From this time the leaders of the movement became the most active of missionaries. Without any fixed parishes they wandered from place to place, proclaiming their new doctrine in every pulpit to which they were admitted, and they speedily awoke a passionate enthusiasm and a bitter hostility in the Church.

We may blame, but we can hardly, I think, wonder at the hostility all this aroused among the clergy. It is, indeed, certain that Wesley and Whitefield were at this time doing more than any other contemporary clergymen to kindle a living piety among the people. Yet before the end of 1738 the Methodist leaders were excluded from most of the pulpits of the Church, and were thus compelled, unless they consented to relinquish what they considered a Divine mission, to take steps in the direction of separation.

Two important measures of this nature were taken in 1739. One of them was the creation of Methodist chapels, which were intended not to oppose or replace, but to be supplemental and ancillary to, the churches, and to secure that the doctrine of the new birth should be faithfully taught to the people. The other and still more important event was the institution by Whitefield of field-preaching. The idea had occurred to him in London, where he found congregations too numerous for the church in which he preached, but the first actual step was taken in the neighborhood of Bristol. At a time when he was himself excluded from the pulpits at Bristol, and was thus deprived of the chief normal means of exercising his talents, his attention was called to the condition of the colliers at Kingswood. He was filled with horror and compassion at finding in the heart of a Christian country, and in the immediate neighborhood of a great city, a population of many thousands, sunk in the most brutal ignorance and vice, and entirely excluded from the ordinances of religion. Moved by such feelings, he resolved to address the colliers in their own haunts. The resolution was a bold one, for field-preaching was then utterly unknown in England, and it needed no common courage to brave all the obloquy and derision it must provoke, and to commence the experiment in the center of a half-savage population. Whitefield, however, had a just confidence in his cause and in his powers. Standing himself upon a hillside, he took for his text the first words of the sermon which was spoken from the Mount, and he addressed with his accustomed fire an astonished audience of some two hundred men. The fame of his eloquence spread far and wide. On successive occasions, five, ten, fifteen, even twenty thousand were present. It was February, but the winter sun shone clear and bright. The lanes were filled with carriages of the more wealthy citizens, whom curiosity had drawn from Bristol. The trees and hedges were crowded with humbler listeners, and the fields were darkened by a compact mass. The voice of the great preacher pealed with a thrilling power to the outskirts of that mighty throng. The picturesque novelty of the occasion and of the scene, the contagious emotion of so great a multitude, a deep sense of the condition of his hearers and of the momentous importance of the step he was taking, gave an additional solemnity to his eloquence. His rude auditors were electrified. They stood for a time in rapt and motionless attention. Soon tears might be seen forming white gutters down cheeks blackened from the coal mine. Then sobs and groans told how hard hearts were melting at his words. A fire was kindled among the outcasts of Kingswood which burnt long and fiercely, and was destined in a few years to overspread the land.

But for the simultaneous appearance of a great orator and a great statesman, Methodism would probably have smouldered and at last perished like the very similar religious societies of the preceding century. Whitefield was utterly destitute of the organizing skill which could alone give a permanence to the movement, and no talent is naturally more ephemeral than popular oratory; while Wesley, though a great and impressive preacher, could scarcely have kindled a general enthusiasm had he not been assisted by an orator who had an unrivaled power of moving the passions of the ignorant. The institution of field-preaching by Whitefield in the February of 1739 carried the impulse through the great masses of the poor, while the foundation by Wesley, in the May of the same year, of the first Methodist chapel was the beginning of an organized body capable of securing and perpetuating the results that had been achieved.

From the time of the institution of lay preachers Methodism became in a great degree independent of the Established Church. Its chapels multiplied in the great towns, and its itinerant missionaries penetrated to the most secluded districts. They were accustomed to preach in fields and gardens, in streets and lecture-rooms, in market places and churchyards. On one occasion we find Whitefield at a fair mounting a stage which had been erected for some wrestlers, and there denouncing the pleasures of the world; on another, preaching among the mountebanks at Moorfields; on a third, attracting around his pulpit ten thousand of the spectators at a race course; on a fourth, standing beside the gallows at an execution to speak of death and of eternity. Wesley, when excluded from the pulpit of Epworth, delivered some of his most impressive sermons in the churchyard, standing on his father's tomb. Howell Harris, the apostle of Wales, encountering a party of mountebanks, sprang into their midst exclaiming, in a solemn voice, "Let us pray," and then proceeded to thunder forth the judgments of the Lord. Rowland Hill was accustomed to visit the great towns on market day in order that he might address the people in the market place, and to go from fair to fair preaching among the revelers from his favorite text, "Come out from among them." In this manner the Methodist preachers came in contact with the most savage elements of the population, and there were few forms of mob violence they did not experience. In 1741 one of their preachers named Seward, after repeated ill treatment in Wales, was at last struck on the head while preaching at Monmouth, and died of the blow. In a riot, while Wheatley was preaching at Norwich, a poor woman with child perished from the kicks and blows of the mob. At Dublin, Whitefield was almost stoned to death. At Exeter he was stoned in the very presence of the bishop. At Plymouth he was violently assaulted and his life seriously threatened by a naval officer.

Scenes of this kind were of continual occurrence, and they were interspersed with other persecutions of a less dangerous description. Drums were beaten, horns blown, guns let off, and blacksmiths hired to ply their noisy trade in order to drown the voices of the preachers. Once, at the very moment when Whitefield announced his text, the belfry gave out a peal loud enough to make him inaudible. On other occasions packs of hounds were brought with the same object, and once, in order to excite the dogs to fury, a live cat in a cage was placed in their midst. Fire engines poured streams of fetid water upon the congregation. Stones fell so thickly that the faces of many grew crimson with blood. At Hoxton the mob drove an ox into the midst of the congregation. At Pensford the rabble, who had been baiting a bull, concluded their sport by driving the torn and tired animal full against the table on which Wesley was preaching. Sometimes we find innkeepers refusing to receive the Methodist leaders in their inns, farmers entering into an agreement to dismiss every laborer who attended a Methodist preacher, landlords expelling all Methodists from their cottages, masters dismissing their servants because they had joined the sect. The magistrates, who knew by experience that the presence of a Methodist preacher was the usual precursor of disturbance and riot, looked on them with the greatest disfavor, and often scandalously connived at the persecutions they underwent.

It was frequently observed by Wesley that his preaching rarely affected the rich and the educated. It was over the ignorant and the credulous that it exercised its most appalling power, and it is difficult to overrate the mental anguish it must sometimes have produced. Timid and desponding natures unable to convince themselves that they had undergone a supernatural change, gentle and affectionate natures who believed that those who were dearest to them were descending into everlasting fire, must have often experienced pangs compared with which the torments of the martyr were insignificant. The confident assertions of the Methodist preacher and the ghastly images he continually evoked poisoned their imaginations, haunted them in every hour of weakness or depression, discolored all their judgments of the world, and added a tenfold horror to the darkness of the grave. Sufferings of this description, though among the most real and the most terrible that superstition can inflict, are so hidden in their nature that they leave few traces in history; but it is impossible to read the journals of Wesley without feeling that they were most widely diffused. Many were thrown into paroxysms of extreme, though usually transient, agony; many doubtless nursed a secret sorrow which corroded all the happiness of their lives, while not a few became literally insane. On one occasion Wesley was called to the bedside of a young woman at Kingswood. He tells us:

She was nineteen or twenty years old, but, it seems, could not write or read. I found her on the bed, two or three persons holding her. It was a terrible sight. Anguish, horror, and despair above all description appeared in her pale face. The thousand distortions of her whole body showed how the dogs of hell were gnawing at her heart. The shrieks intermixed were scarce to be endured. But her stony eyes could not weep. She screamed out as soon as words could find their way, "I am damned, damned, lost forever: six days ago you might have helped me. But it is past. I am the devil's now.... I will go with him to hell. I cannot be saved." They sang a hymn, and for a time she sank to rest, but soon broke out anew in incoherent exclamations, "Break, break, poor stony hearts! Will you not break? What more can be done for stony hearts? I am damned that you may be saved!"... She then fixed her eyes in the corner of the ceiling, and said, "There he is, ay, there he is! Come, good devil, come! Take me away."... We interrupted her by calling again on God, on which she sank down as before, and another young woman began to roar out as loud as she had done.

For more than two hours Wesley and his brother continued praying over her. At last the paroxysms subsided and the patient joined in a hymn of praise.

In the intense religious enthusiasm that was generated, many of the ties of life were snapped in twain. Children treated with contempt the commands of their parents, students the rules of their colleges, clergymen the discipline of their Church. The whole structure of society, and almost all the amusements of life, appeared criminal. The fairs, the mountebanks, the public rejoicings of the people, were all Satanic. It was sinful for a woman to wear any gold ornament or any brilliant dress. It was even sinful for a man to exercise the common prudence of laying by a certain portion of his income. When Whitefield proposed to a lady to marry him, he thought it necessary to say, "I bless God, if I know anything of my own heart, I am free from that foolish passion which the world calls love." "I trust I love you only for God, and desire to be joined to you only by His commands, and for His sake." It is perhaps not very surprising that Whitefield's marriage, like that of Wesley, proved very unhappy. Theaters and the reading of plays were absolutely condemned, and Methodists employed all their influence with the authorities to prevent the erection of the former. It seems to have been regarded as a divine judgment that once, when Macbeth was being acted at Drury Lane, a real thunderstorm mingled with the mimic thunder in the witch scene. Dancing was, if possible, even worse than the theater. "Dancers," said Whitefield, "please the devil at every step"; and it was said that his visit to a town usually put "a stop to the dancing-school, the assemblies, and every pleasant thing." He made it his mission to "bear testimony against the detestable diversions of this generation"; and he declared that no "recreations, considered as such, can be innocent."

Accompanying this asceticism we find an extraordinary revival of the grossest superstition. It was a natural consequence of the essentially emotional character of Methodism that its disciples should imagine that every strong feeling or impulse within them was a direct inspiration of God or Satan. The language of Whitefield—the language in a great degree of all the members of the sect—was that of men who were at once continually inspired and the continual objects of miraculous interposition. In every perplexity they imagined that, by casting lots or opening their Bibles at random, they could obtain a supernatural answer to their inquiries.

In all matters relating to Satanic interference, Wesley was especially credulous. "I cannot give up to all the Deists in Great Britain the existence of witchcraft till I give up the credit of all history, sacred and profane." He had no doubt that the physical contortions into which so many of his hearers fell were due to the direct agency of Satan, who tore the converts as they were coming to Christ. He had himself seen men and women who were literally possessed by devils; he had witnessed forms of madness which were not natural, but diabolical, and he had experienced in his own person the hysterical affections which resulted from supernatural agency.

