Two-thirds of the total Austrian exports, the value of which was over 63,000,000 in 1912, come from the Bohemian lands. To England alone Austria exported 9,000,000 worth of Bohemian sugar annually. Bohemian beer, malt and hops were exported especially to France, textiles and machines to Italy. On the other hand, Germany and German-Austria imported from the Bohemian lands especially agricultural products (butter, eggs, cheese, cereals, fruit), also coal and wood manufactures.

In 1905 Austria exported 425,000 metric tons of wheat and 186,000 metric tons of malt, which were mostly produced in Bohemia. The export of Bohemian beer brings Austria 15,000,000 kronen annually (625,000), of malt 55,000,000 kronen (2,290,000). The Bohemian lands further export 130,000,000 kronen (5,430,000) worth of textiles annually.

The Austrian import trade is also largely dependent on Bohemia. All French articles bought by Bohemia come through Vienna, two-thirds of the whole French export being destined for that country.

As regards England, in 1914 2,676,000 worth of goods were exported to Austria-Hungary, the greater part of which again was destined for Bohemia, the chief articles being printing and agricultural machines and textile manufactures. England will after the war find a good market in Bohemia, and valuable assistants in Czech banks and business men in the economic competition against the Germans in the Near East, since the Czechs boycotted German goods even before the war. Prague is a railway centre of European importance, being situated just midway between the Adriatic and the Baltic Sea. An agreement with her neighbours (Poland, Yugoslavia and Rumania) and the League of Nations arrangement would secure her an outlet to the sea by means of international railways, while the Elbe and Danube would also form important trade routes. Bohemia would become an intermediary between the Baltic and Adriatic as well as between East and West.

Also the future relations of Bohemia with the British colonies are not without importance. More than half the trade of Austria with the British colonies was transacted by the Czechs, and Austria-Hungary exported to British colonies 3,500,000 and imported from them 10,500,000 worth of goods annually.

5. One of the most important reasons why the Czecho-Slovaks, when independent, will be able to render such valuable services to the Allies, is the high degree of their civilisation. Despite all efforts of the Austrian Government to the contrary, the Czechs have nevertheless been able to attain a high standard of education, and they also excel in literature, music and the arts.

The Czechs are not only the most advanced of all Slavs, but they are even the most advanced of all nations of Austria-Hungary. In Austria as a whole 6.7 per cent. of the children do not attend school; in Bohemia only 1-1/2 per cent. The standard of education of the Czechs compares with that of the Austrian-Germans and Magyars, according to the Monatschrift fr Statistik of 1913, as follows:

Czechs. Austrian Magyars. Germans. Persons knowing how to write and read 95-1/2% 92% 40% Persons knowing how to read only 3% 1% 4% Illiterates 1-1/2% 7% 56%

The Czechs have accomplished this by their own efforts, as is shown by the fact that 151 Czech schools are kept up by a private Czech society. These 151 schools have altogether 287 classes and 522 teachers, and are attended by more than 15,000 children. The unjust treatment of the Czechs in regard to schools is further shown by the fact that 9,000,000 Germans in Austria had five universities, 5,000,000 Poles two universities, while 7,000,000 Czechs had only one. The German University in Prague had 878 students in 1912, the Czech University 4713. The Germans in Prague number some 10,000 (i.e. 1-1/2 per cent.), yet they have their public schools and even a university; while the Czechs in Vienna, numbering at least some 300,000 (i.e. over 15 per cent.), are deprived even of elementary schools, to say nothing of secondary schools and universities.

The Slovaks of Hungary were, of course, in an absolutely hopeless position in view of the terrible system of Magyar oppression. The Magyars consider the schools as the most effective means for magyarisation. In the 16 counties inhabited by the Slovaks there are only 240 Slovak schools, and even in those schools Magyar is taught sometimes fully 18 hours a week. The number of Slovak schools has been systematically reduced from 1921 in 1869 to 440 in 1911, and 240 in 1912, and these are attended by some 18,000 children out of 246,000, i.e. 8 per cent. The Slovaks opened three secondary schools in the early seventies, but all three were arbitrarily closed in 1874. They have, of course, no university. Thus they were deprived of intellectual leaders and are doomed to complete denationalisation, unless liberated and united with the Czechs in an independent Bohemia.

