The thirteenth census revealed but slight change in the location of the centre of population. In computing its position, no account of the population of Alaska and of our insular possessions was taken into consideration. It had moved west about 39 miles and northward seven-tenths of a mile and was located at Bloomington in southern Indiana. The westward movement from 1900 to 1910 was nearly three times as great as from 1890 to 1900, but was less than that for any decade between 1840 and 1890. This advance of the centre of population toward the West was due to the increase in the population of the Pacific Coast States. The large increase in the population of New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, and other States north of the thirty-ninth parallel served as a balance to the increase in Texas, Oklahoma, and southern California.

During the past fifteen years there has been a steady migration from the rural portions of the United States to the western provinces of Canada, not less than 650,000 immigrants having crossed the border within that period. Most of them have become naturalized Canadians. It has been estimated that these immigrants took with them, on an average, $1,000.

According to the congressional reapportionment act following the twelfth census, there were to be 386 members in the House of Representatives or one representative to 194,182 of the population. The House of Representatives actually contained. 391 members after the admission of Oklahoma. By the census of 1910, several States were entitled to additional members, but in order that no State should be reduced in the number of its representatives, the House of Representatives passed a bill providing for an increase of 42 members. The new ratio of representation would then be one representative to 211,877 inhabitants. Effort was made to prevent this increase, for it was argued that the House had already become unwieldy, requiring great effort on the part of members to make themselves heard. The bill failed to pass the Senate at the regular session, but subsequently, at the special session, it became a law. Party lines were closely drawn in the Senate, for, on account of this increase, the Republicans would probably gain 32 new congressmen and the Democrats only 10. By this reapportionment the northeastern part of the country and the extreme western and southwestern portions gained in their representation. New York gained six representatives; Pennsylvania, four; California and Oklahoma, three each; Illinois, Massachusetts, Washington, and Texas each gained two, and sixteen other States each gained one.

The number of farms, according to the thirteenth census, were 6,340,357 or an increase of about 10 per cent over the number reported in 1900. There was an increase of 63,000,000 acres devoted to farming during the decade. About 60 per cent of the farms of the country were operated by their owners and two-thirds of these farms were free from mortgages. Two million three hundred and forty-nine thousand two hundred and fifty-four farms were worked by tenants and 57,398 were in charge of managers. The tenant system was shown to be far more common in the South than at the North or West. In the south central group of States, which includes a large part of the cotton area, the tenants numbered 1,024,265 and the owners 949,036. In the south Atlantic States there were 591,478 owners and 118,678 tenants; in north Central States, 1,563,386 owners and 644,493 tenants, and in the Western States, 309,057 owners and 52,164 tenants.

Our foreign commerce for the year 1910 amounted in the aggregate to about $3,500,000,000, or over $1,250,000,000 more than in 1900. Our exports were valued at $2,000,000,000.



CHAPTER XVII

THE PROGRESSIVE MOVEMENT

[1911]

From time to time it has been charged that "government by the people" has become fiction in our country. Little had been done to remedy this condition until the opening of the last decade. Trouble then came for the supporters of the regular political order, manifesting itself in conventions and legislatures. Laws abolishing nominations by the convention method were passed in some States; and publicity of campaign expenses was insisted upon in others. The movement was widespread and arose from various causes, but generally tended toward a single end—a government according to popular will. The Western States have been the centre of the more radical movement.

The Senate has always been considered as the stronghold of the most conservative element in our country and has often been accused of being the stronghold of privilege. It is interesting to note the success of the progressive or insurgent movement in this body.



Copyright by Harris & Ewing, Washington. Robert M. La Follette.

The first progressive, Robert M. La Follette, of Wisconsin, appeared in the United States Senate in 1905. He had done much, as governor, to gain the confidence of the people of his own State, and he was sent to Washington to carry his fight for reform into the national legislature. Here his reception was not cordial. He was looked upon as a radical, possibly a visionary reformer, but not exceedingly dangerous, for he was alone. He stood alone until the election of 1908, when nine more progressives took their seats; in 1910 the number jumped to sixteen. Here a change came which probably caused the conservatives in the Senate some worry. The tariff of 1909 had been passed by a Republican Congress. The results of the elections of 1910 made it appear that the people were not convinced that this act was an honest redemption of the Republican campaign promises, for in the Senate which assembled in April, 1911, there were twenty-nine thorough-going progressives and five other members who were more progressive than conservative in their views. They represented twenty-five States. Six of the thirty-four came from the South; three came from the East, and the remaining twenty-five from the West. Of the conservatives only eighteen came from the West.

The same changes may be found in the House of Representatives. These changes are not so important as the change which must come in the sentiment of the federal judiciary. From 1901 to 1909 the Executive was in the control of the progressives and the President was able to get some important laws passed by a reactionary Congress, but in some instances the courts annulled these laws.

The appointment of justices of the district courts of the United States is to a degree influenced by the senators in the district in which the appointment is to be made. When these senators are conservative it is natural that the candidates recommended by them should be conservative and should entertain no legal theories interfering with the exalted position of property rights. Should the various States be represented by progressives, different recommendations will naturally follow and probably an interpretation of the Constitution which will accord a new standing to personal rights.