If Satanic agencies continually convulsed those who were coming to the faith, divine judgments as frequently struck down those who opposed it. Every illness, every misfortune that befell an opponent, was believed to be supernatural. Molther, the Moravian minister, shortly after the Methodists had separated from the Moravians, was seized with a passing illness. "I believe," wrote Wesley, "it was the hand of God that was upon him." Numerous cases were cited of sudden and fearful judgments which fell upon the adversaries of the cause. A clergyman at Bristol, standing up to preach against the Methodists, "was suddenly seized with a rattling in his throat, attended with a hideous groaning," and on the next Sunday he died. At Todmorden a minister was struck with a violent fit of palsy immediately after preaching against the Methodists. At Enniscorthy a clergyman, having preached for some time against Methodism, deferred the conclusion of the discourse to the following Sunday. Next morning he was raging mad, imagined that devils were about him, "and not long after, without showing the least sign of hope, he went to his account." At Kingswood a man began a vehement invective against Wesley and Methodism. "In the midst he was struck raving mad." A woman, seeing a crowd waiting for Wesley at the church door, exclaimed, "They are waiting for their God." She at once fell senseless to the ground, and next day expired. "A party of young men rode up to Richmond to disturb the sermons of Rowland Hill. The boat sank, and all of them were drowned." At Sheffield the captain of a gang who had long troubled the field-preachers, was bathing with his companions. "Another dip," he said, "and then for a bit of sport with the Methodists." He dived, struck his head against a stone, and appeared no more. By such anecdotes and by such beliefs a fever of enthusiasm was sustained.

But with all its divisions and defects the movement was unquestionably effecting a great moral revolution in England. It was essentially a popular movement, exercising its deepest influence over the lower and middle classes. Some of its leaders were men of real genius, but in general the Methodist teacher had little sympathy with the more educated of his fellow-countrymen. To an ordinarily cultivated mind there was something extremely repulsive in his tears and groans and amorous ejaculations, in the coarse and anthropomorphic familiarity and the unwavering dogmatism with which he dealt with the most sacred subjects, in the narrowness of his theory of life and his utter insensibility to many of the influences that expand and embellish it, in the mingled credulity and self-confidence with which he imagined that the whole course of nature was altered for his convenience. But the very qualities that impaired his influence in one sphere enhanced it in another. His impassioned prayers and exhortations stirred the hearts of multitudes whom a more decorous teaching had left absolutely callous. The supernatural atmosphere of miracles, judgments, and inspirations in which he moved, invested the most prosaic life with a halo of romance. The doctrines he taught, the theory of life he enforced, proved themselves capable of arousing in great masses of men an enthusiasm of piety which was hardly surpassed in the first days of Christianity, of eradicating inveterate vice, of fixing and directing impulsive and tempestuous natures that were rapidly hastening toward the abyss. Out of the profligate slave-dealer, John Newton, Methodism formed one of the purest and most unselfish of saints. It taught criminals in Newgate to mount the gallows in an ecstasy of rapturous devotion. It planted a fervid and enduring religious sentiment in the midst of the most brutal and most neglected portions of the population, and whatever may have been its vices or its defects, it undoubtedly emancipated great numbers from the fear of death, and imparted a warmer tone to the devotion and a greater energy to the philanthropy of every denomination both in England and the colonies.

III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS

1. Social Unrest

The term collective behavior, which has been used elsewhere to include all the facts of group life, has been limited for the purposes of this chapter to those phenomena which exhibit in the most obvious and elementary way the processes by which societies are disintegrated into their constituent elements and the processes by which these elements are brought together again into new relations to form new organizations and new societies.

Some years ago John Graham Brooks wrote a popular treatise on the labor situation in the United States. He called the volume Social Unrest. The term was, even at that time, a familiar one. Since then the word unrest, in both its substantive and adjective forms, has gained wide usage. We speak in reference to the notorious disposition of the native American to move from one part of the country to another, of his restless blood, as if restlessness was a native American trait transmitted in the blood. We speak more often of the "restless age," as if mobility and the desire for novelty and new experience were peculiarly characteristic of the twentieth century. We use the word to describe conditions in different regions of social life in such expressions as "political," "religious," and "labor" unrest, and in every case the word is used in a sense that indicates change, but change that menaces the existing order. Finally, we speak of the "restless woman," as of a peculiar modern type, characteristic of the changed status of women in general in the modern world. In all these different uses we may observe the gradual unfolding of the concept which seems to have been implicit in the word as it was first used. It is the concept of an activity in response to some urgent organic impulse which the activity, however, does not satisfy. It is a diagnostic symptom, a symptom of what Graham Wallas calls "balked disposition." It is a sign that in the existing situation some one or more of the four wishes—security, new experience, recognition, and response—has not been and is not adequately realized. The fact that the symptom is social, that it is contagious, is an indication that the situations that provoke it are social, that is to say, general in the community or the group where the unrest manifests itself. [313] The materials in which the term unrest is used in the sense indicated are in the popular discussions of social questions. The term is not defined but it is frequently used in connection with descriptions of conditions which are evidently responsible for it. Labor strikes are evidences of social unrest, and the literature already referred to in the chapter on "Conflict"[1] shows the conditions under which unrest arises, is provoked and exploited in labor situations. The relation of unrest to routine and fatigue has been the subject of a good deal of discussion and some investigation. The popular conception is that labor unrest is due to the dull driving routine of machine industry. The matter needs further study. The actual mental experiences of the different sexes, ages, temperamental and mental types under the influence of routine would add a much needed body of fact to our present psychology of the worker.

2. Psychic Epidemics

If social unrest is a symptom of disorganization, then the psychic epidemics, in which all the phenomena of social unrest and contagion are intensified, is evidence positive that disorganization exists. Social disorganization must be considered in relation to reorganization. All change involves a certain amount of disorganization. In order that an individual may make new adjustments and establish new habits it is inevitable that old habits should be broken up, and in order that society may reform an existing social order a certain amount of disorganization is inevitable. Social unrest may be, therefore, a symptom of health. It is only when the process of disorganization goes on so rapidly and to such an extent that the whole existing social structure is impaired, and society is, for that reason, not able to readjust itself, that unrest is to be regarded as a pathological symptom.

There is reason to believe, contrary to the popular conception, that the immigrant in America, particularly in the urban environment, accommodates himself too quickly rather than too slowly to American life. Statistics show, particularly in the second generation, a notable increase in juvenile delinquency, and this seems to be due to the fact that in America the relation between parents and children is reversed. Owing to the children's better knowledge of English and their more rapid accommodation to the conditions of American life, parents become dependent upon their children rather than the children dependent upon their parents.

Social epidemics, however, are evidence of a social disintegration due to more fundamental and widespread disorders. The literature has recorded the facts but writers have usually interpreted the phenomena in medical rather than sociological terms. Stoll, in his very interesting but rather miscellaneous collection of materials upon primitive life, disposes of the phenomena by giving them another name. His volume is entitled Suggestion and Hypnotism in Folk Psychology.[314] Friedmann, in his monograph, Ueber Wahnideen im Voelkerleben, is disposed as a psychiatrist to treat the whole matter as a form of "social" insanity.

3. Mass Movements

In spite of the abundance of materials on the subject of mass movements no attempt has been made as yet to collect and classify them. There have been a number of interesting books in the field of collective psychology, so called mainly by French and Italian writers—Sighele, Rossi, Tarde, and Le Bon—but they are not based on a systematic study of cases. The general assumption has been that the facts are so obvious that any attempt to study systematically the mechanisms involved would amount to little more than academic elaboration of what is already obvious, a restatement in more abstract terms of what is already familiar.

On the other hand, shepherds and cowboys, out of their experience in handling cattle and sheep, have learned that the flock and the herd have quite peculiar and characteristic modes of collective behavior which it is necessary to know if one is to handle them successfully. At the same time, practical politicians who make a profession of herding voters, getting them out to the polls at the times they are needed and determining for them, by the familiar campaign devices, the persons and the issues for which they are to cast their ballots, have worked out very definite methods for dealing with masses of people, so that they are able to predict the outcome with considerable accuracy far in advance of an election and make their dispositions accordingly.

Political manipulation of the movements and tendencies of popular opinion has now reached a point of perfection where it can and will be studied systematically. During the world-war it was studied, and all the knowledge which advertisers, newspaper men, and psychologists possessed was used to win the war.

Propaganda is now recognized as part of the grand strategy of war. Not only political and diplomatic victories, but battles were won during the world-war by the aid of this insidious weapon. The great victory of the Austrian and German armies at Caporetto which in a few days wiped out all the hard-won successes of the Italian armies was prepared by a psychic attack on the morale of the troops at the front and a defeatist campaign among the Italian population back of the lines.

In the battle of Caporetto the morale of the troops at the front was undermined by sending postal cards and letters to individual soldiers stating that their wives were in illicit relations with officers and soldiers of the allies. Copies of Roman and Milanese newspapers were forged and absolute facsimiles of familiar journals were secretly distributed or dropped from Austrian aeroplanes over the Italian lines. These papers contained sensational articles telling the Italians that Austria was in revolt, that Emperor Charles had been killed. Accompanying these were other articles describing bread riots throughout Italy and stating that the Italian government, unable to quell them with its own forces, had sent British and French re-enforcing troops and even Zulus into the cities, and that these troops were shooting down women and children and priests without mercy.

This attack upon the morale of the troops was followed by an unforeseen assault upon a quiet sector, which succeeded in piercing the line at numerous points. In the confusion that followed the whole structure of the defense crumbled, and the result was disastrous.

When the final history of the world-war comes to be written, one of its most interesting chapters will be a description of the methods and devices which were used by the armies on both sides to destroy the will to war in the troops and among the peoples behind the lines. If the application of modern science to war has multiplied the engines of destruction, the increase of communication and the interpenetration of peoples has given war among civilized peoples the character of an internal and internecine struggle. Under these circumstances propaganda, in the sense of an insidious exploitation of the sources of dissension and unrest, may as completely change the character of wars of peoples as they were once changed by the invention of gunpowder.

In this field there is room for investigation and study, for almost all attempts thus far made to put advertising on a scientific basis have been made by students of individual rather than social psychology.

4. Revivals, Religious and Linguistic

For something more than a hundred years Europe has experienced a series of linguistic and literary revivals, that is to say revivals of the folk languages and the folk cultures. The folk languages are the speech of peoples who have been conquered but not yet culturally absorbed by the dominant language group. They are mostly isolated rural populations who have remained to a large extent outside of the cosmopolitan cultures of the cities. These people while not wholly illiterate have never had enough education in the language of the dominant peoples of the cities to enable them to use this alien speech as a medium of education. The consequence is that, except for a relatively small group of intellectuals, they have been cut off from the main current of European life and culture. These linguistic revivals have not been confined to any one nation, since every nation in Europe turns out upon analysis to be a mosaic of minor nationalities and smaller cultural enclaves in which the languages of little and forgotten peoples have been preserved. Linguistic revivals have, in fact, been well-nigh universal. They have taken place in France, Spain, Norway, Denmark, in most of the Balkan States, including Albania, the most isolated of them all, and in all the smaller nationalities along the Slavic-German border—Finland, Esthonia, Letvia, Lithuania, Poland, Bohemia, Slovakia, Roumania, and the Ukraine. Finally, among the Jews of Eastern Europe, there has been the Haskala Movement, as the Jews of Eastern Europe call their period of enlightenment, a movement that has quite unintentionally made the Judeo-German dialect (Yiddish) a literary language.

