 |
NOTE 20 (page 241).
THE BRAHMANS AND WESTERN EDUCATION.
The special caste grievances of Brahmans against Western education are very frankly set forth in a speech on "The Duties of Brahmans," delivered in Bombay at the beginning of this year to his fellow caste-men by Rao Sahib Joshi, a distinguished and very enlightened, member of the Yajurvidi Palshikar sept of Brahmans. Mr. Joshi, who laid great stress upon the duty of loyalty to the British Raj, began by recalling the patent conferred upon them by a British Governor of Bombay at the beginning of the eighteenth century for the protection of their privileges, especially in connexion with the teaching of medicine. But their community had gradually lost ground from various causes, and amongst those which he enumerated, he laid the chief stress upon the diffusion of secular education. He fully recognized the benefits of English education, but "all education being of a secular character, it made the new generation a class of sceptics. People brought up with English ideas, and in the atmosphere of secular education, now began to pay less respect to their Gurus and hereditary priests. In former days when the Guru or head priest came to one's house people used to say:—'I bow down to the Guru; the Guru is Brahma, the Guru is Vishnu, the Guru is Shiwa; verily the Guru is the Sublime Brahma!' This idea, this respect the secular English education shattered to pieces, and so the income and importance of the hereditary priests dwindled down."
NOTE 21
FEMALE EDUCATION.
In his quinquennial review of the progress of education in India, Mr. H.W. Orange quotes the following remarks by Mr. Sharp, Director of Public Instruction in Eastern Bengal, on the position of female education, adding that they describe the prevailing, if not quite universal, state of affairs:—
"All efforts to promote female education have hitherto encountered peculiar difficulties. These difficulties arise chiefly from the customs of the people themselves. The material considerations, which have formed a contributing factor in the spread of boys' schools, are inoperative in the case of girls. The natural and laudable desire for education as an end in itself, which is evinced by the upper and middle classes as regards their sons, is no match for the conservative instincts of the Mahomedans, the system of early marriage among the Hindus, and the rigid seclusion of women which is a characteristic of both. These causes prevent any but the most elementary education from being given to girls. The lack of female teachers and the alleged unsuitability of the curriculum, which is asserted to have been framed more with a view to the requirements of boys than those of girls, form subsidiary reasons or excuses against more rapid progress. To these difficulties may be added the belief, perhaps more widely felt than expressed, that the general education of women means a social revolution, the extent of which cannot be foreseen. 'Indian gentlemen,' it has been well said, 'may thoroughly allow that when the process has been completed, the nation will rise in intelligence, in character and in all the graces of life. But they are none the less apprehensive that while the process of education is going on, while the lessons of emancipation are being learnt and stability has not yet been reached, while, in short, society is slowly struggling to adjust itself to the new conditions, the period of transition will be marked by the loosening of social ties, the upheaval of customary ways, and by prolonged and severe domestic embarrassment.' There is, it is true, an advanced section of the community that is entirely out of sympathy with this view. In abandoning child-marriage they have got rid of the chief obstacle to female education; and it is among them, consequently, that female education has made proportionately the greatest progress in quantity and still more in quality. But outside this small and well-marked class, the demand for female education is much less active and spontaneous.... In fact the people at large encourage or tolerate the education of their girls only up to an age and up to a standard at which it can do little good, or, according to their point of view, little harm."
NOTE 22
THE THEORY OF THE "DRAIN."
The Master of Elibank, then Under-Secretary of State, included in his Indian Budget speech on Aug. 5, 1909, a brief but effective refutation of the "drain" theory:—
"If the House will allow me, I wish to digress for a moment to deal with a charge that is constantly made, and has recently been repeated, to the effect that there is poverty in India which is largely due to the political and commercial drain on the country year by year, the political, it is asserted, amounting to L30,000,000 and the commercial to L40,000,000. These figures have been placed even higher by those who wish to blacken the Indian Administration in order to bolster up a malicious agitation against this country. I think it is incumbent upon the representative of the Indian Government in this House to deal with the statement. I may at once say that it has no foundation in fact. (Hear, hear.) Its origin is to be found, no doubt, in the fact that India makes annually considerable payments in England in return for services rendered, such as the loan of British capital; but there is no justification for describing these payments as a drain, and their amount is only a fraction of the figures which I have just quoted. Let me deal first with the question of amount. As the method by which India makes her payments in England is that she exports more than she imports, all calculations as to the amount of payments must necessarily be based on the returns of Indian trade, which show by how much the Indian exports exceed her imports. If the trade returns are examined for 1904, 1906, and 1906, after making due allowance for the capital sent to India in connexion with Government transactions, the average excess of exports over imports, or in other words payments by India to England for services rendered, is L23,900,000 per year during the three years that have been mentioned. This payment is made up of, first, L21,200,000, being the average annual amount of the Government remittance during three years, which corresponds to the alleged political drain of L30,000,000; and, secondly, L2,700,000, the average annual amount of private remittances during the same period, which total has been most carefully examined and corresponds to the alleged commercial drain of L40,000,000. Now let us examine for a moment the nature of these two remittances. The Government remittance is mainly for the payment of home charges—namely, those charges in England which are normally met from revenue. These charges, in the three years to which I have referred, averaged L18,250,000, made up in the following manner:—Interest on debt, L9,600,000; payments for stores, ordered and purchased in this country, which cannot be manufactured in India, L2,500,000; pensions and furlough pay to civil and military officers, L5,000,000; and miscellaneous, L1,250,000. It will thus be seen that alter deducting L5,000,000 for pensions and furlough pay, the bulk of the remittance represents interest for railway developments and other matters with which the interests of the peoples of India are intimately bound up. Besides the home charges proper, certain sums were remitted to England by the Government to defray capital charges. These bring the Government remittances to the total of L21,200,000 already mentioned. Now let us turn for a moment to the supposed commercial drain of L40,000,000 per year, which, as I have endeavoured to show, is in reality L2,700,000, being the difference during the period referred to between the private remittances from India, representing private profits, savings, &c., sent home to England, and the private remittances to India representing the transmission of English capital to that country. We can therefore say definitely that whatever India may have sent to England within the three years, she received from England as capital a sum falling short of that amount by L2,700,000 a year; and perhaps I might incidentally remind the House that at the end of 1907 the capital outlay on railways alone in India amounted to L265,000,000 sterling, the bulk of which is British capital, but by no means represents the full amount of British capital invested in India, which has taken its part in commercially developing its resources and providing employment for the masses of people in that great continent. Hon. members who have followed a recent discussion in the pages of the Economist as to whether L300,000,000 or L500,000,000 was the amount of British capital invested in India for its commercial and industrial development and for providing employment of the people in that land, will agree that the sum could not be placed lower than L350,000,000."