In literature the Czechs may rightly range themselves side by side with the great nations of Western Europe. Practically all the most important works of foreign literature have been translated into Czech. The Czechs have many good dramas, novels, and much excellent poetry which can be fully appreciated only by those knowing their language. They are also very musical, and their composers such as Dvork, Smetana, Novk or Suk, singers such as Emmy Destinn, and violinists such as Kubelk, are known all over the world. They are also developed in all other arts, and their folk-songs, peasant arts and industries, especially those of the Slovaks, bear ample testimony to their natural talents and sense for beauty and art.

6. It is obvious that the cause of Bohemia is of very great importance to the very existence of the British Empire. If Germany succeeded in preserving her grip on Austria-Hungary, the Balkans and Turkey, she would soon strike at Egypt and India, and thus endanger the safety of the British Empire. Germany would control vast resources in man-power and material which would enable her to plunge into another attempt at world-domination in a very short time. On the other hand, when the non-German nations of Central Europe are liberated, Germany will be absolutely prevented from repeating her present exploits, Great Britain will be no more menaced by her, and a permanent peace in Europe will be assured. Thus with the cause of Bohemia the cause of Great Britain will either triumph or fall. Bismarck truly said that the master of Bohemia would be the master of Europe.

Bohemia has many traditions in common with England, and she will become her natural ally and friend. In the Czecho-Slovaks, the most democratic, homogeneous and advanced nation of Central Europe, Great Britain will find a true ally and fellow-pioneer in the cause of justice, freedom and democracy.



APPENDIX OF SOME RECENT DOCUMENTS

THE CZECHO-SLOVAK RESOLUTION OF SEPTEMBER 29, 1918

The following is the text of the resolution passed by the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Prague, in conjunction with the Union of Czech Deputies, on September 29, 1918, and suppressed by the Austrian censor:

"Our nation once more and with all possible emphasis lays stress on the fact that it firmly and unswervedly stands by the historical manifestations of its freely elected representatives, firmly convinced of the ultimate success of its highest ideals of full independence and liberty. Our silenced and oppressed nation has no other answer to all attempts at a change of the constitution than a cool and categorical refusal, because we know that these attempts are nothing except products of an ever-increasing strain, helplessness and ruin. We do not believe to-day in any more promises given and not kept, for experience has taught us to judge them on their merits. The most far-reaching promises cannot blind us and turn us away from our aims. The hard experiences of our nation order us imperatively to hold firm in matters where reality is stronger than all promises. The Vienna Government is unable to give us anything we ask for. Our nation can never expect to get its liberty from those who at all times regarded it only as a subject of ruthless exploitations; and who even in the last moment do not shrink from any means to humiliate, starve and wipe out our nation and by cruel oppression to hurt us in our most sacred feelings. Our nation has nothing in common with those who are responsible for the horrors of this war. Therefore there will not be a single person who would, contrary to the unanimous wish of the nation, deal with those who have not justice for the Czech nation at heart and who have also no sympathy with the Polish and Yugoslav nations, but who are only striving for the salvation of their present privileged position of misrule and injustice. The Czech nation will follow its anti-German policy, whatever may happen, assured that its just cause will finally triumph, especially to-day when it becomes a part of the great ideals of the Entente, whose victory will be the only good produced by this terrible war."

CZECH LEADERS REFER THE AUSTRIAN GOVERNMENT TO THE CZECHO-SLOVAK GOVERNMENT AS THEIR AUTHORISED REPRESENTATIVES

Speaking in the Reichsrat, deputy Stanek declared in the name of the Union of Czech Deputies on October 2, 1918:

"This terrible war, started against the will and despite the warnings of the Czecho-Slovaks, has now reached the culminating point. Two worlds have been struggling in this war. One of them stood for the Middle Ages and has with daring impudence inscribed upon its banner 'Might is Right.' Inspired by this watchword, the spirit of German Imperialism believed it had a mission to rule the whole world, and it was voluntarily joined by the rulers of Austria-Hungary in the mad desire of enslaving the whole world.