At first blush, it seems strange that the revivals of the folk speech should have come at a time when the locomotive and the telegraph were extending commerce and communication to the uttermost limits of the earth, when all barriers were breaking down, and the steady expansion of cosmopolitan life and the organization of the Great Society, as Graham Wallas has called it, seemed destined to banish all the minor languages, dialects, and obsolescent forms of speech, the last props of an international provincialism, to the limbo of forgotten things. The competition of the world-languages was already keen; all the little and forgotten peoples of Europe—the Finns, Letts, Ukrainians, Russo-Carpathians, Slovaks, Slovenians, Croatians, the Catalonians of eastern Spain, whose language, by the way, dates back to a period before the Roman Conquest, the Czechs, and the Poles—began to set up presses and establish schools to revive and perpetuate their several racial languages.

To those who, at this time, were looking forward to world-organization and a universal peace through the medium of a universal language, all this agitation had the appearance of an anachronism, not to say a heresy. It seemed a deliberate attempt to set up barriers, where progress demanded that they should be torn down. The success of such a movement, it seemed, must be to bring about a more complete isolation of the peoples, to imprison them, so to speak, in their own languages, and so cut them off from the general culture of Europe.[315]

The actual effect has been different from what was expected. It is difficult, and for the masses of the people impossible, to learn through the medium of a language that they do not speak. The results of the efforts to cultivate Swedish and Russian in Finland, Polish and Russian in Lithuania, Magyar in Slovakia and at the same time to prohibit the publication of books and newspapers in the mother-tongue of the country has been, in the first place, to create an artificial illiteracy and, in the second, to create in the minds of native peoples a sense of social and intellectual inferiority to the alien and dominant race.

The effect of the literary revival of the spoken language, however, has been to create, in spite of the efforts to suppress it, a vernacular press which opened the gates of western culture to great masses of people for whom it did not previously exist. The result has been a great cultural awakening, a genuine renaissance, which has had profound reverberations on the political and social life of Europe.

The literary revival of the folk speech in Europe has invariably been a prelude to the revival of the national spirit in subject peoples. The sentiment of nationality has its roots in memories that attach to the common possessions of the people, the land, the religion, and the language, but particularly the language.

Bohemian patriots have a saying, "As long as the language lives, the nation is not dead." In an address in 1904 Jorgen Levland, who was afterward Premier of Norway, in a plea for "freedom with self-government, home, land, and our own language," made this statement: "Political freedom is not the deepest and greatest. Greater is it for a nation to preserve her intellectual inheritance in her native tongue."

The revival of the national consciousness in the subject peoples has invariably been connected with the struggle to maintain a press in the native language. The reason is that it was through the medium of the national press that the literary and linguistic revivals took place. Conversely, the efforts to suppress the rising national consciousness took the form of an effort to censor or suppress the national press. There were nowhere attempts to suppress the spoken language as such. On the other hand, it was only as the spoken language succeeded in becoming a medium of literary expression that it was possible to preserve it under modern conditions and maintain in this way the national solidarity. When the Lithuanians, for example, were condemned to get their education and their culture through the medium of a language not their own, the effect was to denationalize the literate class and to make its members aliens to their own people. If there was no national press, there could be no national schools, and, indeed, no national church. It was for this reason that the struggle to maintain the national language and the national culture has always been a struggle to maintain a national press.

European nationalists, seeking to revive among their peoples the national consciousness, have invariably sought to restore the national speech, to purge it of foreign idioms, and emphasize every mark which serves to distinguish it from the languages with which it tended to fuse.[316]

Investigation of these linguistic revivals and the nationalist movement that has grown out of them indicates that there is a very intimate relation between nationalist and religious movements. Both of them are fundamentally cultural movements with incidental political consequences. The movement which resulted in the reorganization of rural life in Denmark, the movement that found expression in so unique an institution as the rural high schools of Denmark, was begun by Bishop Grundtvig, called the Luther of Denmark, and was at once a religious and a nationalist movement. The rural high schools are for this reason not like anything in the way of education with which people outside of Denmark are familiar. They are not technical schools but cultural institutions in the narrowest, or broadest, sense of that term.[317] The teaching is "scientific," but at the same time "inspirational." They are what a Sunday school might be if it were not held on Sunday and was organized as Mr. H. G. Wells would organize it and with such a bible as he would like to have someone write for us.[318]

The popular accounts which we have of religious revivals do not at first suggest any very definite relations, either psychological or sociological, between them and the literary revivals to which reference has just been made. Religious revivals, particularly as described by dispassionate observers, have the appearance of something bizarre, fantastic, and wild, as indeed they often are.

What must strike the thoughtful observer, however, is the marked similarity of these collective religious excitements, whether among civilized or savage peoples and at places and periods remote in time and in space. Frederick Morgan Davenport, who has collected and compared the materials in this field from contemporary sources, calls attention in the title of his volume, Primitive Traits in Religious Revivals, to this fundamental similarity of the phenomena. Whatever else the word "primitive" may mean in this connection it does mean that the phenomena of religious revivals are fundamentally human.

From the frantic and disheveled dances of the Bacchantes, following a wine cart through an ancient Greek village, to the shouts and groans of the mourners' bench of an old-time Methodist camp-meeting, religious excitement has always stirred human nature more profoundly than any other emotion except that of passionate love.

In the volume by Jean Pelissier, The Chief Makers of the National Lithuanian Renaissance (Les Principaux artisans de la renaissance nationale lituanienne), there is a paragraph describing the conversion of a certain Dr. Kudirka, a Lithuanian patriot, to the cause of Lithuanian nationality. It reads like a chapter from William James's The Varieties of Religious Experience.[319]

It is materials like this that indicate how close and intimate are the relations between cultural movements, whether religious or literary and national, at least in their formal expression. The question that remains to be answered is: In what ways do they differ?

5. Fashion, Reform and Revolution

A great deal has been written in recent times in regard to fashion. It has been studied, for example, as an economic phenomenon. Sombart has written a suggestive little monograph on the subject. It is in the interest of machine industry that fashions should be standardized over a wide area, and it is the function of advertising to achieve this result. It is also of interest to commerce that fashions should change and this also is largely, but not wholly, a matter of advertising. Tarde distinguishes between custom and fashion as the two forms in which all cultural traits are transmitted. "In periods when custom is in the ascendant, men are more infatuated about their country than about their time; for it is the past which is pre-eminently praised. In ages when fashion rules, men are prouder, on the contrary, of their time than of their country."[320]

The most acute analysis that has been made of fashion is contained in the observation of Sumner in Folkways. Sumner pointed out that fashion though differing from, is intimately related to, the mores. Fashion fixes the attention of the community at a given time and place and by so doing determines what is sometimes called the Spirit of the Age, the Zeitgeist. By the introduction of new fashions the leaders of society gain that distinction in the community by which they are able to maintain their prestige and so maintain their position as leaders. But in doing this, they too are influenced by the fashions which they introduce. Eventually changes in fashion affect the mores.[321]

Fashion is related to reform and to revolution, because it is one of the fundamental ways in which social changes take place and because, like reform and revolution, it also is related to the mores.

Fashion is distinguished from reform by the fact that the changes it introduces are wholly irrational if not at the same time wholly unpredictable. Reform, on the other hand, is nothing if not rational. It achieves its ends by agitation and discussion. Attempts have been made to introduce fashions by agitation, but they have not succeeded. On the other hand, reform is itself a fashion and has largely absorbed in recent years the interest that was formerly bestowed on party politics.

There has been a great deal written about reforms but almost nothing about reform. It is a definite type of collective behavior which has come into existence and gained popularity under conditions of modern life. The reformer and the agitator, likewise, are definite, temperamental, and social types. Reform tends under modern conditions to become a vocation and a profession like that of the politician. The profession of the reformer, however, is social, as distinguished from party politics.

Reform is not revolution. It does not seek to change the mores but rather to change conditions in conformity with the mores. There have been revolutionary reformers. Joseph II of Austria and Peter the Great of Russia were reformers of that type. But revolutionary reforms have usually failed. They failed lamentably in the case of Joseph II and produced many very dubious results under Peter.

A revolution is a mass movement which seeks to change the mores by destroying the existing social order. Great and silent revolutionary changes have frequently taken place in modern times, but as these changes were not recognized at the time and were not directly sought by any party they are not usually called revolutions. They might properly be called "historical revolutions," since they are not recognized as revolutions until they are history.

There is probably a definite revolutionary process but it has not been defined. Le Bon's book on the Psychology of Revolution, which is the sequel to his study of The Crowd, is, to be sure, an attempt, but the best that one can say of it is that it is suggestive. Many attempts have been made to describe the processes of revolution as part of the whole historical process. This literature will be considered in the chapter on "Progress."

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. DISORGANIZATION, SOCIAL UNREST, AND PSYCHIC EPIDEMICS

A. Social Disorganization

(1) Cooley, Charles H. Social Organization. Chap. xxx, "Formalism and Disorganization," pp. 342-55; chap. xxxi, "Disorganization: the Family," pp. 356-71; chap. xxxii, "Disorganization: the Church," pp. 372-82; chap. xxxiii, "Disorganization: Other Traditions," pp. 383-92. New York, 1909.

(2) Thomas, W. I., and Znaniecki, Florian. The Polish Peasant in Europe and America. Monograph of an immigrant group. Vol. IV, "Disorganization and Reorganization in Poland," Boston, 1920.

(3) ——. The Polish Peasant in Europe and America. Vol. V, "Organization and Disorganization in America," Part II, "Disorganization of the Immigrant," pp. 165-345. Boston, 1920.

(4) Friedlaender, L. Roman Life and Manners under the Early Empire. Authorized translation by L. A. Magnus from the 7th rev. ed. of the Sittengeschichte Roms. 4 vols. London, 1908-13.

(5) Lane-Poole, S. The Mohammedan Dynasties. Charts showing "Growth of the Ottoman Empire" and "Decline of the Ottoman Empire," pp. 190-91. London, 1894.

(6) Taine, H. The Ancient Regime. Translated from the French by John Durand. New York, 1896.

(7) Wells, H. G. Russia in the Shadows. New York, 1921.

(8) Patrick, George T. W. The Psychology of Social Reconstruction. Chap. vi, "Our Centripetal Society," pp. 174-98. Boston, 1920.