NOTE 23
THE SECRETARY OF STATE AND THE VICEROY.
This issue was raised, for instance, during the Viceroyalty of Lord Northbrook, when Lord Salisbury was Secretary of State, Mr. Bernard Mallett's memoir of Lord Northbrook contains the following noteworthy remarks upon the subject by Lord Cramer, who, as Major Baring, was Private Secretary to Lord Northbrook:—
There can be no doubt that Lord Salisbury's idea was to conduct the government of India to a very large extent by private correspondence between the Secretary of State and the Viceroy. He was disposed to neglect and, I also think, to underrate the value of the views of the Anglo-Indian officials ... This idea inevitably tended to bring the Viceroy into the same relation to the Secretary of State for India as that in which an Ambassador or Minister at a foreign Court stands to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs ... Lord Northbrook's general view was the exact opposite of all this, and I am strongly convinced that he was quite right ... He recognized the subordinate position of the Viceroy, but he held that Parliament had conferred certain rights not only on the Viceroy but on his Council which differentiated them in a very notable degree from subordinate officials such as those in the diplomatic service ... Lord Northbrook regarded the form of government in India as a very wise combination which enabled both purely English and Anglo-Indian experience to be brought to bear on the treatment of Indian questions. He did not by any means always follow the Indian official view; but he held strongly, in the first place, that to put aside that view and not to accord to the two Councils in London and Calcutta their full rights was unconstitutional in this sense that, though the form might be preserved, the spirit of the Act of Parliament regulating the government of India would be evaded. In the second place, he held that for a Viceroy or a Secretary of State without Indian experience to overrule those who possessed such experience was an extremely unwise proceeding, and savoured of an undue exercise of that autocratic power of which he himself was very unjustly accused.
NOTE 24
THE DIFFICULTIES OF LOYAL HINDUS.
A Hindu gentleman who has taken a considerable part in the struggle against Brahmanical disloyalty and intolerance in the Deccan has sent me a copy of a letter addressed to the Times of India in which he explains the peculiar difficulties with which loyal Hindus find themselves confronted:—
Englishmen hardly appreciate the true magnitude of the difficulties we have to contend with in any attempt to expose sedition. All the social forces that exist in Hindu society run counter to anti-Brahminical movements. The influence which the Brahmins exercise on the popular mind is still considerable. A man who is damned by the village-priest or the Brahmin kulkarni is doomed for good. Loyalty has been rendered odious to the ordinary mind by this as well as by many other influences. Loyalty is flattery. This is a dictum now almost universally recognized in the Deccan. A supporter of the Government is a "Johukum," a "hireling," or a "traitor." The Press has of late become sufficiently powerful to make or mar the reputation of a man so far as the native public is concerned. Every advocate of Government measures—even of the best of them—is held up to ridicule by the Press. This is immediately reflected in the most exaggerated form in what we may call public opinion in the land. Certainly very great courage is necessary in one who is called upon to bear calumny such as this from his society and his castemen. But there are other forces more threatening still. The rowdier section of the people never fails to hoot the man out on every possible occasion and even the women of his family may be subjected to indignities. The vakils are a very powerful class in the Deccan. Many of them do not openly dabble in politics; but you can hardly find many among them who do not sympathize with extremist politics. The landholders, traders and agriculturists in general are always in need of the services or, as they think, of the favour of the legal profession whose prejudices will never be wounded by the classes mentioned. The vakils, I may say, are to be propitiated by every one who wishes to conduct any public movement. But a loyal movement can never save itself from condemnation at the hands of this powerful class.
Although reluctantly, I must add that the lower services of the Government are filled by men who passively help extremism. They form the bulk of the total constituency of our public Press. That is a fact to show their political inclinations. Even they do not hesitate to use their little arts to worry a man known to be "anti-political" whenever he happens to come in contact with them. An agriculturist friend of mine who belonged to the caste to which I have the honour to belong once came to me and asked me why I was taking a particular step connected with the political movements in Kolhapur. The reason he gave for his attempt to dissuade me from participation in any anti-Brahmanical movement was that every Jain would be put to immense trouble in his dealings with pleaders and clerks simply because another Jain (in this instance myself) was against the leaders of their caste! Another class which always forms a check on a pro-government man is composed of the chiefs, sirdars, landholders, &c., who belong to the agitators' caste and who certainly cherish admiration for the doings of the "patriots." Many of us have to come in contact with some one or other belonging to this class and if he be known to favour anything against the great figures of the city-politics, his business is sure to be spoilt.
This is in brief the doleful tale of the loyalist in the Deccan. I shall briefly touch upon one or two things with reference to what will strengthen the hands of the loyal citizen. The first thing is that the Government should boldly come forward to help on the coming into existence of a bigger class of educated men among the backward or lower classes of the Deccan. The suspicion that they too will join hands with the agitator must vanish once for all. The half-heartedness due to such lurking suspicion gives a fine tool in the hands of Government's enemies. The English people should realize the probable danger of this and should use their vast resources to create a strong body of educated men from the ranks of the loyal castes. H.H. the Maharaja of Kolhapur, in his attempts to break down Brahmanical supremacy, found nothing so useful as the bringing into being of such a class and for this he is doing the best he can. Unless this example is followed by the Government, there is no hope of a strong loyal party coming forth to combat the evil work done by Extremists. The strengthening of the loyal Press such as it exists and adding to it is another measure the Government might wisely adopt.
NOTE 25
HINDU THEORIES OF GOVERNMENT.