"It was not difficult to guess which side would win unless civilisation were to be thrown back for centuries. On one side stood the mediaeval spirit of autocracy; on the other, pure love of liberty and democracy. And we who have been oppressed by Austria for centuries and who have tasted Austrian 'education' have naturally not formed voluntary legions on the side of Austria. In fact the Czecho-Slovaks have not voluntarily shed a single drop of blood for the Central Powers. But our compatriots abroad, remembering the centuries-old Austrian oppression, have formed voluntary legions in all the Allied armies. They are shedding their blood for the most sacred rights of humanity and at a moment of the greatest danger for the Allies they saved the situation. In Russia, too, they are fighting for democracy. Nobody will succeed in arresting the triumphant progress of true democracy, not even the Austrian and German Governments, nor any diplomacy, nor any peace notes or crown councils. The world will not be deceived again and nobody takes the Central Powers and their governments seriously any more.

"Your peace offensives will avail nothing to you, nobody will speak with you again. Even the Austrian peoples refuse to negotiate with you, knowing the value of your words. We have no intention of saving you from destruction. Your aim is still the German-Magyar hegemony and the oppression of Slavs and Latins. You must look elsewhere for support. The fateful hour for you and the Magyars has come sooner than we expected.

"And the dynasty? Look at the electoral reform in Hungary sanctioned by the emperor! This reform is intended to destroy completely the political and national existence of the non-Magyars in Hungary. This is how the emperor keeps his word.

"In view of these events we must ask ourselves: Are there any moral guarantees in this empire? We do not see them and therefore we declare that we reject all community with the political system of this empire. We want a single front of three Slav States extending from Gdansk (Dantzig) via Prague to the Adriatic. We protest against any partial solution of the Czecho-Slovak question. The Czecho-Slovak State which must also include the Slovaks of Hungary is our minimum programme. We again emphasise our solidarity with our Yugoslav brethren, whether they live in Belgrade, Sarajevo, Mostar or Lubljana, and we ask for the removal of those statesmen who wish to subjugate the remainder of the Bosnian population. A free Yugoslavia, an independent Greater Poland and the Czecho-Slovak State are already in process of formation, closely allied to each other, not only by the knowledge of common economic interests, but also on the ground of the moral prerogatives of international right.

"Peace is in sight. We wanted to be admitted to peace negotiations with representatives of other nations. The Germans refused and replied: 'If you insist you will be hanged.' Of course the Germans never kept their word except when they promised to hang some one! But the Entente replied by deeds recognising the Czecho-Slovak army as an Allied and belligerent army. Thereupon the Austrian Government asked us, Czech leaders in Austria, to protest against it. But of course we refused. I said so openly to the Premier, and if you like, I will tell it to the Austrian Emperor himself. You would not admit us to the peace negotiations with Russia, and now you will have to negotiate with Czech leaders after all, whether you like it or not. These leaders will be representatives of the same Czecho-Slovak brigades which Count Hertling called rascals ('Gesindel'). You will have to negotiate with them, and not with us, and therefore we will not speak with you. Our question will not be solved in Vienna. If you accept President Wilson's terms, if the German people, and not the German bureaucrats, accept them, then you can have peace at once and save humanity from further bloodshed. There is no other way out, and we therefore advise you honestly and frankly to surrender to the Allies unconditionally, because in the end nothing else will be left to you.

"In agreement with the whole Yugoslav nation, in agreement with Polish representatives, voicing the will of the Polish people, the Czecho-Slovaks declare before the whole world:

'Forward in our struggle for liberty and for a new life in our own liberated, restored state!'"

