hot for the sharpshooters. I had ordered the blue lights at the commencement of the attack. My black boys, Saat and Bellaal, together with some soldiers, now arrived with a good supply.

Covering their advance with a heavy fire from the sniders, the boys and men rushed forward, and immediately ignited Kabba Rega's large divan.

These active and plucky lads now ran nimbly from hut to hut, and one slight touch of the strong fire of the blue lights was sufficient to insure the ignition of the straw dwellings.

I now sent a party of fifteen sniders, under Lieutenant Ferritch Agha, one of my most courageous officers, with a supply of blue lights, to set fire, to the town on our left flank, and to push on to the spot where the missing Monsoor and Ferritch had fired their rifles.

Every arrangement having been rapidly carried out, the boys and a few men continued to fire the houses on our right flank; and giving the order to advance, our party of sixteen rushed forward into the town.

The right and left flanks were now blazing, and the flames were roaring before the wind. I heard the rattling fire of the sniders under Ferritch Agha on our left, and knowing that both flanks were now thoroughly secured by the conflagration, we dashed straight for Kabba Rega's principal residences and court, driving the enemy before us. Colonel Abd-el-Kader was an excellent officer in action. We quickly surrounded Kabba Rega's premises, and set fire to the enormous straw buildings on all sides.

If he had been at home he would have had a warm reception, but the young coward had fled with all his women before the action had commenced, together with the magic bamba or throne, and the sacred drum.

In a few minutes the conflagration was terrific, as the great court of Kabba Rega blazed in flames seventy or eighty feet high, which the wind drove in vivid forks into the thatch of the adjacent houses.

We now followed the enemy throughout the town, and the sniders told with sensible effect wherever they made a stand. The blue lights continued the work; the roar of flames and the dense volumes of smoke, mingled with the continued rattle of musketry, and the savage yells of the natives, swept forward with the breeze, and the capital of Unyoro was a fair sample of the infernal regions.

The natives were driven out of the town, but the high grass was swarming with many thousands, who, in the neighbourhood of the station, still advanced to attack the soldiers.

I now ordered "The Forty" to clear the grass, and a steady fire of snider rifles soon purged the covert upon which the enemy had relied.

In about an hour and a quarter the battle of Masindi was won. Not a house remained of the lately extensive town. A vast open space of smoke and black ashes, with flames flickering in some places where the buildings had been consumed, and at others forked sheets of fire where the fuel was still undestroyed, were the only remains of the capital of Unyoro.

The enemy had fled. Their drums and horns, lately so noisy, were now silent.

I ordered the bugle to sound "cease firing." We marched through the scorching streets to our station, where I found my wife in deep distress.

The bugle sounded the assembly, and the men mustered, and fell in for the roll-call. Four men were missing.

Lying on the turf, close to the fort wall, were four bodies arranged in a row and covered with cloths.

The soldiers gathered round them as I approached. The cloths were raised.

My eyes rested on the pale features of my ever faithful and devoted officer, Monsoor! There was a sad expression of pain on his face. I could not help feeling his pulse; but there was no hope; this was still. I laid his arm gently by his side, and pressed his hand for the last time, for I loved Monsoor as a true friend.

His body was pierced with thirty-two lance wounds; thus he had fought gallantly to the last, and he had died like a good soldier; but he was treacherously murdered instead of dying on a fair battle-field.

Poor Ferritch Baggara was lying next to him, with two lance wounds through the chest.

The other bodies were those of the choush that had fallen by my side, and the soldier who had been shot on the parapet.

We were all deeply distressed at the death of poor Monsoor. There never was a more thoroughly unselfish and excellent man. He was always kind to the boys, and would share even a scanty meal in hard times with either friend or stranger. He was the lamb in peace, and the lion in moments of danger. I owed him a debt of gratitude, for although I was the general, and he had been only a corporal when he first joined the expedition, he had watched over my safety like a brother. I should "never see his like again."

Monsoor was the only Christian, excepting the European party.

The graves were made. I gave out new cloth from the stores in which to wrap the bodies of four of my best men, and they were buried near the fort.

My heart was very heavy. God knows I had worked with the best intentions for the benefit of the country, and this was the lamentable result. My best men were treacherously murdered. We had narrowly escaped a general massacre. We had won the battle, and Masindi was swept from the earth. What next?