Englishmen are apt to ignore the hold which ancient Hindu traditions concerning the rights and duties of kingship and the old Hindu theories of government derived from the sacred books of Hinduism still have on the Indian mind. They have been recently reviewed in an article contributed to The Times from a very scholarly pen.
The ancient Hindu theory of government is fully disclosed in the Mahabharata, the most majestic work ever produced by the human intellect, a work, too, which is to-day as popular with Indians as when 40 centuries ago it was chanted to instruct the youth and beguile the tedium of the princes of Hastinapura. Unlike all systems of government known to the West, the Hindu system contains no popular element whatever. In it we find no Witanagemote in which the nobles may advise the monarch; still less has it any place for a comitia centuriata, with its stormy masses of spearmen, to scrutinize and control the encroachments of the Royal prerogative. In the kingdoms described In the Mahabharata the inhabitants are rigidly divided into four wholly distinct and separate classes (Udhyog Parva, p. 67, Roy's translation). First come the Brahmans whose duty it is to study, to teach, to minister at sacrifices—receiving in return gifts from, "known" or, as we should say, respectable persons. Then follow the Kshattriyas or the warrior class, whose whole life has to be spent in fighting and in warlike exercises. Thirdly come the Vaisyas who acquire merit by accumulating wealth through commerce, cattle-breeding, and agriculture. Fourthly, we have the Sudras, or serfs, who are bound to obey the other three classes, but who are forbidden to study their scriptures or partake in their sacrifices.
High over all classes is the King. He is the living symbol of strength and power. He is "the tiger among men," the "bull of the Bharata race," and his form and features bear the visible impress of the Most High. The whole arduous business of government rests on his shoulders. He cannot appeal to his subjects to help him in carrying out good administration nor can he leave his duties to others. For to beseech and to renounce are both against the laws of his order (Vana Parva, p. 457). At the utmost he can employ counsellors to advise him, but their numbers must never exceed eight (Canti Parva, p. 275). In any case they only tender advice when asked (Udhyog Parva, p. 100), and the full responsibility of all acts rests on the King only. It is he who must keep up the arsenals, the depots, the camps, the stables for the cavalry, the lines for the elephants, and replenish the military storehouses with bows and arrows. It is he who must maintain in efficient repair his six different kinds of citadels—his water citadels, his earth citadels, his hill citadels, his human citadels, his forest citadels, and his mud citadels (Canti Parva, p. 277). It is he who must see that the capital has abundant provisions, impassable trenches, impenetrable walls; that it teems with elephants, cavalry horses, and war chariots. He must maintain an efficient staff of spies to ascertain the strength of neighbouring monarchs and do his utmost to cause dissension among their servants (Canti Parva, p. 224). The War Office and the Foreign Office are alike under his immediate headship. It is for him to conclude treaties, to lead to battle his armies, and during peace to keep them prepared for war (Canti Parva, p. 228). But the duty which comes before all others is to protect his subjects. That, indeed, is imposed on him as a religious duty. "For having protected his Kingdom a King becomes sanctified and finally sports in Heaven" (Canti Parva, p. 68). "Whether he does or does not do any other religious acts, if only he protects his subjects he is thought to accomplish all religion." (ibid., p. 193).
In return for the proper discharge of his innumerable tasks, he is regarded by his subjects as the incarnation of Indra. He is entitled to a sixth share of the gross revenue of the country. Fearful penalties attach to the infringement of his rights. "That man who even thinks of doing an injury to the King meets with grief here and Hell hereafter" (Canti Parva, p. 221). "He will be destroyed like a deer that has taken poison." On the other hand, should the King fail to meet his obligations—and above all, if he does not protect his subjects—he offends grievously, "These persons should be avoided like a leaky boat on the sea, a preceptor who does not speak, a priest who has not studied the Scriptures, a King who does not grant protection" (Canti Parva, p. 176). "A King who does not protect his kingdom takes upon himself a quarter of its sins" (Drona Parva, p. 625). In the last resort his subjects will be freed from their allegiance. "If a powerful King approaches kingdoms torn by anarchy from desire of annexing them to his dominions the people should go forward and receive the invader with respect."
In a similar manner the entire civil administration must be conducted by the King. He must see to it that wide roads, shops, and water conduits are constructed. He must look after the streets and by-paths. He must treat all classes impartially, and, above all, scrutinize carefully the work of the Courts of Justice. "The penal code properly applied by the ruler maketh the warders [i.e., Judges] adhere to their respective duties, and leadeth to an acquisition by the ruler himself of virtue." (Udhyog Parva, p. 383). But although the subjects have the right to expect justice they cannot expect kindness or even easy condescension. "The heart of a King is as hard as thunder" (Canti Parva, p. 57). "Knowledge makes a man proud, but the King makes him humble" (Canti Parva, p. 223). "When the King rules with a complete and strict reliance on the science of chastisements, the foremost of ages called the Kirta is said to set in" (ibid., p. 228). "The King must be skilful in smiting" (ibid., p. 174). "Fierceness and ambition are the qualities of the King" (ibid., p. 59). "The King who is mild is regarded as the worst of his kind, like an elephant that is reft of fierceness" (ibid., p. 171). Indeed, failure to treat subjects with rigour is visited with penalties as tremendous as failure to protect them. "They forget their own position and most truly transcend it. They disclose the secret counsels of their master; without the least anxiety they set at nought the King's commands. They wish to sport with the King as with a bird on a string" (ibid., p. 172). And in the end they destroy him. "The King should always be heedful of his subjects as also of his foes. If he becomes heedless they fall on him like vultures upon carrion" (Canti Parva, p. 289).
Here we have commended as a pattern of administration a despotism such as the West has never experienced. It is inquisitorial, severe—sometimes, perhaps, wantonly cruel. But from the fearful pitfalls that encompass weakness it is certain to be sleeplessly vigilant and in the highest degree virile, forceful, and efficient. Now it will be asked what bearing the doctrines of a work four thousand years old have on the problems of the present day. But it must be remembered, as that eminent scholar, the late Mr. Jackson, the victim of the abominable Nasik outrage, pointed out, that Hindu civilization and Hindu thought are at bottom the same now as in the days of Yudhisthira.