PRESIDENT WILSON'S REPLY TO THE AUSTRIAN PEACE OFFER

In reply to the Austro-Hungarian proposal for an armistice of October 7, 1918, Mr. Robert Lansing addressed the following communication from President Wilson to the Austrian Government through the medium of the Swedish Legation in Washington on October 18, 1918:

"The President deems it his duty to say to the Austro-Hungarian Government that he cannot entertain the present suggestion of that government because of certain events of the utmost importance which, occurring since the delivery of his address of January 8 last, have necessarily altered the attitude and responsibility of the Government of the United States.

"Among the fourteen terms of peace which the President formulated at that time occurred the following:

"'The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous development.'

"Since that sentence was written and uttered to the Congress of the United States, the Government of the United States has recognised that a state of belligerency exists between the Czecho-Slovaks and the German and Austro-Hungarian Empires, and that the Czecho-Slovak National Council is a de facto belligerent government, clothed with proper authority to direct the military and political affairs of the Czecho-Slovaks.

"It has also recognised in the fullest manner the justice of the nationalistic aspirations of the Yugo-Slavs for freedom.

"The President therefore is no longer at liberty to accept a mere 'autonomy' of these peoples as a basis of peace, but is obliged to insist that they, and not he, shall be the judges of what action on the part of the Austro-Hungarian Government will satisfy their aspirations and their conception of their rights and destiny as members of the family of nations."

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE CZECHO-SLOVAK PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT

On October 14, Dr. E. Benes addressed the following letter to all the Allied Governments:

"By the declaration of the Government of the United States of September 3, 1918, the Czecho-Slovak National Council, whose seat is in Paris, has been recognised as a de facto Czecho-Slovak Government. This recognition has been confirmed by the following Allied Governments: by Great Britain in her agreement with the National Council of September 3, 1918; by France in her agreement of September 28, 1918, and by Italy in the declaration of her Premier on October 3,1918. I have the honour to inform you that in view of these successive recognitions a Provisional Czecho-Slovak Government has been constituted by the decision of September 26, 1918, with its provisional seat in Paris and consisting of the following members:

"Professor Thomas G. Masaryk, President of the Provisional Government and of the Cabinet of Ministers, and Minister of Finance.

"Dr. Edward Benes, Minister for Foreign Affairs and of the Interior.

"General Milan R. Stefanik, Minister of War.

"The undersigned ministry has subsequently decided to accredit the following representatives with the Allied Powers:

"Dr. Stephan Osusk. Charg d'Affaires of the Czecho-Slovak Legation in London, accredited with His Majesty's Government in Great Britain.

"Dr. Leo Sychrava, Charg d'Affaires of the Czecho-Slovak Legation in Paris, accredited with the French Government.

"Dr. Leo Borsk, Charg d'Affaires of the Czecho-Slovak Legation in Rome, accredited with the Royal Government of Italy.

"Dr. Charles Pergler, Charg d'Affaires of the Czecho-Slovak Legation in Washington, accredited with the Government of the United States.

"Bohdan Pavlu, at present at Omsk, is to represent our Government in Russia.

"Our representatives in Japan and Serbia will be appointed later.

"We have the honour to inform you that we have taken these decisions in agreement with the political leaders at home. During the past three years our whole political and military action has been conducted in complete agreement with them. Finally, on October 2, 1918, the Czecho-Slovak deputy Stanek, President of the Union of Czech Deputies to the Parliament in Vienna, solemnly announced that the Czecho-Slovak National Council in Paris is to be considered as the supreme organ of the Czecho-Slovak armies and that it is entitled to represent the Czecho-Slovak nation in the Allied countries and at the Peace Conference. On October 9, his colleague, deputy Zahradnk, speaking in the name of the same union, declared that the Czecho-Slovaks are definitely leaving the Parliament in Vienna, thereby breaking for ever all their ties with Austria-Hungary.

"Following the decision of our nation and of our armies, we are henceforth taking charge as a Provisional National Government for the direction of the political destinies of the Czecho-Slovak State, and as such we are entering officially into relations with the Allied Governments, relying both upon our mutual agreement with them and upon their solemn declarations.

"We make this declaration in a specially solemn manner at a moment when great political events call upon all the nations to take part in decisions which will perhaps give Europe a new political rgime for centuries to come.