I find these words, which I extract from my journal, as they were written at that moment:-

"Thus ended the battle of Masindi, caused by the horrible treachery of the natives. Had I not been quick in sounding the bugle and immediately assuming a vigorous offensive, we should have been overwhelmed by numbers.

"Since we have been in this country, my men have been models of virtue; nothing has been stolen, except a few potatoes on one occasion, when the thief was publicly punished, and the potatoes restored to the owner, neither have the natives been interfered with in any manner. I have driven the slave-hunters from their country, and my troops from Fatiko are ordered to restore to Unyoro all the slaves that have been stolen by the traders. The disgusting ingratitude and treachery of the negro surpasses imagination.

"What is to become of these countries? all my good-will brings forth evil deeds."

In the battle of Masindi nothing could have exceeded the cool, soldier-like bearing of both officers and men. Every man had done his duty. In the first onset, when about seven or eight thousand natives had suddenly attacked the station, the men had not only fallen into position for the defence of the camp with extraordinary alacrity, but they had behaved with extreme steadiness and coolness, and not a man had moved from his post without orders.

The attacking parties, formed exclusively of the "Forty Thieves," had exhibited an activity and elan for which this gallant little corps was eminently distinguished; and had they been European troops, their conduct upon this occasion, against such overwhelming odds, would have covered them with glory.

We had no newspaper correspondents, therefore I must give the due praise to my officers and men.

During the day I established patrols throughout the now cleared space lately occupied by the town.

In the afternoon Umbogo was able to call some natives who were within earshot. These men explained that the chief, Matonse, was the cause of the outbreak, and that it was his people who, by his orders, had killed Monsoor and Ferritch.

Umbogo had been set at liberty during the fight, but I now secured him by the neck to a leathern thong in the hand of a sentry; for, although a good man, I could not afford to lose him, and the devil might have tempted him to run away.

In the afternoon some natives cried out that Kittakara was coming, and Lieutenant-Colonel Abd-el-Kader, with a few men, immediately went out to meet him.

Kittakara would not approach within less than about a hundred yards, but he assured Abd-el-Kader that the outbreak was not the fault of Kabba Rega, but that the responsibility lay with Matonse, who had escaped, and that he should be captured and delivered up to me.

He continued to assure Abd-el-Kader that Kabba Rega had already ordered provisions and a large number of elephants' tusks to be collected for us, and that, although for the present he was hiding through fear in the high grass, he would quickly rebuild his divan close to my own, so as to live in friendship.

It was impossible to credit one syllable in Unyoro. On the other hand, should I be unable to bring the enemy to terms, I should be chained to the spot, as it would be impossible to transport my baggage.

It was an awkward position. The treachery had been frightful, and I could only attribute it to Kabba Rega's orders, in spite of the protestations of Kittakara. If I should be right in my suspicions, what would become of Major Abdullah and his detachment?

Nothing would be easier for the 300 natives who had accompanied my people with the post, than to behave well on the route to Fatiko, in order to establish confidence. They could then carry all the effects and ammunition, in company with Abdullah and his troops, from Fatiko to Unyoro, and in the prairie wilderness, they might murder every man at night when asleep, and possess themselves of the arms, ammunition, and effects, with which they would rejoin Kabba Rega.

This was a frightful idea; and there could be no doubt that such treachery had been planned, if Kabba Rega were guilty of the attempt to poison the troops and attack us by surprise. It was hard to disbelieve his guilt.

There were no means possible of communication with Abdullah. In case of necessity, there was only one move; this was to march to the Victoria Nile, and form an alliance with Rionga, the old enemy of Kamrasi's family, whom I had always refused to attack. I was sure that he must have heard of my refusal to ally myself with Kabba Rega against him: thus he would be favourable to the government.

I resolved that, if hostilities should continue, I would proclaim Rionga representative of the government, as vassal-chief of Unyoro, in the room of Kabba Rega, deposed.

Rionga would send a letter to warn Major Abdullah at Fatiko; but how was I to convey my baggage and ammunition from Masindi to Foweera, without a single carrier, or even a guide?

It was the height of the rainy season, and the grass was about nine or ten feet high, throughout a country of dense and tangled forest.

I had no interpreter of my own; Umbogo was Kabba Rega's slave, and although I fancied that he was fond of us, I had no faith in any one of these detestable people. This want of confidence was keenly felt at a time when I required an interpreter in whom I could absolutely trust. I was obliged to confide my plan to Umbogo, as I wished him to find some man among the natives who would take a message to Rionga.