The Mahabharata is the constant companion from youth to age of every educated Indian. Its tales have provided matter for the poetry, the drama, and the folk-songs of all ages and of all languages. No Hindu will live in a house facing south, as it is there that lives Yama, the god of death. No Hindu will go to sleep without murmuring Takshaka as a preventive against snake-bite. For Takshaka rescued the snakes from the vengeance of Janamajaya, the great-grandson of the Mahabharata hero Arjuna. The independent Indian Princes conduct their administration exactly on the lines indicated in the Mahabharata, and even States as enlightened as Baroda and Kolhapur still adhere to the Council of eight Ministers recommended in that immortal work. Indeed, its teachings really explain the puzzle of Indian loyalty to the British Government. According to Western ideas, no amount of pax Britannica would compensate the conquered for foreign rule. The Poles still sigh for the bad old days of independence and misrule, and are in no way comforted by the efficiency of German administration. But the Indian's allegiance to his native kings was, as the Mahabharata, lays down, released by their weakness, and he readily transferred his loyalty to those who, although foreign, had yet shown that they could govern vigorously.
INDEX
Acts of Parliament: Age of Consent Act (1891),42, 75. Charter Act (1833), 307, 308, 310. Explosive Substances Act (1908), 98. Government of India Act (1858), 307, 310. Indian Councils Act (1909), 10, 100, 120, 162-175. Indian Newspapers (Incitement to Offences) Act, (1908), 96, 98. Press Act (1910), 15, 98-99,335-337. Punjab Land Alienation Act (1900), 156. Summary Justice Act (1908), 98. Universities Act (1904), 78,2, 229.
Administration of British India, comparison of the total number of Englishmen and Indians employed in, 293.
Aga Khan, 132, 133.
Age of Consent Act, 1891,42, 75.
Agriculture, the greatest of all Indian industries, 259; need for practical education in, 262.
Ahmad, Sir Syed, 122, 131.
Aitchison, Sir Charles, 213.
Ajit Singh, proceedings against, 112.
Akash, newspaper, Delhi, 21.
Ali, Mr. Ameer, 132.
All-India Moslem League, 131,132, 281.
All-India Temperance Conference, 200.
America, Indian revolutionary organizations in, 146, 147.
Anglo-Russian Agreement, 319.
"Animists," 177.
Anti Cow-killing Society, founded by Tilak in 1893, 43.
Anusilan Samiti Society, 99.
Army, Indian, position of Indians in, 328.
Arya Samaj, 27; founded by Swami Dayanand, 109; work of, 110-112; seditious activity of its members, 112-114; its scheme for restoring the Vedic system of education, 114; Sir Louis Dane on, 115; a powerful proselytizing agency, 116; propaganda in the Native Army, 117; hostile to Islam as to British rule, 117.
Asiatic Quarterly Review cited, 265.
Atkinson, Mr. (Madras), on ryotwari landlords, 260.
Ayerst, Lieut., murder of, 48.
Baig, Mr. M.A. Ali, 171.
Baker, Sir Edward, 272.
Bande Mataram, newspaper, 78, 149, 150, 151.
Banerjee, Mr. Surendranath, 30, 50, 52, 79, 83, 84, 88, 01, 224, 274, 341, 353.
Banks, co-operative, 261-262.
Bannerjee, Mr. W.C., President of the first Indian National Congress, 75.
Bar, Native, disaffection in, 100.
Baroda, Gaekwar of, on the elevation of the depressed castes, 181-183; on the unrest, 193.
Baroda, State of, 186, 187
Bedari, newspaper, Lahore, 19.
Bekanir, State of, 190.
Belapur Swami Club, 69.
Bengal, before the Partition, 72-80; compared with the Deccan, 72-73; education in, 77, 214; Brahmanism in, 74, 102; the storm in, 81-105; outrages in, 96; deportation of nine prominent agitators, 99; disaffection in the native Bar, 100; comparison of the number of Hindus and Mahommedans in Government employ, 125; Sir Lancelot Hare on the lawlessness in, 342-345.
Bengal, Partition of, agitation against, 50; the signal rather than the cause of agitation, 81.
Bengal Iron and Steel Company, 268.
Bengalee, newspaper, 79, 101, 168, 353.
Besant, Mrs. Annie, influence of, 28-29.
Bhagvat Gita, 30, 79, 90, 201.
Bhandarkar, Dr., 42.
Bhopal, State of, 187.
Bijapurkar, Mr., 71.
Bilgrami, Mr. Husain, 171.
Bir, disturbances at, 69.
Birdwood, Sir George, 263.
Biswas, Mr. Ashutosh, murder of, 97.
Blavatsky, Mme., 28.
Bobbili, Rajah of, 171.
Bombay, comparison of the number of Hindus and Mahommedans in Government employ, 125.
Bombay Technical Institute, 264.
Bose, Mr. Bhupendranath, 163, 165, 168.
Bose, Khudiram, murderer of Mrs. and Miss Kennedy, 96, 97, 147, 340, 341.
Brahmanism, the system and its influences, 32-33; the stronghold of reaction, 36; most militant in the Deccan, 37; part played in the unrest in the Deccan, 37-63; in Bengal, 74, 102; in the Punjab, 109; in Southern India, 140-141; one of the two forces which aspire to substitute themselves for British rule, 324.
Brahmans, number in India, 33; number holding higher Government appointments in Bombay Presidency, 39; their grievances against Western education, 353-354.
Brahmo Samaj, 25, 27, 75.
Brodrick, Mr. (now Viscount Midleton), 86.
Buck, Sir Edward, 263.
Budget, Indian, and the new Councils, 174.
Burdwan, Maharajah of, 162.
Butler, Mr. Harcourt, first Minister of Education, 233, 237, 264.
Calcutta Presidency College, comparison of the number of English and Indian professors, 214.
Calcutta Review, 78.
Capital, British, invested in India, 264.
Carey, Rev. Eustace, 24, 73, 209.
Cawnpore, proposal to establish a Technological College at, 267.