(9) Ferrero, Guglielmo. "The Crisis of Western Civilization," Atlantic Monthly, CXXV (1920), 700-712.

B. Social Unrest

(1) Brooks, John Graham. The Social Unrest. Studies in labor and socialist movements. London, 1903.

(2) Fuller, Bampfylde. Life and Human Nature. Chap. ii, "Change," pp. 24-45. London, 1914.

(3) Wallas, Graham. The Great Society. A psychological analysis. Chap. iv, "Disposition and Environment," pp. 57-68. New York, 1914. [Defines "the baulked disposition," see also pp. 172-74.]

(4) Healy, William. The Individual Delinquent. A textbook of diagnosis and prognosis for all concerned in understanding offenders. "Hypomania, Constitutional Excitement," pp. 609-13. Boston, 1915.

(5) Janet, Pierre. The Major Symptoms of Hysteria. Fifteen lectures given in the medical school of Harvard University. New York, 1907.

(6) Barr, Martin W., and Maloney, E. F. Types of Mental Defectives. "Idiot Savant," pp. 128-35. Philadelphia, 1920.

(7) Thomas, Edward. Industry, Emotion and Unrest. New York, 1920.

(8) Parker, Carleton H. The Casual Laborer and Other Essays. Chap. i, "Toward Understanding Labor Unrest," pp. 27-59. New York, 1920.

(9) The Cause of World Unrest. With an introduction by the editor of The Morning Post (of London). New York, 1920.

(10) Ferrero, Guglielmo. Ancient Rome and Modern America. A comparative study of morals and manners. New York, 1914.

(11) Veblen, Thorstein. "The Instinct of Workmanship and the Irksomeness of Labor," American Journal of Sociology, IV (1898-99), 187-201.

(12) Lippmann, Walter. "Unrest," New Republic, XX (1919), 315-22.

(13) Tannenbaum, Frank. The Labor Movement. Its conservative functions and social consequences. New York, 1921.

(14) Baker, Ray Stannard. The New Industrial Unrest. Its reason and remedy. New York, 1920.

(15) MacCurdy, J. T. "Psychological Aspects of the Present Unrest," Survey, XLIII (1919-20), 665-68.

(16) Myers, Charles S. Mind and Work. The psychological factors in industry and commerce. Chap. vi, "Industrial Unrest," pp. 137-69. New York, 1921.

(17) Adler, H. M. "Unemployment and Personality—a Study of Psychopathic Cases," Mental Hygiene, I (1917), 16-24.

(18) Chirol, Valentine. Indian Unrest. A reprint, revised and enlarged from The Times, with an introduction by Sir Alfred Lyall. London, 1910.

(19) Muensterberg, Hugo. Social Studies of Today. Chap. ii, "The Educational Unrest," pp. 25-57. London, 1913.

(20) ——. American Problems. From the point of view of a psychologist. Chap. v, "The Intemperance of Women," pp. 103-13. New York, 1912.

(21) Corelli, Marie. "The Great Unrest," World Today, XXI (1912), 1954-59.

(22) Ferrero, Guglielmo. The Women of the Caesars. New York, 1911.

(23) Myerson, Abraham. The Nervous Housewife. Boston, 1920.

(24) Mensch, Ella. Bilderstuermer in der Berliner Frauenbewegung. 2d ed. Berlin, 1906.

C. Psychic Epidemics

(1) Hecker, J. F. C. The Black Death and the Dancing Mania. Translated from the German by B. G. Babington. Cassell's National Library. New York, 1888.

(2) Stoll, Otto. Suggestion und Hypnotismus in der Voelkerpsychologie. 2d ed. Leipzig, 1904.

(3) Friedmann, Max. Ueber Wahnideen im Voelkerleben. Wiesbaden, 1901.

(4) Regnard, P. Les maladies epidemiques de l'esprit. Sorcellerie, magnetisme, morphinisme, delire des grandeurs. Paris, 1886.

(5) Meyer, J. L. Schwaermerische Greuelscenen oder Kreuzigungsgeschichte einer religioesen Schwaermerinn in Wildensbuch, Canton Zuerich. Ein merkwuerdiger Beytrag zur Geschichte des religioesen Fanatismus. 2d ed. Zuerich, 1824.

(6) Gowen, B. S. "Some Aspects of Pestilences and Other Epidemics," American Journal of Psychology, XVIII (1907), 1-60.

(7) Weygandt, W. Beitrag zur Lehre von den psychischen Epidemien. Halle, 1905.

(8) Histoire des diables de Loudun. Ou de la possession des Religieuses Ursulines et de la condamnation et du supplice d'Urbain Grandier, cure de la meme ville, cruels effets de la vengeance du Cardinal de Richelieu. Amsterdam, 1740.

(9) Finsler, G. "Die religioese Erweckung der zehner und zwanziger Jahre unseres Jahrhunderts in der deutschen Schweiz," Zuericher Taschenbuch auf das Jahr 1890. Zuerich, 1890.

(10) Fauriel, M. C. Histoire de la croisade centre les heretiques Albigeois. Ecrite en vers provencaux par un poete contemporain. (Aiso es la consos de la crozada contr els ereges Dalbeges.) Paris, 1837.

(11) Mosiman, Eddison. Das Zungenreden, geschichtlich und psychologisch untersucht. Tuebingen, 1911. [Bibliography.]

(12) Vigouroux, A., and Juquelier, P. La contagion mentale. Paris, 1905.

(13) Kotik, Dr. Naum. "Die Emanation der psychophysischen Energie," Grenzfragen des Nerven- und Seelenlebens. Wiesbaden, 1908.

(14) Aubry, P. "De l'influence contagieuse de la publicite des faits criminels," Archives d'anthropologie criminelle, VIII (1893), 565-80.

(15) Achelis, T. Die Ekstase in ihrer kulturetten Bedeutung. Kulturprobleme der Gegenwart. Berlin, 1902.

(16) Cadiere, L. "Sur quelques Faits religieux ou magiques, observes pendant une epidemie de cholera en Annam," Anthropos, V (1910), 519-28, 1125-59.

(17) Hansen, J. Zauberwahn, Inquisition und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter und die Entstehung der grossen Hexenverfolgung. Muenchen, 1900.

(18) Hansen, J. Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Hexenwahns und der Hexenverfolgung im Mittelalter. Bonn, 1901.

(19) Rossi, P. Psicologia collettiva morbosa. Torino, 1901.

(20) Despine, Prosper. De la Contagion morale. Paris, 1870.

(21) Moreau de Tours. De la Contagion du suicide a propos de l'epidemie actuelle. Paris, 1875.

(22) Aubry, P. La Contagion du meutre. Etude d'anthropologie criminelle. 3d ed. Paris, 1896.

(23) Rambosson, J. Phenomenes nerveux, intellectuels et moraux, leur transmission par contagion. Paris, 1883.

(24) Dumas, Georges. "Contagion mentale, epidemies mentales, folies collectives, folies gregaires," Revue philosophique, LXXI (1911), 225-44, 384-407.

II. MUSIC, DANCE, AND RITUAL

(1) Wallaschek, Richard. Primitive Music. An inquiry into the origin and development of music, songs, instruments, dances, and pantomimes of savage races. London, 1893.

(2) Combarieu, J. La Musique et le magic. Etude sur les origines populaires de l'art musical; son influence et sa fonction dans les societes. Paris, 1908.

(3) Simmel, Georg. "Psychologische und ethnologische Studien ueber Musik," Zeitschrift fuer Voelkerpsychologie und Sprachwissenschaft, XIII (1882), 261-305.

(4) Boas, F. "Chinook Songs," Journal of American Folk-Lore, I (1888), 220-26.

(5) Densmore, Frances. "The Music of the Filipinos," American Anthropologist, N.S., VIII (1906), 611-32.

(6) Fletcher, Alice C. Indian Story and Song from North America. Boston, 1906.

(7) ——. "Indian Songs and Music," Journal of American Folk-Lore, XI (1898), 85-104.

(8) Grinnell, G. B. "Notes on Cheyenne Songs," American Anthropologist, N.S., V (1903), 312-22.

(9) Mathews, W. "Navaho Gambling Songs," American Anthropologist, II (1889), 1-20.

(10) Hearn, Lafcadio. "Three Popular Ballads," Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, XXII (1894), 285-336.

(11) Ellis, Havelock. "The Philosophy of Dancing," Atlantic Monthly, CXIII (1914), 197-207.

(12) Hirn, Yrjoe. The Origins of Art. A psychological and sociological inquiry. Chap. xvii, "Erotic Art," pp. 238-48. London, 1900.

(13) Pater, Walter. Greek Studies. A series of essays. London, 1911.

(14) Grosse, Ernst. The Beginnings of Art. Chap. viii, "The Dance," pp. 207-31. New York, 1898.

(15) Buecher, Karl. Arbeit und Rhythmus. 3d ed. Leipzig, 1902.

(16) Lherisson, E. "La Danse du vaudou," Semaine medicale, XIX (1899), xxiv.

(17) Reed, V. Z. "The Ute Bear Dance," American Anthropologist, IX (1896) 237-44.

(18) Gummere, F. B. The Beginnings of Poetry. New York, 1901.

(19) Fawkes, J. W. "The Growth of the Hopi Ritual," Journal of American Folk-Lore, XI (1898), 173-94.

(20) Cabrol, F. Les origines liturgiques. Paris, 1906.

(21) Gennep, A. van. Les Rites de passage. Paris, 1909.

(22) Pitre, Giuseppe. Feste patronali in Sicilia. Palermo, 1900.

(23) Murray, W. A. "Organizations of Witches in Great Britain," Folk-Lore, XXVIII (1917), 228-58.

(24) Taylor, Thomas. The Eleusinian and Bacchic Mysteries. New York, 1891.

(25) Tippenhauer, L. G. Die Insel Haiti. Leipzig, 1893. [Describes the Voudou Ritual.]

(26) Wuensch, R. Das Fruehlingsfest der Insel Malta. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der antiken Religion. Leipzig, 1902.

(27) Loisy, Alfred. Les mysteres paiens et le mystere chretien. Paris, 1919.

(28) Lummis, Charles F. The Land of Poco Tiempo. Chap. iv, "The Penitent Brothers," pp. 77-108. New York, 1893.

(29) "Los Hermanos Penitentes," El Palacio, VIII (1920), 3-20, 73-74.

III. THE CROWD AND THE PUBLIC

A. The Crowd

(1) Le Bon, Gustave. The Crowd. A study of the popular mind. London, 1920.

(2) Tarde, G. L'Opinion et la foule. Paris, 1901.

(3) Sighele, S. Psychologie des Aulaufs und der Massenverbrechen. Translated from the Italian by Hans Kurella. Leipzig, 1897.

(4) ——. La foule criminelle. Essai de psychologie collective. 2d ed., entierement refondue. Paris, 1901.