"Assuring you of my devoted sentiments, believe me to remain, in the name of the Czecho-Slovak Government,

(Signed) "DR. EDWARD BENES,

Minister for Foreign Affairs."

CZECHO-SLOVAK DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE

"At this grave moment when the Hohenzollerns are offering peace in order to stop the victorious advance of the Allied armies and to prevent the dismemberment of Austria-Hungary and Turkey, and when the Habsburgs are promising the federalisation of the empire and autonomy to the dissatisfied nationalities committed to their rule, we, the Czecho-Slovak National Council, recognised by the Allied and American Governments as the Provisional Government of the Czecho-Slovak State and nation, in complete accord with the declaration of the Czech deputies in Prague on January 6, 1918, and realising that federalisation and, still more, autonomy mean nothing under a Habsburg dynasty, do hereby make and declare this our Declaration of Independence:

"Because of our belief that no people should be forced to live under a sovereignty they do not recognise and because of our knowledge and firm conviction that our nation cannot freely develop in a Habsburg confederation which is only a new form of the denationalising oppression which we have suffered for the past three centuries, we consider freedom to be the first pre-requisite for federalisation and believe that the free nations of Central and Eastern Europe may easily federate should they find it necessary.

"We make this declaration on the basis of our historic and natural right: we have been an independent state since the seventh century, and in 1526 as an independent state, consisting of Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia, we joined with Austria and Hungary in a defensive union against the Turkish danger. We have never voluntarily surrendered our rights as an independent state in this confederation. The Habsburgs broke their compact with our nation by illegally transgressing our rights and violating the constitution of our state, which they had pledged themselves to uphold, and we therefore refuse any longer to remain a part of Austria-Hungary in any form.

"We claim the right of Bohemia to be reunited with her Slovak brethren of Slovakia, which once formed part of our national state, but later was torn from our national body and fifty years ago was incorporated in the Hungarian State of the Magyars, who by their unspeakable violence and ruthless oppression of their subject races have lost all moral and human right to rule anybody but themselves.

"The world knows the history of our struggle against the Habsburg oppression, intensified and systematised by the Austro-Hungarian dualistic compromise of 1867. This dualism is only a shameless organisation of brute force and exploitation of the majority by the minority. It is a political conspiracy of the Germans and Magyars against our own as well as the other Slav and Latin nations of the monarchy.

"The world knows the justice of our claims, which the Habsburgs themselves dare not deny. Francis Joseph in the most solemn manner repeatedly recognised the sovereign rights of our nation. The Germans and Magyars opposed this recognition, and Austria-Hungary, bowing before the Pan-Germans, became a colony of Germany and as her vanguard to the East provoked the last Balkan conflict as well as the present world war, which was begun by the Habsburgs alone without the consent of the representatives of the people.

"We cannot and will not continue to live under the direct or indirect rule of the violators of Belgium, France and Serbia, the would-be murderers of Russia and Rumania, the murderers of tens of thousands of civilians and soldiers of our blood, and the accomplices in numberless unspeakable crimes committed in this war against humanity by the two degenerate and irresponsible dynasties of Habsburgs and Hohenzollerns. We will not remain a part of a state which has no justification for existence and which, refusing to accept the fundamental principles of modern world organisation, remains only an artificial and immoral political structure, hindering every movement towards democratic and social progress. The Habsburg dynasty, weighed down by a huge inheritance of error and crime, is a perpetual menace to the peace of the world, and we deem it our duty towards humanity and civilisation to aid in bringing about its downfall and destruction.

"We reject the sacrilegious assertion that the power of the Habsburg and Hohenzollern dynasties is of divine origin. We refuse to recognise the divine right of kings. Our nation elected the Habsburgs to the throne of Bohemia of its own free will and by the same right deposes them. We hereby declare the Habsburg dynasty unworthy of leading our nation and deny all their claims to rule in the Czecho-Slovak land, which we here and now declare shall henceforth be a free and independent people and nation.