Central Hindu College, Benares, 28.
Central Provinces, comparison of the number of Hindus and Mahommedans in Government employ, 125.
Chailley, J., Administrative Problems of British India, 107-108.
Chakilians, 177.
Chamars, 177.
Chandavarkar, Mr. Justice (Sir N.G.), 42, 340.
Chapekur, Damodhar, murderer of Rand and Ayerst, 48.
Charter Act of 1833, 307, 308, 310.
Chatterjee, Mr. A.C., 285, 260.
Chatterton, Mr. Alfred, Director of Industries, Madras, 266.
Chaubal, Mr. M.B., 171.
Chitnavis, Mr., 275, 276.
Chitpavans, most powerful and most able of the Brahmans, 37-38.
Christian Endeavour Convention, 200.
Civil Service, Indian, 290-301.
Clark, Mr., Minister for Commerce and Industry, 298, 317.
Clarke, Sir George S., 56, 57, 232, 352.
Clubs, Anglo-Indian, exclusion of Indians from, 290.
Cochin, State of, 186-187.
Colvin, Sir Auckland, 263.
Commerce and Industry, Portfolio of, 263.
Cost of living, increase during last decade, 2; effect on teaching profession, 224.
Cotton, duties on, 277.
Cotton, Sir Henry, 156.
Council of India, 171, 317.
Craddock, Mr. B.H., 136.
Creagh, Sir O'Moore, 167.
Credit societies, 261-262.
Cromer, Lord (then Major Baring), on the relations between the Secretary of State and the Viceroy, 356-357.
Crown, influence of the, 331.
Curzon, Lord, 126, 229, 231, 266, 286, 295, 303; his Universities Bill (1904), 78; effect of his fall on the anti-Partition campaign, 86; on ignorance in India, 247; on primary education, 248; on the excess of imports over exports, 255; on co-operative banks and credit societies, 261; on technical education, 263; creation of a separate portfolio of Commerce and Industry, 263; on the ill-treatment of Indians in South Africa, 283; tributes to his attitude on the question of the status of Indians in the Empire, 285; controversy with Lord Kitchener, 311; creation of Imperial Cadet Corps, 329.
DACCA COLLEGE, 231.
Dacca Conspiracy Trial, 341.
Dacca Gazette, 18.
Dadabhoy, Mr., 283.
Dairies, State, in Northern India, 266.
Dane, Sir Louis, 115.
Das, Pulin Bahari, 99.
Davar, Mr. Justice, 22, 55.
David, Sir Sassoon, 163.
Dayanand, Swami, founder of the Arya Samaj, 27, 109, 110.
Deccan, unrest in, 37-63; compared with Bengal, 72-73.
Deportation, of nine prominent Bengalee agitators (1908), 99; of two agitators from the Punjab (1907), 107.
Depressed castes, 167-134.
Dewas, Rajah of, on the unrest, 192, 194-195.
Dharma, newspaper, Calcutta, 18.
Dhingra, murderer of Sir W. Curzon Wyllie, 21, 148.
"Drain," the, 255, 355-356.
Duff, Dr. Alexander, 24, 75, 209.
Dufferin, Lord, 213.
Durga, worship of, 18, 102.
Dutt, Mr. Bhupendranath, 91.
Economic Department, creation of (1886), 263.
Economic progress of India, 254-270.
Education:— General.—Deficiencies of the system, 2; effect on the Bengalees, 77; most difficult and most urgent problem in India, 207; four important features of the system, 208; system displays its gravest shortcomings in Bengal, 214; greater elasticity wanted, 236; grievances of Brahmans against Western education, 353-354.
History of System: Macaulay's Minute (1835), 208-210; Lord Hardinge's Educational Order (1844), 209; influence of Dr. Alexander Duff, 209; Sir Charles Wood's Educational Dispatch (1854),209-210; Education Commission (1882-1883), 212; Public Service Commission (1886-87), 212; Sir Antony MacDonnell's resolution (1889), 229; Government Resolution (March 11, 1904), 229, 263; Conference presided over by Lord Curzon, 229-230.
Primary, 246-253; number of scholars in Government schools (1854), 210; Mr. Gokhale's resolution for free and compulsory education, 247; Educational Dispatch (1854), 248; Education Commission(1882-83), 248; Government Resolution (1904), 248; present situation, 249; cost of making primary education free, 249; difficulty of finding teachers, 250; Mr. Orange on the aims to be kept in view, 251-252.
Higher: Universities Bill (1904), 78, 82, 229; Europeans on staff of secondary schools and colleges, 215; the Indian student, 216-221; Dr. Garfield Williams on the Indian student, 217-219; provision of hostels for students, 231; question of raising fees charged for higher education, 234; wastage in Indian Universities, 351-352.
Female, 252-253; views of Mr. Sharp, 354-355.
Scientific and Technical: need of encouragement, 235; technical education, 263-267; proposal to establish a Technological College at Cawnpore, 267.
Religious, 238-245; the Maharajah of Jaipur on the need of religious education, 242.
Service: total number of Europeans in, 221; effect of rise in the cost of living on the teaching profession, 224; deficiencies of the native teaching staff, 226; pay of teachers, 226-227; effect of Public Service Commission (1886-87) on the native side of the service, 227; need of more and better training colleges for teachers, 232; teachers must be brought into touch with parents, 235-236.
_"National" Schools, 241-242.
Vedic System, 114-115.
Education, Minister of (Mr. Harcourt Butler), 233, 237, 264.
Elibank, Master of, on the "drain" theory, 355-356.
Empire, status of Indians in the, 284.
Engineering Colleges, 263.
Evil of Continence, The, translated into the vernacular, 28.
Examiner, newspaper, Bombay, 352-353.
Executive Councils, reforms in, 171.
Explosive Substances Act (1908), 98.
Famines, 3; reduction of famine areas, 260.
Ferris, Col., conspiracy to murder (1908), 70.
Financial and fiscal relations between India and Great Britain, 271-279.
Fraser, Sir Andrew, 88, 97.
Free Hindustan, newspaper, Seattle, 147.