(5) Tarde, Gabriel. "Foules et sectes au point de vue criminel," Revue des deux mondes, CXX (1893), 349-87.

(6) Miceli, V. "La Psicologia della folla," Rivista italiana di sociologia, III (1899), 166-95.

(7) Conway, M. The Crowd in Peace and War. New York, 1915.

(8) Martin, E. D. The Behavior of Crowds. New York, 1920.

(9) Christensen, A. Politics and Crowd-Morality. New York, 1915.

(10) Park, R. E. Masse und Publikum. Bern, 1904.

(11) Clark, H. "The Crowd." "University of Illinois Studies." Psychological Monograph, No. 92, XXI (1916), 26-36.

(12) Tawney, G. A. "The Nature of Crowds," Psychological Bulletin, II (1905), 329-33.

(13) Rossi, P. Le suggesteur et la foule, psychologie du meneur. Paris, 1904.

(14) ——. I suggestionatori e la folla. Torino, 1902.

(15) ——. "Dell'Attenzione collettiva e sociale," Manicomio, XXI (1905), 248 ff.

B. Political Psychology

(1) Beecher, Franklin A. "National Politics in Its Psychological Aspect," Open Court, XXXIII (1919), 653-61.

(2) Boutmy, Emile. The English People. A study of their political psychology. London, 1904.

(3) Palanti, G. "L'Esprit de corps. (Remarques sociologiques.)" Revue philosophique, XLVIII (1899), 135-45.

(4) Gardner, Chas. S. "Assemblies," American Journal of Sociology, XIX (1914), 531-55.

(5) Bentham, Jeremy. Essay on Political Tactics. Containing six of the principal rules proper to be observed by a political assembly, in the process of forming a decision: with the reasons on which they are grounded; and a comparative application of them to British and French practice. London, 1791.

(6) Toennies, Ferdinand. "Die grosse Menge und das Volk," Schmollers Jahrbuch, XLIV (1920), 317-45. [Criticism of Le Bon's conception of the crowd.]

(7) Botsford, George W. The Roman Assemblies. From their origin to the end of the Republic. New York, 1909.

(8) Crothers, T. D. "A Medical Study of the Jury System," Popular Science Monthly, XLVII (1895), 375-82.

(9) Coleman, Charles T. "Origin and Development of Trial by Jury," Virginia Law Review, VI (1919-20), 77-86.

C. Collective Psychology in General

(1) Rossi, P. Sociologia e psicologia collettiva. 2d ed. Roma, 1909.

(2) Stratico, A. La Psicologia collettiva. Palermo, 1905.

(3) Worms, Rene. "Psychologie collective et psychologie individuelle," Revue international de sociologie, VII (1899), 249-74.

(4) Broenner, W. "Zur Theorie der kollektiv-psychischen Erscheinungen," Zeitschrift fuer Philosophie und philosophische Kritik, CXLI (1911), 1-40.

(5) Newell, W. W. "Individual and Collective Characteristics in Folk-Lore," Journal of American Folk-Lore, XIX (1906), 1-15.

(6) Campeano, M. Essai de psychologie militaire individuelle et collective. Avec une preface de M. Th. Ribot. Paris, 1902.

(7) Hartenberg, P. "Les emotions de Bourse. (Notes de psychologie collective)." Revue philosophique, LVIII (1904), 163-70.

(8) Scalinger, G. M. La Psicologia a teatro. Napoli, 1896.

(9) Burckhard, M. "Das Theater." Die Gesellschaft. Sammlung Sozial-Psychologische Monographien, 18. Frankfurt-am-Main, 1907.

(10) Woolbert, C. H. "The Audience." "University of Illinois Studies." Psychological Monograph, No. 92, XXI (1916), 36-54.

(11) Howard, G. E. "Social Psychology of the Spectator," American Journal of Sociology, XVIII (1912), 33-50.

(12) Peterson, J. "The Functioning of Ideas in Social Groups," Psychological Review, XXV (1918), 214-26.

IV. MASS MOVEMENTS

(1) Bryce, James. "Migrations of the Races of Men Considered Historically," Contemporary Review, LXII (1892), 128-49.

(2) Mason, Otis T. "Migration and the Food Quest: A Study in the Peopling of America," American Anthropologist, VII (1894), 275-92.

(3) Pflugk-Harttung, Julius von. The Great Migrations. Translated from the German by John Henry Wright. Philadelphia, 1905.

(4) Bradley, Henry. The Story of the Goths. From the earliest times to the end of the Gothic dominion in Spain. New York, 1888.

(5) Jordanes. The Origin and Deeds of the Goths. English version by Charles C. Mierow. Princeton, 1908.

(6) Archer, T. A., and Kingsford, C. L. The Crusades. New York, 1894.

(7) Ireland, W. W. "On the Psychology of the Crusades," Journal of Mental Science, LII (1906), 745-55; LIII (1907), 322-41.

(8) Groves, E. R. "Psychic Causes of Rural Migration," American Journal of Sociology, XXI (1916), 623-27.

(9) Woodson, Carter G. A Century of Negro Migrations. Washington, 1918. [Bibliography.]

(10) Fleming, Walter L. "'Pap' Singleton, the Moses of the Colored Exodus," American Journal of Sociology, XV (1909-10), 61-82.

(11) Bancroft, H. H. History of California. Vol. VI, 1848-59. Chaps. ii-ix, pp. 26-163. San Francisco, 1888. [The discovery of gold in California.]

(12) Down, T. C. "The Rush to the Klondike," Cornhill Magazine, IV (1898), 33-43.

(13) Ziegler, T. Die geistigen und socialen Stroemungen des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts. Berlin, 1899.

(14) Zeeb, Frieda B. "Mobility of the German Woman," American Journal of Sociology, XXI (1915-16), 234-62.

(15) Anthony, Katharine S. Feminism in Germany and Scandinavia. New York, 1915. [Bibliography.]

(16) Croly, Jane (Mrs.). The History of the Woman's Club Movement in America. New York, 1898.

(17) Taft, Jessie. The Woman Movement from the Point of View of Social Consciousness. Chicago, 1916.

(18) Harnack, Adolf. The Mission and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries. Translated from the 2d rev. German ed. by James Moffatt. New York, 1908.

(19) Buck, S. J. The Agrarian Crusade. A chronicle of the farmer in politics. New Haven, 1920.

(20) Labor Movement. The last six volumes of The Documentary History of American Industrial Society. Vols. V-VI, 1820-40, by John R. Commons and Helen L. Sumner; Vols. VII-VIII, 1840-60, by John R. Commons; Vols. IX-X, 1860-80, by John R. Commons and John B. Andrews. Cleveland, 1910.

(21) Begbie, Harold. The Life of General William Booth. The Founder of the Salvation Army. 2 vols. New York, 1920.

(22) Wittenmyer, Annie (Mrs.). History of the Women's Temperance Crusade. A complete official history of the wonderful uprising of the Christian women of the United States against the liquor traffic which culminated in the Gospel Temperance Movement. Introduction by Frances E. Willard. Philadelphia, 1878.

(23) Gordon, Ernest. The Anti-alcohol Movement in Europe. New York, 1913.

(24) Cherrington, Ernest H. The Evolution of Prohibition in the United States of America. A chronological history of the liquor problem and the temperance reform in the United States from the earliest settlements to the consummation of national prohibition. Westerville, Ohio, 1920.

(25) Woods, Robert A. English Social Movements. New York, 1891.

(26) Zimand, Savel. Modern Social Movements. Descriptive summaries and bibliographies. New York, 1921.

V. REVIVALS, RELIGIOUS AND LINGUISTIC

A. Religious Revivals and the Origin of Sects

(1) Meader, John R. Article on "Religious Sects," Encyclopedia Americana, XXIII, 355-61. [List of nearly 300 denominations and sects.]

(2) Articles on "sects," Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, XI, 307-47. [The subject and author of the different articles are "Sects (Buddhist)," T. W. Rhys Davids; "Sects (Chinese)," T. Richard; "Sects (Christian)," W. T. Whitley; "Sects (Hindu)," W. Crooke; "Sects (Jewish)," I. Abrahams; "Sects (Russian)," K. Grass and A. von Stromberg; "Sects (Samaritan)," N. Schmidt; "Sects (Zoroastrian)," E. Edwards. Bibliographies.]

(3) United States Bureau of the Census. Religious Bodies, 1906. 2 vols. Washington, 1910.

(4) ——. Religious Bodies, 1916. 2 vols. Washington, 1919.

(5) Davenport, Frederick M. Primitive Traits in Religious Revivals. A study in mental and social evolution. New York, 1905.

(6) Mooney, James. "The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890." 14th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (1892-93), 653-1136.

(7) Stalker, James. Article on "Revivals of Religion," Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, X, 753-57. [Bibliography.]

(8) Burns, J. Revivals, Their Laws and Leaders. London, 1909.

(9) Tracy, J. The Great Awakening. A history of the revival of religion in the time of Edwards and Whitefield. Boston, 1842.

(10) Finney, C. G. Autobiography. London, 1892.

(11) Hayes, Samuel P. "An Historical Study of the Edwardean Revivals," American Journal of Psychology, XIII (1902), 550-74.

(12) Maxon, C. H. The Great Awakening in the Middle Colonies. Chicago, 1920. [Bibliography.]

(13) Gibson, William. Year of Grace. Edinburgh, 1860. [Irish revival, 1859.]

(14) Moody, W. R. The Life of Dwight L. Moody. New York, 1900.

(15) Bois, Henri. Le Reveil au pays de Galles. Paris, 1906. [Welsh revival of 1904-6.]

(16) ——. Quelques reflexions sur la psychologie des reveils. Paris, 1906.

(17) Cartwright, Peter. Autobiography of Peter Cartwright, the Backwoods Preacher. Cincinnati, 1859.

(18) MacLean, J. P. "The Kentucky Revival and Its Influence on the Miami Valley," Ohio Archaeological and Historical Publications, XII (1903), 242-86. [Bibliography.]

(19) Cleveland, Catharine C. The Great Revival in the West, 1797-1805. Chicago, 1916. [Bibliography.]

(20) Rogers, James B. The Cane Ridge Meeting-House. To which is appended the autobiography of B. W. Stone. Cincinnati, 1910.

(21) Stchoukine, Ivan. Le Suicide collectif dans le Raskol russe. Paris, 1903.

(22) Bussell, F. W. Religious Thought and Heresy in the Middle Ages. London, 1918.

(23) Egli, Emil. Die Zuericher Wiedertaeufer zur Reformationszeit. Zuerich, 1878.

(24) Bax, Ernest Belfort. Rise and Fall of the Anabaptists. New York, 1903.

(25) Schechter, S. Documents of Jewish Sectaries. 2 vols. Cambridge, 1910.

(26) Graetz, H. History of the Jews. 6 vols. Philadelphia, 1891-98.