"We accept and shall adhere to the ideals of modern democracy as they have been ideals of our nation for centuries. We accept the American principles as laid down by President Wilson, the principles of liberated mankind of the actual equality of nations and of governments, deriving all their just power from the consent of the governed. We, the nation of Comenius, cannot but accept those principles expressed in the American Declaration of Independence, the principles of Lincoln and of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. For these principles our nation shed its blood in the memorable Hussite wars five hundred years ago. For these same principles beside her Allies our nation is shedding its blood to-day in Russia, Italy and France.

"We shall outline only the main principles of the constitution of the Czecho-Slovak nation. The final decision as to the constitution itself falls to the legally chosen representatives of the liberated and united people. The Czecho-Slovak State shall be a republic in constant endeavour for progress. It will guarantee complete freedom of conscience, religion and science, literature and art, speech, the press and the right of assembly and petition. The Church shall be separated from the State. Our democracy shall rest on universal suffrage; women shall be placed on an equal footing with men politically, socially and culturally, while the right of the minority shall be safeguarded by proportional representation. National minorities shall enjoy equal rights. The government shall be parliamentary in form and shall recognise the principles of initiative and referendum. The standing army will be replaced by militia. The Czecho-Slovak nation will carry out far-reaching social and economic reforms. The large estates will be redeemed for home colonisation, and patents of nobility will be abolished. Our nation will assume responsibility for its part of the Austro-Hungarian pre-war public debt. The debts for this war we leave to those who incurred them.

"In its foreign policy the Czecho-Slovak nation will accept its full share of responsibility in the reorganisation of Eastern Europe. It accepts fully the democratic and social principle of nationality and subscribes to the doctrine that all covenants and treaties shall be entered into openly and frankly without secret diplomacy. Our constitution shall provide an efficient, national and just government which will exclude all special privileges and prohibit class legislation.

"Democracy has defeated theocratic autocracy, militarism is overcome, democracy is victorious. On the basis of democracy mankind will be reorganised. The forces of darkness have served the victory of light, the longed-for age of humanity is dawning. We believe in democracy, we believe in liberty and liberty for evermore.

"Given in Paris on the 18th October, 1918.

(Signed) "PROFESSOR THOMAS G. MASARYK,

Prime Minister and Minister of Finance.

GENERAL DR. MILAN STEFANIK,

Minister of National Defence.

DR. EDWARD BENES,

Minister for Foreign Affairs and of the Interior."



BIBLIOGRAPHY

PAN-GERMANISM

CHRADAME, A.: The Pan-German Plot Unmasked. John Murray, London, 1916.

NAUMANN, F.: Central Europe. King & Son, London, 1916.

For complete survey of Pan-Germanism and Pan-German literature, see Prof. Masaryk's articles in the first volume of the New Europe, as well as various articles in La Nation Tchque.

THE SLAVS

BAILEY, V.F.: The Slavs of the War Zone. Chapman & Hall, London, 1917.

LEGER, Louis: Etudes slaves. Leroux, Paris, 1875, 1880 and 1886.

——Le monde slave. Hachette, Paris, 1910.

MASARYK, T.G.: The Slavs amongst Nations. London, 1915.

NIEDERLE, L.: La race slave. Hachette, Paris, 1910.

TUCIC, S.: The Slav Nations. Daily Telegraph War Books, London, 1914.

See also Le Monde Slave, a monthly review published in Paris by Prof. Ernest Denis at 19-21 rue Cassette.

THE AUSTRIAN PROBLEM

BENES, EDWARD: Le problme autrichien et la question tchque. Girard-Brire, Paris, 1908.

——Dtruisez l'Autriche-Hongrie. Delagrave, Paris, 1915.

COLQUHOUN, A.R.: The Whirlpool of Europe. Harpers, London, 1907.

CHRADAME, A.: L'Europe et la question d'Autriche-Hongrie. Paris, 1900.

DRAGE, GEOFFREY: Austria-Hungary. John Murray, London, 1909.

EISENMANN, L.: Le compromis austro-hongrois. Paris, 1904.

FOURNOL, E.: Sur la succession de l'Autriche-Hongrie. Paris, 1917.