Fuller, Sir Bampfylde, 87, 88, 255.
Ganesh, celebrations in honour of, 30, 44.
Ganpati celebrations, in honour of Ganesh, 30, 44.
Gazette of India, 169.
Ghose, Mr. Arabindo, 50, 52, 78, 79, 89, 90, 98, 337.
Ghose, Mr. Barendra Kumar, 90, 91, 98.
Ghose, Dr. Rash Behari, 75, 160.
Ghosh, Mr. Surat Kumar, 3.
Gladstone, Mr., attitude towards Mahommedanism, 126.
Gokhale, Mr. G.K., 42, 53,159, 163, 165, 169, 181, 202-206, 247, 252, 265, 280, 284, 294.
Gosain, Norendranath, murder of, 97, 146.
Government of India, 306-318; respective powers of the Secretary of State and Viceroy, 306-310; Government of India Act (1858), 307, 310; Charter Act (1833), 307, 308; Sir Courtenay Ilbert's summary of the powers of the Secretary of State, 307-308; "Governor-General in Council," 308; "Secretary of State in Council," 309; ultimate responsibility with the people of the United Kingdom represented by Parliament, 309; John Stuart Mill on the function of the Home Government, 310; twofold danger in any eclipse of the Governor-General in Council, 313-314; Council of India, 317; need for decentralization in India, 318.
Government of India, The, by Sir C. Ilbert, 307-308.
Gujarat, newspaper, 17.
Guntur, riots in, 144.
Gupta, Birendranath, murderer of Mr. Shams-ul-Alam, 101.
Gupta, Mr. K.G., 171.
Gurukuls, in the Punjab, 114-115.
Gwalior, Maharajah of, on the unrest, 192.
Gwalior, State of, 186, 187, 190.
Hardie, Mr. Keir, 20, 255.
Hardinge, Lord, Educational Order (1844), 209.
Hardinge, Lord (present Viceroy), 299, 319, 320, 321.
Hare, Sir Lancelot, on the lawlessness in Bengal, 342-345.
Hewett, Sir John, 136, 263, 267.
Hind Swarajya, newspaper, 16.
Hinduism, loftiness of its philosophic conceptions, 26; Western allies of, 28; theory of government, 358-360.
Hindu revival, the, 24-36; as consistently anti-Mahommedan as anti-British, 120-121, 133-134; leaders allied with Radical politicians, 126-127.
Hindus, most dangerous forms of unrest confined to, 5; number holding Government appointments, 39, 125, 346-347; difficulties of loyal Hindus, 357-358; their antagonism to Mahommedans, 120-121, 133-134; this antagonism not the creation or the result of British rule, 124-125.
Hindu women, influence of, 103-104.
Hindu Punjab Conference, 200.
Hindu Tract Society of Madras, campaign against missionaries, 28.
Hitabadi, newspaper, 340.
Hitaishi, newspaper, Barisal, 18.
Hunter, Sir William, 212.
Hyderabad, State of, 186-187.
Ilbert, Sir Courtenay, The Government of India, 306.
Imam, Mr. Ali, appointed member of Viceroy's Council, 351.
Imperial Advisory Council, proposal to establish, 185.
Imperial Cadet Corps, created by Lord Curzon, 329.
Imperial Council, first session of, 162; drawbacks to, 166-167; reporting of debates, 163-169; can exercise no directly controlling power over Executive, 173; Mr. Gokhale's resolution in regard to elementary education, 247; resolution in regard to the ill-treatment of Indians in South Africa, 280.
India, financial and fiscal relations with Great Britain, 271; relations with the rest of the Empire, 280.
India, newspaper, 126, 347.
India and the Empire, by Mr. M. de P. Webb, 278.
"India House," Highgate, 60, 148.
Indians, British, treatment of in South Africa, 3, 166; status of in the Empire, 287; question urgently calls for settlement, 287.
Indian Councils, duties of Anglo-Indian officials in, 164.
Indian Councils Act (1909), 10, 100, 120, 162-175.
Indian Institute of Science, 264.
Indian newspapers (Incitement to Offences) Act (1908), 96.
"Indian Red Flag" organization, 147.
Indian Sociologist, newspaper, 112, 149.
Indo-American Association, 147.
Indore, State of, 187.
Industrial Conference, 200, 267.
Iron and steel industry in India, 268.
Irrigation, 260.
Iyangar, Mr. Srinivasaraghava, 142.
Iyengar, Mr. Rangaswami, 174-175.
Jackson, Mr., murder of, 30, 40, 48, 57-59, 67, 150.
Jaipur, Maharajah of, on the unrest, 192; on the need for religious education, 242, 244.
Jaipur, State of, 187, 190.
Japan, attitude towards Indian agitators, 148.
Jhang Sial, newspaper, 21.
Joshi, Mr. B.N., 65.
Joshi, Rao Sahib, 354.
Jubbulpore Engineering College, 263.
Justice, newspaper, 347-348.
Kal, newspaper, Poona, 17, 22, 52, 148.
Kali, worship of, 18, 27, 102; sacrifice of "white goats" to, 103, 345-346.
Kanhere, Ananta Luxman, murderer of Mr. Jackson, 58, 62, 103.
Kapurthala, State of, 188.
Karnatak Vaibhav, newspaper, 22.
Kashmir, State of, 186.
Kayasthas, 102.
Kelkar, Mr., on the staff of the Kesari, 49.
Kennedy, Mrs. and Miss, murder of, 55, 96, 147.
Kesari, newspaper, 22, 42, 48, 49, 52, 382, 337, 339.
Khadilkar, Mr., on the staff of the Kesari, 49, 337.
Khataiyas, 102.
Khulnavasi, newspaper, 19.
Killing of Kichaka, The, play by Mr. Khadilkar, 337-339.
Kingsford, Mr., magistrate at Muzafferpur, 96.
Kitchener, Lord, 273, 311.
Kolhapur, State of, 64, 69, 186, 190.
Kolhapur, Maharajah of, 64, 65, 66.
Kolhapur Shivaji Club, suppressed, 69.
Krishnavarma, Shyamji, 60, 112, 114, 149, 152.