(27) Jost, M. Geschichte des Judenthums und seiner Sekten. 3 vols. Leipzig, 1857-59.

(28) Farquhar, J. N. Modern Religious Movements in India. New York, 1915.

(29) Selbie, W. B. English Sects. A history of non-conformity. Home University Library. New York, 1912.

(30) Barclay, Robert. The Inner Life of the Religious Societies of the Commonwealth. London, 1876. [Bibliography.]

(31) Jones, Rufus M. Studies in Mystical Religion. London, 1909.

(32) Braithwaite, W. C. Beginnings of Quakerism. London, 1912.

(33) Jones, Rufus M. The Quakers in the American Colonies. London, 1911.

(34) Evans, F. W. Shakers. Compendium of the origin, history, principles, rules and regulations, government, and doctrines of the United Society of Believers in Christ's Second Appearing. With biographies of Ann Lee, William Lee, James Whittaker, J. Hocknell, J. Meacham, and Lucy Wright. New York, 1859.

(35) Train, J. The Buchanites from First to Last. Edinburgh, 1846.

(36) Miller, Edward. The History and Doctrines of Irvingism. Or of the so-called Catholic and Apostolic Church. 2 vols. London, 1878.

(37) Neatby, W. Blair. A History of the Plymouth Brethren. London, 1901.

(38) Lockwood, George B. The New Harmony Movement. "The Rappites." Chaps. ii-iv, pp. 7-42. [Bibliography.]

(39) James, B. B. The Labadist Colony of Maryland. Baltimore, 1899.

(40) Dixon, W. H. Spiritual Wives. 2 vols. London, 1868.

(41) Randall, E. O. History of the Zoar Society from Its Commencement to Its Conclusion. Columbus, 1899.

(42) Loughborough, J. N. The Great Second Advent Movement. Its rise and progress. Nashville, Tenn., 1905. [Adventists.]

(43) Harlan, Rolvix. John Alexander Dowie and the Christian Catholic Apostolic Church in Zion. Evansville, Wis., 1906.

(44) Smith, Henry C. Mennonites of America. Mennonite Publishing House, Scotdale, Pa., 1909. [Bibliography.]

(45) La Rue, William. The Foundations of Mormonism. A study of the fundamental facts in the history and doctrines of the Mormons from original sources. With introduction by Alfred Williams Anthony. New York, 1919. [Bibliography.]

B. Language Revivals and Nationalism

(1) Dominian, Leon. Frontiers of Language and Nationality in Europe. New York, 1917.

(2) Bourgoing, P. de. Les Guerres d'idiome et de nationalite. Paris, 1849.

(3) Meillet, A. "Les Langues et les nationalites," Scientia, XVIII, (1915), 192-201.

(4) Rhys, John, and Brynmor-Jones, David. The Welsh People. Chap. xii, "Language and Literature of Wales," pp. 501-50. London, 1900.

(5) Dinneen, P. S. Lectures on the Irish Language Movement. Delivered under the auspices of various branches of the Gaelic League. London, 1904.

(6) Montgomery, K. L. "Some Writers of the Celtic Renaissance," Fortnightly Review, XCVI (1911), 545-61.

(7) ——. "Ireland's Psychology: a Study of Facts," Fortnightly Review, CXII (1919), 572-88.

(8) Dubois, L. Paul. Contemporary Ireland. With an introduction by T. M. Kettle, M. P. London, 1908.

(9) The Teaching of Gaelic in Highland Schools. Published under the auspices of the Highland Association. London, 1907.

(10) Fedortchouk, Y. "La Question des nationalites en Austriche-Hongrie: les Ruthenes de Hongrie," Annales des nationalites, VIII (1915), 52-56.

(11) Seton-Watson, R. W. [Scotus Viator, pseud.] Racial Problems in Hungary. London, 1908. [Bibliography.]

(12) Samassa, P. "Deutsche und Windische in Sudoesterreich," Deutsche Erde, II (1903), 39-41.

(13) Wace, A. J. B., and Thompson, M. S. The Nomads of the Balkans. London, 1914.

(14) Tabbe, P. La vivante Roumanie. Paris, 1913.

(15) Louis-Jarau, G. L'Albanie inconnue. Paris, 1913.

(16) Brancoff, D. M. La Macedoine et sa population Chretienne. Paris, 1905.

(17) Fedortchouk, Y. Memorandum on the Ukrainian Question in Its National Aspect. London, 1914.

(18) Vellay, Charles. "L'Irredentisme hellenique," La Revue de Paris, XX (Juillet-Aout, 1913), 884-86.

(19) Sands, B. The Ukraine. London, 1914.

(20) Auerbach, B. "La Germanization de la Pologne Prussienne. La loi d'expropriation," Revue Politique et Parlementaire, LVII (1908), 109-125.

(21) Bernhard, L. Das polnische Gemeinwesen im preussischen Staat. Die Polenfrage. Leipzig, 1910.

(22) Henry, R. "La Frontiere linguistique en Alsace-Lorraine," Les Marches de l'Est, 1911-1912, pp. 60-71.

(23) Nitsch, C. "Dialectology of Polish Languages," Polish Encyclopaedia, Vol. III. Cracow, 1915.

(24) Witte, H. "Wendische Bevoelkerungsreste in Mecklenburg," Forschungen zur deutschen Landes- und Volkskunde, XVI (1905), 1-124.

(25) Kaupas, A. "L'Eglise et les Lituaniens aux Etats-Unis d'Amerique," Annales des Nationalites, II (1913), 233 ff.

(26) Pelissier, Jean. Les Principaux artisans de la renaissance nationale lituanienne. Hommes et choses de Lituanie. Lausanne, 1918.

(27) Jakstas, A. "Lituaniens et Polonais." Annales des nationalites, VIII (1915), 219 ff.

(28) Headlam, Cecil. Provence and Languedoc. Chap. v, "Frederic Mistral and the Felibres." London, 1912.

(29) Belisle, A. Histoire de la presse franco-americaine. Comprenant l'historique de l'emigration des Canadiens-Francais aux Etats-Unis, leur developpement, et leur progres. Worcester, Mass., 1911.

VI. ECONOMIC CRISES

(1) Wirth, M. Geschichte der Handelskrisen. Frankfurt-am-Main, 1890.

(2) Jones, Edward D. Economic Crises. New York, 1900.

(3) Gibson, Thomas. The Cycles of Speculation. 2d ed. New York, 1909.

(4) Bellet, Daniel. Crises economique. Crises commerciales. Crises de guerre. Leur caracteres, leur indices, leurs effects. Paris, 1918.

(5) Clough, H. W. "Synchronous Variations in Solar and Terrestrial Phenomena," Astrophysical Journal, XXII (1905), 42-75.

(6) Clayton, H. H. "Influence of Rainfall on Commerce and Politics," Popular Science Monthly, LX (1901-2), 158-65.

(7) Mitchell, Wesley C. Business Cycles. Berkeley, Cal., 1913.

(8) Moore, Henry L. Economic Cycles: Their Law and Cause. New York, 1914.

(9) Hurry, Jamieson B. Vicious Circles in Sociology and Their Treatment. London, 1915.

(10) Thiers, Adolphe. The Mississippi Bubble. A memoir of John Law. To which are added authentic accounts of the Darien expedition and the South Sea scheme. Translated from the French by F. S. Fiske. New York, 1859.

(11) Wiston-Glynn, A. W. John Law of Lauriston. Financier and statesman, founder of the Bank of France, originator of the Mississippi scheme, etc. London, 1907.

(12) Mackay, Charles. Memoirs of Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds. 2 vols. in one. London, 1859. [Vol. I, the Mississippi scheme, the South Sea bubble, the tulipomania, the alchymists, modern prophecies, fortune-telling, the magnetisers, influence of politics and religion on the hair and beard. Vol. II, the crusades, the witch mania, the slow prisoners, haunted houses, popular follies of great cities, popular admiration of great thieves, duels and ordeals, relics.]

VII. FASHION, REFORM, AND REVOLUTION

A. Fashion

(1) Spencer, Herbert. Principles of Sociology. Part IV, chap. xi, "Fashion," II, 205-10. London, 1893.

(2) Tarde, Gabriel. Laws of Imitation. Translated from the 2d French ed. by Elsie Clews Parsons. Chap. vii, "Custom and Fashion," pp. 244-365. New York, 1903.

(3) Simmel, G. Philosophie der Mode. Berlin, 1905.

(4) ——. "The Attraction of Fashion," International Quarterly, X (1904), 130-55.

(5) Sumner, W. G. Folkways. "Fashion," pp. 184-220. Boston, 1906.

(6) Sombart, Werner. "Wirtschaft und Mode," Grenzfragen des Nerven- und Seelenlebens. Wiesbaden, 1902.

(7) Clerget, Pierre. "The Economic and Social Role of Fashion." Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1913, pp. 755-65. Washington, 1914.

(8) Squillace, Fausto. La Moda. L'abito e l'uomo. Milano, 1912.

(9) Shaler, N. S. "The Law of Fashion," Atlantic Monthly, LXI (1888), 386-98.

(10) Patrick, G. T. W. "The Psychology of Crazes," Popular Science Monthly, LVII (1900), 285-94.

(11) Linton, E. L. "The Tyranny of Fashion," Forum III (1887), 59-68.

(12) Bigg, Ada H. "What is 'Fashion'?" Nineteenth Century, XXXIII (1893), 235-48.

(13) Foley, Caroline A. "Fashion," Economic Journal, III (1893), 458-74.

(14) Aria, E. "Fashion, Its Survivals and Revivals," Fortnightly Review, CIV (1915), 930-37.

(15) Thomas, W. I. "The Psychology of Woman's Dress," American Magazine, LXVII (1908-9), 66-72.

(16) Schurtz, Heinrich. Grundzuege einer Philosophie der Tracht. Stuttgart, 1871.

(17) Wechsler, Alfred. Psychologie der Mode. Berlin, 1904.

(18) Stratz, Carl H. Die Frauenkleidung und ihre natuerliche Entwicklung. Stuttgart, 1904.

(19) Holmes, William H. "Origin and Development of Form and Ornament in Ceramic Art," Fourth Annual Report of the U.S. Bureau of American Ethnology, 1882-83, pp. 437-65. Washington, 1886.

(20) Kroeber, A. L. "On the Principle of Order in Civilization as Exemplified by Changes of Fashion," American Anthropologist, N.S., XXI (1919), 235-63.

B. Reform

(1) Sumner, W. G. Folkways. "Reform and Revolution," pp. 86-95. Boston, 1906.

(2) Patrick, G. T. W. The Psychology of Social Reconstruction. Chaps. i-ii, "Psychological Factors in Social Reconstruction," pp. 27-118. Boston, 1920.

(3) Jevons, William S. Methods of Social Reform. And other papers. London, 1883.

(4) Pearson, Karl. Social Problems. Their treatment, past, present, and future. London, 1912.