GAYDA, V.: Modern Austria. Fisher Unwin, London, 1914.

GRIBBLE, F.J.: The Emperor Francis Joseph. Eveleigh Nash, London, 1914.

LEGER, Louis: Histoire de l'Autriche-Hongrie. Hachette, Paris, 1888.

——La liquidation de l'Autriche-Hongrie.

MITTON, G.E.: Austria-Hungary. A. & C. Black, London, 1915.

McCURDY, C.A., M.P.: The Terms of the Coming Peace. W.H. Smith & Son, 1918.

STEED, HENRY WICKHAM: The Habsburg Monarchy. Constable, 1914 and 1916.

SETON-WATSON, R.W.: The Future of Austria-Hungary. Constable, London, 1907.

SETON-WATSON, R.W., and others: War and Democracy. Macmillan & Co., 1914.

TOYNBEE, A.: Nationality and the War. Dent & Sons, London, 1915.

——The New Europe. Dent & Sons.

HUNGARY AND THE SLOVAKS

CAPEK, THOMAS: The Slovaks of Hungary. Knickerbocker Press, New York, 1906.

DENIS, ERNEST: Les Slovaques. Delagrave, Paris, 1917.

SCOTUS-VIATOR: Racial Problems in Hungary. Constable, 1908.

SETON-WATSON, R.W.: German, Slav and Magyar. Williams & Norgate, London, 1916.

BOHEMIAN HISTORY

DENIS, ERNEST: Huss et la Guerre des Hussites. Leroux, Paris, 1878.

——Les origines de l'unit des frres bohmes. Angers, Burdin, 1881.

——Fin de l'indpendance bohme. Colin, Paris, 1890.

——La Bohme depuis la Montagne Blanche. Leroux, Paris, 1903.

FRICZ: Table de l'histoire de la Bohme.

GINDELY, A.: History of the Thirty Years' War. Translation from Czech. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1884.

GREGOR, F.: Story of Bohemia. Hunt & Eaton, New York, 1895.

HANTICH, H.: La rvolution de 1848 en Bohme. Schneider, Lyon, 1910.

——Le droit historique de la Bohme. Chevalier, Paris, 1910.

LEGER, LOUIS: La renaissance tchque en XIXe sicle. Paris, 1911.

LTZOW, COUNT FRANCIS: Bohemia. A historical sketch. Everyman's Library. Dent & Sons, London, 1907.

——The Story of Prague. Dent & Sons, London, 1902.

——Life and Times of John Hus. Dent & Sons, 1909.

MAURICE, C.E.: The Story of Bohemia. Fisher Unwin, 1896.

SCHWARZE, REV. J.: John Hus. The Revel Co., New York, 1915.

SCHAFF, DAVID: John Huss. George Allen & Unwin, London, 1915.

WRATISLAW, A.H.: John Hus. Young & Co., London, 1882.

BOHEMIAN LITERATURE

BOWRING, SIR JOHN: Cheskian Anthology. Rowland Hunter, London, 1832.

BAUDIS, PROF. JOSEPH: Czech Folk Tales. George Allen & Unwin, London, 1917.

FRICZ: L'ide nationale dans la posie et la tradition bohme.

GAMBERT, E.: Posie tchque contemporaine. Paris, 1903.

JELINEK, H.: La littrature tchque contemporaine. Paris, 1912.

KOMENSKY, J.A.: Labyrinth of the World. Translated from Czech by Count Ltzow. Dent & Sons, London, 1900.

LTZOW, COUNT FRANCIS: Bohemian Literature. Heinemann, London, 1907.

MARCHANT, F.P.: Outline of Bohemian Literature. London, 1911.

MORFILL, W.R.: A Grammar of the Bohemian (Cech) Language. With translations from Bohemian literature. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1899.

——Slavonic Literature. London, 1883.

NEMCOV, B.: The Grandmother. A novel translated from Czech. McClurg, Chicago, 1892.

SELVER, PAUL: Anthology of Modern Bohemian Poetry. Drane, London, 1912.