Kshatrya Conference, 200.
Lahore, disturbances at (1907), 107.
Lal, Mr. Roshan, President of the Lahore branch of the Arya Samaj, 111-112.
Lalcaca, Dr., murder of, 148.
Lansdowne, Lord, 158, 172, 229.
Legislative Councils, reforms in, 172.
Literacy, in Southern India, 143; in India generally, 246; amongst Indian women, 252.
Lyon, Mr. P.C., 165, 168.
Lytton, Lord, 293.
MacDonnell, Sir Antony, 261, 263.
Mackarness, Mr., 156, 299.
Madigas, 177.
Madras, Bishop of, 180.
Madras Engineering College, 263.
Mahabharata, 358-360.
Mahmudabad, Rajah of, 163.
Mahommedan College, Aligarh, 233, 244.
Mahommedans, not implicated in the unrest, 5; Number holding Government appointments, 39, 125, 346-347; everything to gain from the Partition of Bengal, 85; difficult position of, 118-135; Hindu antagonism to, 120-121, 133-134; representation in the Indian Councils, 127-128; desire separate electorates, 128; number in India, 130.
Malaria Conference, (1909), 20.
Malavya, Pandit Mohan, 160, 163.
Maniktolla bomb outrage, 90, 98.
Manu, Code of, 33.
Manumakkathayam system, in Southern India, 140-141.
Mazhar-ul-Haq, Mr., 165.
Mazzini, Autobiography translated by Vinayak Savarkar, 146; Life of, by Lajpat Rai, 146.
Mehta, Sir Pherozeshah, 51.
Military charges, on the Government of India, 273-274.
Minto, Lord, 1, 90, 99, 163, 167,169, 170, 172, 138, 197, 248, 266, 306, 311, 313, 314, 315, 329; attempted assassination of, 62; relations with Lord Morley, 311-312.
Mlenccha, term applied by Hindus equally to Europeans and Mahommedans, 44.
Mohsin-ul-Mulk, Nawab, 132.
Moneylenders, influence of, 107, 108, 261.
Montagu, Mr. E.S., Under-Secretary of State for India, 299, 306-311, 313.
Mookerjee, Dr. Ashutosh, 75, 214, 223, 230, 239, 245.
Mookerjee, Mr. E.N., 351.
Morley, Lord, 1, 15, 86, 128, 154, 172, 173, 175, 233, 271, 306, 311, 313, 314, 316, 317, 321, 332; constitutional reforms, 170-175; relations with Lord Minto, 311-312; retirement of, 333-334.
Moslem Educational Congress, 200.
Muchis, 177.
Mudholkar, Mr., 267, 285.
Mukti con pathe ("Which way does salvation lie?"), reprinted from the Yugantar, 95.
Mullick, Dr., on the Indian student, 218-219.
Mysore, State of, 143, 186.
Nabha, State of, 186.
Namasudras, Brahman agitation among, 102; rise of, 183.
Naoroji, Mr. Dadabhai, 10, 51, 155.
Nasik, murder of Mr. Jackson at, 57; a great stronghold of Hinduism, 60.
Natal, Indian indentured labour for, 280.
National Congress, Indian, 154-161; ideas of founders, 25; subsidies to supporters in England, 347; meetings of: Poona (1895), 159; Benares (1905), 50, 51, 159; Calcutta (1906), 50, 51, 159, 202; Surat (1907), 52, 159; Madras (1908), 160; Lahore (1909), 160, 163, 281.
"National" schools, 241-242.
National Social Conference, Indian, 200.
Native Princes, on the unrest, 190-196; influence of, 329-330.
Native States, 185-197; total population of, 185; proposal to establish an Imperial Advisory Council, 185; no voice in questions of tariff, &c., 189; Lord Minto on our policy towards, 188; their action in regard to the unrest, 190.
Natu, the brothers, allied with Tilak, 42.
Navasakti, newspaper, 91.
New India, newspaper, 78.
Nicholson, Sir Frederick, 261.
Nizam, of Hyderabad, 186-187; on the unrest, 191-192, 194, 196.
Northbrook, Lord, 356-357.
Nulkar, Mr. A.K., 42.
Official relations between Englishmen and Indians, 290-301.
Olcott, Col., 28.
Opium policy, 189, 272.
Orange, Mr. H.W., 226, 251, 352, 354.
Oxford Mission, Calcutta, 216.
Pal, Mr. Bepin Chandra, 9, 10-14, 50, 51, 78, 89, 143-144, 160, 295.
Palshikar, Mr., 59.
Panchamas, 177-184, 180-181.
Parciyas, 177.
Parmanand, Bhai, 112.
Parsee Conference, 200.
Parsees, number holding higher Government appointments in Bombay Presidency, 39.
Patiala, Kur Sahib of, 162.
Patiala, State of, 113, 186, 190.
"Permanent Settlement" in Bengal, 260, 291.
Poona College of Science, 263.
Prarthana Samaj, 25, 27.
Prem, newspaper, Firozpur, 20.
Press, Indian, 325, 335-337. Akash (Delhi), 21. Bande Mataram, 78, 149, 150, 151. Bedari (Lahore), 19. Bengalee, 79, 101, 168, 353. Calcutta Review, 78. Dacca Gazette, 18. Dharma (Calcutta), 18. Examiner (Bombay), 352-353. Free Hindustan (Seattle), 147. Gazette of India, 169. Gujarat, 17. Hind Swarajya, 16. Hitabadi, 340. Hitaishi (Barisal), 18. India, 126, 347. Indian Sociologist, 112, 149. Jhang Sial, 21. Justice, 347-348. Kal (Poona), 17, 22, 52, 148. Karnatak Vaibhav, 22. Kesari, 22, 42, 48, 49, 52, 332, 337, 339. Khulnavasi, 19. Navasakti, 91. New India, 78. Prem (Firozpur), 20. Rashtramat (Poona), 52, 57. Sahaik (Lahore), 20. Sandhya, 91, 340. Shakti, 17. Swarajiya, 113. Talvar, 149. Vartabaha (Ranjpur), 21. Vishvavritta, 71. Yugantar (Calcutta), 16, 91-96, 98, 113, 295, 340.