(5) Mallock, W. H. Social Reform as Related to Realities and Delusions. An examination of the increase and distribution of wealth from 1801 to 1910. New York, 1915.

(6) Matthews, Brander. "Reform and Reformers," North American, CLXXXIII (1906), 461-73.

(7) Miller, J. D. "Futilities of Reformers," Arena, XXVI (1901), 481-89.

(8) Lippmann, Walter. A Preface to Politics. Chap. v, "Well Meaning but Unmeaning: The Chicago Vice Report," pp. 122-58. New York, 1913.

(9) Stanton, Henry B. Sketches of Reforms and Reformers, of Great Britain and Ireland. 2d rev. ed. New York, 1850.

(10) Stoughton, John. William Wilberforce. London, 1880.

(11) Field, J. The Life of John Howard. With comments on his character and philanthropic labours. London, 1850.

(12) Hodder, Edwin. The Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury, K.G., as Social Reformer. New York, 1898.

(13) Atkinson, Charles M. Jeremy Bentham, His Life and Work. London, 1905.

(14) Morley, John. The Life of Richard Cobden. Boston, 1890.

(15) Bartlett, David W. Modern Agitators. Or pen portraits of living American reformers. New York, 1855.

(16) Greeley, Horace. Hints toward Reforms. In lectures, addresses, and other writing. New York, 1850.

(17) Austin, George L. The Life and Times of Wendell Phillips. New ed. Boston, 1901.

(18) Hill, Georgiana. Women in English Life. From medieval to modern times. Period III, chap. v, "The Philanthropists," Vol. II, pp. 59-74; Period IV, chap. xi, "The Modern Humanitarian Movement," Vol. II, pp. 227-36. 2 vols. London, 1896.

(19) Yonge, Charlotte M. Hannah More. Famous women. Boston, 1888.

(20) Besant, Annie. An Autobiography. 2d ed. London, 1908.

(21) Harper, Ida H. The Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony. Including public addresses, her own lectures and many from her contemporaries during fifty years. A story of the evolution of the status of woman. 3 vols. Indianapolis, 1898-1908.

(22) Whiting, Lilian. Women Who Have Ennobled Life. Philadelphia, 1915.

(23) Willard, Frances E. Woman and Temperance. Or the work and workers of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. 3d ed. Hartford, Conn., 1883.

(24) Gordon, Anna A. The Beautiful Life of Frances E. Willard. A memorial volume. Introduction by Lady Henry Somerset. Chicago, 1898.

C. Revolution

(1) Le Bon, Gustave. The Psychology of Revolution. Translated from the French by Bernard Miall. New York, 1913.

(2) Petrie, W. M. F. The Revolutions of Civilisation. London, 1912.

(3) Hyndman, Henry M. The Evolution of Revolution. London, 1920.

(4) Adams, Brooks. The Theory of Social Revolutions. New York, 1913.

(5) Landauer, G. Die Revolution. "Die Gesellschaft, Sammlung sozial-psychologischer Monographien." Frankfurt-am-Main, 1907.

(6) Thomas, W. I. Source Book for Social Origins. "Crisis and Control," pp. 13-22. Chicago, 1909.

(7) Ellwood, Charles A. "A Psychological Theory of Revolutions," American Journal of Sociology, XI (1905-6), 49-59.

(8) ——. Introduction to Social Psychology. Chap. viii, "Social Change under Abnormal Conditions," pp. 170-87. New York, 1917.

(9) King, Irving. "The Influence of the Form of Social Change upon the Emotional Life of a People," American Journal of Sociology, IX (1903-4), 124-35.

(10) Toynbee, Arnold. Lectures on the Industrial Revolution of the Eighteenth Century in England. New ed. London, 1908.

(11) Knowles, L. C. A. The Industrial and Commercial Revolutions in Great Britain during the Nineteenth Century. London, 1921.

(12) Taine, H. A. The French Revolution. Translated from the French by John Durand. 3 vols. New York, 1878-85.

(13) Olgin, Moissaye J. The Soul of the Russian Revolution. Introduction by Vladimir G. Simkhovitch. New York, 1917.

(14) Spargo, John. The Psychology of Bolshevism. New York, 1919.

(15) Khoras, P. "La Psychologie de la revolution chinoise," Revue des deux mondes, VIII (1912), 295-331.

(16) Le Bon, Gustave. The World in Revolt. A psychological study of our times. Translated from the French by Bernard Miall. New York, 1921.

(17) Lombroso, Cesare. Le Crime politique et les revolutions par rapport au droit, a l'anthropologie criminelle et a science du gouvernement. Translated by A. Bouchard. Paris, 1912.

(18) Prince, Samuel H. Catastrophe and Social Change. Based upon a sociological study of the Halifax disaster. "Columbia University Studies in Political Science." New York, 1920.

TOPICS FOR WRITTEN THEMES

1. Collective Behavior and Social Control

2. Unrest in the Person and Unrest in the Group

3. The Agitator as a Type of the Restless Person

4. A Study of Adolescent Unrest: the Runaway Boy and the Girl Who Goes Wrong

5. A Comparison of Physical Epidemics with Social Contagion

6. Case Studies of Psychic Epidemics: the Mississippi Bubble, Gold Fever, War-Time Psychosis, the Dancing Mania in Modern Times, etc.

7. Propaganda as Social Contagion: an Analysis of a Selected Case

8. A Description and Interpretation of Crowd Behavior: the Orgy, the Cult, the Mob, the Organized Crowd

9. The "Animal" Crowd: the Flock, the Herd, the Pack

10. A Description of Crowd Behavior on Armistice Day

11. The Criminal Crowd

12. The Jury, the Congenial Group, the Committee, the Legislature, the Mass Meeting, etc., as Types of Collective Behavior

13. Crowd Excitements and Mass Movements

14. A Study of Mass Migrations: the Barbarian Invasions, the Settlement of Oklahoma, the Migrations of the Mennonnites, the Treks of the Boers, the Rise of Mohammedanism, the Mormon Migrations, etc.

15. Crusades and Reforms: the Crusades, the Abolition Movement, Prohibition, the Woman's Temperance Crusades, Moving-Picture Censorship, etc.

16. Fashions, Revivals, and Revolutions

17. The Social Laws of Fashions

18. Linguistic Revivals and the Nationalist Movements

19. Religious Revivals and the Origin of Sects

20. Social Unrest, Social Movements, and Changes in Mores and Institutions

QUESTIONS FOR DISCUSSION

1. What do you understand by collective behavior?

2. Interpret the incident in a Lancashire cotton factory in terms of sympathy, imitation, and suggestion.

3. What simple forms of social contagion have you observed?

4. In what sense may the dancing mania of the Middle Ages be compared to an epidemic?

5. Why may propaganda be interpreted as social contagion? Describe a concrete instance of propaganda and analyze its modus operandi.

6. What are the differences in behavior of the flock, the pack, and the herd?

7. Is it accurate to speak of these animal groups as "crowds"?

8. What do you understand Le Bon to mean by "the mental unity of crowds"?

9. Describe and analyze the behavior of crowds which you have observed.

10. "The crowd is always intellectually inferior to the isolated individual." "The crowd may be better or worse than the individual." Are these statements consistent? Elaborate your position.

11. In what sense may we speak of sects, castes, and classes as crowds?

12. What do you mean by a social movement?

13. What is the significance of a movement?

14. Why is movement to be regarded as the fundamental form of freedom?

15. How does crowd excitement lead to mass movements?

16. What were the differences in the characteristics of mass movements in the Klondike Rush, the Woman's Crusade, Methodism, and bolshevism?

17. What are the causes of social unrest?

18. What is the relation of social unrest to social organization?

19. How does Le Bon explain the mental anarchy at the time of the French Revolution?

20. What was the nature of this mental anarchy in the different social classes? Are revolutions always preceded by mental anarchy?

21. What was the relative importance of belief and of reason in the French Revolution?

22. What are the likenesses and differences between the origin and development of bolshevism and of the French Revolution?

23. Do you agree with Spargo's interpretation of the psychology (a) of the intellectual Bolshevists, and (b) of the I.W.W.?

24. Are mass movements organizing or disorganizing factors in society? Illustrate by reference to Methodism, the French Revolution, and bolshevism.

25. Under what conditions will a mass movement (a) become organized, and (b) become an institution?

FOOTNOTES:

[280] W. G. Sumner, Folkways. A study of the sociological importance of usages, manners, customs, mores, and morals, pp. 12-13. (Boston, 1906.)

[281] Scipio Sighele, in a note to the French edition of his Psychology of Sects, claims that his volume, La Folla delinquente, of which the second edition was published at Turin in 1895, and his article "Physiologie du succes," in the Revue des Revues, October 1, 1894, were the first attempts to describe the crowd from the point of view of collective psychology. Le Bon published two articles, "Psychologie des foules" in the Revue scientifique, April 6 and 20, 1895. These were later gathered together in his volume Psychologie des foules, Paris, 1895. See Sighele Psychologie des sectes, pp. 25, 39.

[282] Gustave Le Bon, The Crowd. A study of the popular mind, p. 19. (New York, 1900.)

[283] Ibid., p. 83.

[284] L'Opinion et la foule, pp. 6-7. (Paris, 1901.)

[285] The Crowd, p. 41.

[286] Sidney L. Hinde, The Fall of the Congo Arabs, p. 147. (London, 1897.) Describing a characteristic incident in one of the strange confused battles Hinde says: "Wordy war, which also raged, had even more effect than our rifles. Mahomedi and Sefu led the Arabs, who were jeering and taunting Lutete's people, saying that they were in a bad case, and had better desert the white man, who was ignorant of the fact that Mohara with all the forces of Nyange was camped in his rear. Lutete's people replied: 'Oh, we know all about Mohara; we ate him the day before yesterday.'" This news became all the more depressing when it turned out to be true. See also Hirn, The Origins of Art, p. 269, for an explanation of the role of threats and boastings in savage warfare.

[287] Robert E. Park and Herbert A. Miller, Old World Traits Transplanted. Document 23, pp. 32-33. (New York, 1921.)

[288] Yrjoe Hirn, The Origins of Art. A psychological and sociological inquiry, p. 87. (London, 1900.)

[289] Ibid., p. 89.

[290] Le Bon, op. cit., p. 82.

[291] Ibid., p. 82.

[292] Scipio Sighele, Psychologie des sectes, p. 46. (Paris, 1898.)

[293] W. E. H. Lecky, History of the Rise and Influence of the Spirit of Rationalism in Europe. 2 vols. (Vol. I.) (New York, 1866.)

[294] See Gabriel Tarde, Laws of Imitation.

[295] J. F. C. Hecker, Die Tanzwuth, eine Volkskrankheit im Mittelalter. (Berlin, 1832.) See Introduction of The Black Death and the Dancing Mania. Translated from the German by B. G. Babington. Cassell's National Library. (New York, 1888.)