BOHEMIAN CIVILISATION

BAKER, JAMES: Pictures from Bohemia. Chapman & Hall, London, 1904.

HANTICH, H.: La musique tchque. Nilsson, Paris, 1910.

MONROE, W.S.: Bohemia and the Cechs. Bell & Sons, London, 1910.

PROCHAZKA, J.: Bohemia's Claim for Freedom. Chatto & Windus, London, 1915.

TYRSOVA, R., and HANTICH, H.: Le paysan tchque. Nilsson, Paris.

ZMRHAL, J.J., and BENES, V.: Bohemia. Bohemian National Alliance, Chicago, 1917.

——Les pays tchques, published by the Ligue Franco-Tchque, Paris, 1917.

BOHEMIAN POLITICS

BENES, EDWARD: Bohemia's Case for Independence. George Allen & Unwin, London, 1917.

BOURLIER, JEAN: Les Tchques et la Bohme. F. Alcan, Paris, 1897.

CAPEK, THOMAS: Bohemia under Habsburg Misrule. Chicago, 1915.

For reference re the Czecho-Slovak movement, see its official organ La Nation Tchque, published at 18, rue Bonaparte, Paris. First two volumes edited by E. Denis, the following by Dr. E. Benes.

Numerous useful articles on Bohemia and the Austrian problem from the pen of H.W. Steed, R.W. Seton-Watson, L.B. Namier, Professor Masaryk, Dr. Benes, V. Nosek and others will be found in the weekly review of foreign politics, the New Europe, published by Messrs. Constable & Co., 10, Orange Street, London, W.C.2.

The following list of some recent articles in the English (not American) monthly and quarterly reviews is also recommended:

BARRY, The Very Rev. Canon WILLIAM: Break Austria. Nineteenth Century, September, 1917.

——How to Break Austria. Nineteenth Century, November, 1917.

——Shall England save Austria? Nineteenth Century, June, 1918.

CHRADAME, A.: How to Destroy Pan-Germany. National Review, January, 1918.

——The Western Front and Political Strategy. National Review, July, 1918.

FORMAN, JOSEPH: The Liberation of the Czecho-Slovaks. Nineteenth Century, March, 1917.

GRIBBLE, FRANCIS: Czech Claims and Magyar Intrigues. Nineteenth Century, March, 1918.

——The Passing of a Legend. Nineteenth Century, October, 1917.

LANDA, M.J.: Bohemia and the War. Contemporary, July, 1915.

AN OLD MAZZINIAN: Italy and the Nationalities of Austria-Hungary. Contemporary, June, 1918.

NOSEK, VLADIMIR: The New Spirit in Austria. A Reply to Mr. Brailsford. Contemporary, October, 1917.

——Bohemia as a Bulwark against Pan-Germanism. National Review, July, 1918.

POLITICUS: Austria's Hour of Destiny. Fortnightly, August, 1917.

Round Table, Quarterly Review of the Politics of the Empire: No. 16 (September, 1914): Origins of the War.

——No. 17 (December, 1914): Racial Problems in Austria-Hungary.

——No. 26 (March, 1917): Methods of Ascendancy: Bohemia.

SELVER, PAUL: Brezina's Poetry. The Quest, January, 1916.

——Modern Czech Poetry. Poetry Review, May, 1918.

SETON-WATSON, R.W.: Pan-Slavism. Contemporary, October, 1916.

——Austria-Hungary and the Federal System. Contemporary, March, 1918.

STEED, HENRY WICKHAM: The Quintessence of Austria. Edinburgh Review, October, 1915.

——The Programme for Peace. Edinburgh Review, April, 1916.

——What is Austria? Edinburgh Review, October, 1917.

TAYLOR, A.H.E.: The Entente and Austria. Fortnightly, May, 1918.

For a detailed and exhaustive list of all writings in the English language on Bohemia and the Czecho-Slovaks, see Bohemian Bibliography, by Thomas Capek and Anna Vostrovsky Capek, published by the Fleming H. Revell Co., Chicago, New York, Edinburgh and London, 1918.

THE END