Press Act (1908), 96, 98.
Press Act (1910), 15, 98-99; Sir H. Risley's speech on its introduction, 335-337.
Press, History of the Indian, by Sir. G.C. Sanial., 78.
Prince of Destiny, The, by Mr. S.K. Ghosh, 3.
Protection, Indian desire for, 274.
Public Service Commission (1886-1887), 212, 227.
Public Instruction, Department of, 209.
Public Works Department, 289.
Punjab, 106; deportation of two prominent agitators (1907), 107; Brahmanism in, 109; gurukuls in, 114-115; free from outrages and dacoities, 116.
Punjab Land Alienation Act (1900), 156.
Raffeisen System, the, 261.
Rai, Mr. Lala Lajput, 110, 112, 146, 275.
Raj, Mr. Lala Dev, 201.
Rajput Conference, 200.
Ranade, Mahadev Govind, 36, 40, 41, 201, 257.
Rand, Mr., murder of, 48.
Rashtramat, newspaper, Poona, 52, 57.
Ratlam, Rajah of, on the unrest, 193.
Rawal Pindi, disturbances at (1907), 107, 112.
Religion, the basic element of Indian life, 239-240.
Ripon, Lord, 126, 212.
Risley, Sir H., on the language of Bengal, 73; on the demoralization of the Native Press, 335-337.
Roy, Ram Mohun, 25, 75, 201.
Rurki Engineering College, 263.
Sabnis, Rao Bahadur, 65, 68.
Sahaik, newspaper, Lahore, 20.
Salisbury, Lord, 356.
Samitis, or "national volunteers," 84.
Sandhya, newspaper, 91, 340.
Sanial, Mr. G.C., History of the Indian Press, 78.
Sanyasis, 103.
Satyarath Prakash, by Swami Dayanand, 109.
Savarkar, Vinayak, 60, 146, 148, 140.
Science Progress, 266.
Secretary of State for India, powers of, 306-310; position in regard to Viceroy, 356-357.
Sen, Keshub Chunder, 25, 201.
"Servants of India" society, 202-206, 294.
Shakti worship, 18, 29, 83-84, 93.
Shakti, newspaper, 17.
Shains-ul-Alam, Mr., murder of, 97, 101, 341-342.
Shams-ul-Huda, Maulvi Syed, 165.
Sharp, Mr., on female education, 354-355.
Shivaji-Maharaj, cult of, 27, 45, 84, 339-340.
Sibpur Engineering College, 263.
Sikh Educational Conference, 200.
Sikhs, loyalty of, 107.
Sinha, Mr. S.P., 128, 171.
Social reform in India, 198-206.
Social relations between Englishmen and Indians, 3, 288-305.
South Africa, ill-treatment of British Indians in, 3, 281-282.
Southern India, position in, 137-144.
Strachey, Mr. Justice. 22.
Student, the Indian, 216-228.
Sudras, 178.
Summary Justice Act (1908), 98.
Swadeshi, 11, 30, 31, 83, 254-270, 275.
Swaraj, 9, 10-14, 31, 254.
Swarajiya, newspaper, 113.
Tagore, Dr., 25, 36
Tai Maharaj case, 49, 340.
Talvar, newspaper, 149.
Tata, Mr. Jamsetjee N., 264, 277.
Tata, Messrs., and the iron and steel industry. 268.
Telang, Mr. K.T., 156.
Telugu Mission, work among the Namasudras 180-181.
Thackersey, Sir Vithalda, 271-273.
Theosophists, influence on Hindu revival, 28.
Tilak, Bal Gangadhar, a Chitpavan Brahman, 40; the father of Indian unrest, 41; initial campaign in the Deccan, 41-48; compelled to sever his connexion with the Poona Educational Society, 42; denounces the Age of Consent Bill, 42; forms the Anti Cow-killing Society, 43; organizes Ganpati celebrations, 44; becomes master of the Poona Sarvajanik Sabha, 44; revives the memory of Shivaji, 45-46; returned as member of the Bombay Legislative Councils 47; "no-rent" campaign, 47; imprisoned (1897), 48; the Tai Maharaj case, 49, 340; begins second campaign in the Deccan, 49; associates himself with the Indian National Congress, 50; one of the first champions of Swadeshi, 50; starts movement for the creation of "national" schools, 52; influence on the cotton operatives in Bombay, 53; twofold appeal to Hindus, 54; arrested (1908), 55; riots in Bombay following his sentence, 50; his conviction a heavy blow to the forces of unrest, 57; the Kesari and the Kal on his sentence, 22; his connexion with the Indian National Congress, 159-160.
Tilang, Mr. Justice., 42.
Tinnevelly, riots in, 144.
Tiwana, Malik Umar Hyat Khan of, 163.
Travancore, State of, 186-187.
Tuticorin, riots in, 144.
Udaipur, Maharana of, on the unrest, 192.
Udaipur, State of, 186-187.
United Provinces, comparison of the number of Hindus and Mahommedans in Government employ, 125.
Universities, Indian, wastage in, 351-352.
Universities Act (1904), 78, 82, 229.
Vartabaha, newspaper, Ranjpur, 21.
Veda Bashya Basmika, by Swami Dayanand, 109.
Vedic system of education, 114-115.
Viceroy of India, powers of, 306-310; position in regard to the Secretary of State, 356-357.
Vishvavritta, newspaper. 71.
Vivekananda, Swaini, 29, 91.
War of Indian Independence of 1857, by Savarkar, 149.
Watt, Sir George, 263.
Webb, Mr. M. de P., 278.
Wedderburn, Sir William, 261.
Whitehead, Dr., Bishop of Madras, 180.
Williams, Dr. Garfield, on the Indian Student, 317-219.
Wilson, Sir Fleetwood, 275.
Wood, Sir Charles, Educational Dispatch (1854), 209.
Wyllie, Sir W. Curzon, murder of, 21, 148-149.
Young India Association, 147.
Yugantar, newspaper, Calcutta, 16, 91-96, 98, 113, 295, 340.
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