[296] Le Bon, op. cit., p. 26.

[297] Vernon Lee [pseud.], Vital Lies. Studies of some varieties of recent obscurantism. (London, 1912.)

[298] Taken from Gentleman's Magazine, March, 1787, p. 268.

[299] Adapted from J. F. C. Hecker, The Black Death, and the Dancing Mania, pp. 106-11. (Cassell & Co., 1888.)

[300] From Mary Austin, The Flock, pp. 110-29. (Houghton Mifflin Co., 1906.)

[301] From W. H. Hudson, "The Strange Instincts of Cattle," in Longman's Magazine, XVIII (1891), 389-91.

[302] From Ernest Thompson Seton, "The Habits of Wolves," in The American Magazine, LXIV (1907), 636.

[303] Adapted from Gustave Le Bon, The Crowd, pp. 1-14. (T. Fisher Unwin, 1897.)

[304] From Robert E. Park, The Crowd and the Public. (Unpublished manuscript.)

[305] Moll, Hypnotism, pp. 134-36.

[306] Sighele, Psychologie des Auflaufs und der Massenverbrechen (translated from the Italian), p. 79.

[307] Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, pp. 432-37.

[308] Adapted from T. C. Down, "The Rush to the Klondike," in the Cornhill Magazine, IV (1898), 33-43.

[309] Adapted from Mrs. Annie Wittenmyer, History of the Woman's Temperance Crusade (1878), pp. 34-62.

[310] Adapted from Gustave Le Bon, The Psychology of Revolution, pp. 147-70. (G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1913.)

[311] Adapted from John Spargo, The Psychology of Bolshevism, pp. 1-120. (Harper & Brothers, 1919.)

[312] Adapted from William E. H. Lecky, A History of England in the Eighteenth Century, III, 33-101. (D. Appleton & Co., 1892.)

[313 1] Supra, pp. 652-53; 657-58.

[314] Otto Stoll, Suggestion und Hypnotismus in der Voelkerpsychologie. 2d ed. (Leipzig, 1904.)

[315] Robert E. Park, Immigrant Press and Its Control, chap. ii, "Background of the Immigrant Press." (New York, 1921. In press.)

[316] Ibid.

[317] Anton H. Hollman, Die daenische Volkshochschule und ihre Bedeutung fuer die Entwicklung einer voelkischen Kultur in Daenemark. (Berlin, 1909.)

[318] H. G. Wells, The Salvaging of Civilization, chaps. iv-v, "The Bible of Civilization," pp. 97-140. (New York, 1921.)

[319] See The Immigrant Press and Its Control, chap. ii, for a translation of Dr. Kudirka's so-called "Confession."

[320] Gabriel Tarde, The Laws of Imitation. Translated from the 2d French ed. by Elsie Clews Parsons, p. 247. (New York, 1903.)

[321] Sumner, Folkways, pp. 200-201.



CHAPTER XIV

PROGRESS

I. INTRODUCTION

1. Popular Conceptions of Progress

It seems incredible that there should have been a time when mankind had no conception of progress. Ever since men first consciously united their common efforts to improve and conserve their common life, it would seem there must have been some recognition that life had not always been as they found it and that it could not be in the future what it then was. Nevertheless, it has been said that the notion of progress was unknown in the oriental world, that the opposite conception of deterioration pervaded all ancient Asiatic thought. In India the prevailing notion was that of vast cycles of time "through which the universe and its inhabitants must pass from perfection to destruction, from strength and innocence to weakness and depravity until a new maha-yuga begins."[322]

The Greeks conceived the course of history in various ways, as progress and as deterioration, but in general they thought of it as a cycle. The first clear description of the history of mankind as a progression by various stages, from a condition of primitive savagery to civilization, is in Lucretius' great poem De Rerum Natura. But Lucretius does not conceive this progress will continue. On the contrary he recognizes that the world has grown old and already shows signs of decrepitude which foreshadow its ultimate destruction.

It is only in comparatively recent times that the world has sought to define progress philosophically, as part of the cosmic process, and has thought of it abstractly as something to be desired for its own sake. Today the word progress is in everyone's mouth; still there is no general agreement as to what progress is, and particularly in recent years, with all the commonly accepted evidences of progress about them, skeptics have appeared, who, like the farmer who saw for the first time a camel with two humps, insisted "there's no such animal."

The reason there is no general understanding in regard to the meaning of progress, as it has been defined by the philosophers, is not because there is no progress in detail, but because the conception of progress in general involves a balancing of the goods against the ills of life. It raises the question whether the gains which society makes as a whole are compensation for the individual defeats and losses which progress inevitably involves. One reason why we believe in progress, perhaps, is that history is invariably written by the survivors.

In certain aspects and with people of a certain temperament, what we ordinarily call progress, considering what it costs, will always seem a very dubious matter. William Ralph Inge, Dean of St. Paul's Cathedral, London, seems to be the most eminent modern example of the skeptic.

Human nature has not been changed by civilization. It has neither been leveled up nor leveled down, to an average mediocrity. Beneath the dingy uniformity of international fashions in dress, man remains what he has always been—a splendid fighting animal, a self-sacrificing hero, and a bloodthirsty savage. Human nature is at once sublime and horrible, holy and satanic. Apart from the accumulation of knowledge and experience, which are external and precarious acquisitions, there is no proof that we have changed much since the first stone age.[323]

It must be remembered in this connection that progress, in so far as it makes the world more comfortable, makes it more complicated. Every new mechanical device, every advance in business organization or in science, which makes the world more tolerable for most of us, makes it impossible for others. Not all the world is able to keep pace with the general progress of the world. Most of the primitive races have been exterminated by the advance of civilization, and it is still uncertain where, and upon what terms, the civilized man will let the remnant of the primitive peoples live.

It has been estimated that, in the complicated life of modern cities, at least one-tenth of the population is not competent to maintain an independent, economic existence, but requires an increasing amount of care and assistance from the other nine-tenths.[324] To the inferior, incompetent, and unfortunate, unable to keep pace with progress, the more rapid advance of the world means disease, despair, and death. In medicine and surgery alone does progress seem wholly beneficent, but the eugenists are even now warning us that our indiscriminate efforts to protect the weak and preserve the incompetent are increasing the burdens of the superior and competent, who are alone fit to live.

On the other hand, every new invention is a response to some specific need. Every new form of social control is intended to correct some existing evil. So far as they are successful they represent progress. Progress in the concrete has reference to recognized social values. Values, as Cooley points out, have no meaning except with reference to an organism.

"The organism is necessary to give meaning to the idea [value]; there must be worth to something. It need not be a person; a group, an institution, a doctrine, any organized form of life will do; and that it be conscious of the values that motivates it is not at all essential."[325]

Any change or adaptation to an existing environment that makes it easier for a person, group, institution, or other "organized form of life" to live may be said to represent progress. Whether the invention is a new plow or a new six-inch gun we accept it as an evidence of progress if it does the work for which it is intended more efficiently than any previous device. In no region of human life have we made greater progress than in the manufacture of weapons of destruction.

Not everyone would be willing to admit that progress in weapons of warfare represents "real" progress. That is because some people do not admit the necessity of war. Once admit that necessity, then every improvement is an evidence of progress, at least in that particular field. It is more easy to recognize progress in those matters where there is no conflict in regard to the social values. The following excerpt from Charles Zueblin's preface to his book on American progress is a concrete indication of what students of society usually recognize as progress.

Already this century has witnessed the first municipalized street railways and telephones in American cities; a national epidemic of street paving and cleaning; the quadrupling of electric lighting service and the national appropriation of display lighting; a successful crusade against dirt of all kinds—smoke, flies, germs,—and the diffusion of constructive provisions for health like baths, laundries, comfort stations, milk stations, school nurses and open air schools; fire prevention; the humanizing of the police and the advent of the policewomen; the transforming of some municipal courts into institutions for the prevention of crime and the cure of offenders; the elaboration of the school curriculum to give every child a complete education from the kindergarten to the vocational course in school or university or shop; municipal reference libraries; the completion of park systems in most large cities and the acceptance of the principle that the smallest city without a park and playground is not quite civilized; the modern playground movement giving organized and directed play to young and old; the social center; the democratic art museum; municipal theaters; the commission form of government; the city manager; home rule for cities; direct legislation—a greater advance than the whole nineteenth century compassed.[326]

2. The Problem of Progress

Sociology inherited its conception of progress from the philosophy of history. That problem seems to have had its origin in the paradox that progress at retail does not insure progress at wholesale. The progress of the community as individuals or in specific directions may, for example, bring about conditions which mean the eventual destruction of the community as a whole. This is what we mean by saying that civilizations are born, grow, and decay. We may see the phenomenon in its simplest form in the plant community, where the very growth of the community creates a soil in which the community is no longer able to exist. But the decay and death of one community creates a soil in which another community will live and grow. This gives us the interesting phenomenon of what the ecologists call "succession." So individuals build their homes, communities are formed, and eventually there comes into existence a great city. But the very existence of a great city creates problems of health, of family life, and social control which did not exist when men lived in the open, or in villages. Just as the human body generates the poisons that eventually destroy it, so the communal life, in the very process of growth and as a result of its efforts to meet the changes that its growth involves, creates diseases and vices which tend to destroy the community. This raises the problem in another form. Communities may and do grow old and die, but new communities profiting by the experience of their predecessors are enabled to create social organizations, more adequate and better able to resist social diseases and corrupting vices. But in order to do this, succeeding communities have had to accumulate more experience, exercise more forethought, employ more special knowledge and a greater division of labor. In the meantime, life is becoming constantly more complex. In place of the simple spontaneous modes of behavior which enable the lower animals to live without education and without anxiety, men are compelled to supplement original nature with special training and with more and more elaborate machinery, until life, losing its spontaneity, seems in danger of losing all its joy.

Knowledge accumulates apace and its applications threaten the very existence of civilized man. The production of the flying machine represented a considerable advance in mechanical knowledge; but I am unaware of any respect in which human welfare has been increased by its existence; whereas it has not only intensified enormously the horrors of war, and, by furnishing criminal and other undesirable characters with a convenient means of rapid and secret movement, markedly diminished social security, but it threatens, by its inevitable advance in construction, to make any future conflict virtually equivalent to the extermination of civilized man. And the maleficent change in the conditions of human life which the flying machine has produced from the air, the submarine parallels from the depths of the sea; indeed, the perception of this truth has led to the very doubtfully practicable suggestion that the building of submarines be made illegal....

Moreover if life itself is more secure, there is at the present moment a distinct tendency towards a diminution of personal liberty. The increasing control by the state over the conduct and activities of the individual; the management of his children, the details of his diet and the conduct of his ordinary affairs; tend more and more to limit his personal freedom. But the restriction of his liberty amounts to a reduction of his available life just as complete loss of liberty differs little from complete loss of life.[327]