In the early part of 1911 the movement crystallized into a regular political organization which called itself The National Progressive Republican League, with the following platform:

(1) direct primaries; (2) popular election of delegates to the national convention; (3) election of senators by direct vote of the people; (4) initiative, referendum, and recall; (5) an effective corrupt practices act.

These points were not new; most of them are incorporated into the body of law of the State of Oregon. Most progressive Democrats as well as Republicans seem willing to support these principles. In almost every State the movement for the direct primaries has met studied opposition. The "practical politician" or the professional politician seems to hate to see the old convention system of nominations go. There are many who object to the election of senators by direct vote, claiming that the people are not capable of choosing wisely in such cases. The direct election of delegates to the national conventions is no more than the prerogative now exercised by the voter when he casts his vote for the presidential electors. To his mind it means that he is voting for the candidates themselves. In the vote for delegates to the conventions the voter is accorded the right to express his preference for men to be candidates. The corrupt practices plank deserves commendation. It cannot be made too strong, for every attempt to do away with the irregular, vicious methods used is a step toward good government.

The plank which arouses the greatest opposition is that which incorporates the initiative, referendum, and recall. All three are devices to make the machinery of popular government more directly respondent to the popular will. The "initiative" is a process by which laws are proposed on the petition of a certain specified number of voters for action either by the legislature or by the direct vote of the people through a referendum. The "referendum" allows a popular vote upon acts passed by the legislature—that is, a bill passed by the legislature may not become a law unless sanctioned by a popular vote, if a vote is called for by a specified number of voters. The "recall" gives the voters an opportunity to relieve a man of his office if by a regular vote it is demonstrated that such an officer has not performed the duties of his office to the satisfaction of his constituents. These expedients are still in the experimental stage, and it is doubtful whether they are so fraught with danger as their opponents seem to believe or so efficacious as their adherents insist. Much of their success depends upon the cases to which they are applied and upon the popular interest displayed. The Oregon experiments apparently have been very successful.

The question of the "recall" is a serious one. In some municipalities—Los Angeles, for example—it has operated well. How it will work in the national government, where it will affect the judiciary, is a problem. The veto of the Statehood Bill (Arizona and New Mexico) on account of the presence of the "recall" for judges in the constitution of Arizona shows that President Taft is a stout opponent. It seems well that any such step should be taken with extreme caution.

The progressive senators were active in their opposition to the Payne-Aldrich Tariff Bill of 1909. For a period of twelve years there had been no tariff legislation. The great industrial changes which went on during that time made a revision of the Dingley Tariff imperative. Although there has been a constant demand for revision, the tariff played no part in the campaigns of 1900 and 1904. The demand has become insistent, however, during recent years, and may be attributed in part to the increased cost of living. This demand, made chiefly by the wage-earners and salaried men, has been seconded from another quarter. The attitude of foreign nations toward our goods has made it increasingly difficult for American manufacturers to dispose of their surplus. Wages have risen; the price of raw material is higher, and both affect the manufacturer. Foreign nations have refused to accept our high tariffs without retaliation, and this has made the manufacturer insist that Congress revise the objectionable Dingley act.

The agitation took definite form during the session of 1907-8 when the National Manufacturers' Association undertook to secure legislation designed to create a tariff commission composed of experts whose business it should be to ascertain the facts concerning the condition of manufacturers and the necessity of a new tariff. Pursuant to this the Beveridge Tariff Commission Bill was introduced into the Senate, but the leaders of both houses—Cannon, Aldrich, Payne, and others—said bluntly that it was bad politics to take the question up just before a presidential campaign, and nothing was done. The demand grew more insistent, and the wary leaders learned in time that it would be good politics at least to declare for tariff revision, and this was done by Chairman Payne of the Ways and Means committee of the House. Just when the revision would come was not stated—some time after election, provided the nation would return the Republicans to power.



Copyright by Clinedinst. Washington. Albert J. Beveridge. Senator from Indiana.

When the session closed Chairman Payne set on foot a series of investigations ostensibly to gain information to be used in the coming revision. It is possible that this was also an attempt to end the criticism aimed at the leaders who had opposed the appointment of a commission. Both the Democratic and Republican platforms of 1908 promised tariff revision, but of course in different ways. The Republican leaders said the policy of the party would be to fix the duties at a point which would not only offset the higher cost of production in this country, but would also guarantee to the manufacturers a fair profit. The election put the conservatives of the Republican party in control of all branches of the government, and when the principal committees of both houses of Congress fell under the control of men fully committed to the dogma of protection, the chance for a revision downward seemed slight. A special session was called soon after President Taft's inauguration, and the Payne Bill, which it was claimed aimed to decrease duties and increase the revenue, passed the House by a vote of 217 to 161.

The Finance Committee of the Senate, to which the bill was referred when it reached the Senate, instead of reporting it, reported a substitute measure—the Aldrich Bill. This the House refused to accept and the usual conference committee was organized, out of which committee came the compromise Payne-Aldrich Bill, destined to become law through the President's signature, August 5, 1909.

The debate in the Senate was a noteworthy one. The progressive senators of the Middle West, led by Dolliver, of Iowa, and La Follette, of Wisconsin, fought the measure sturdily, but with little success. "Jokers" slipped in here and there, and more than one critic has charged that the Senate was less solicitous for the rights of the consumers than for the rights of the "interests."

Several schedules have come in for the most severe kind of criticism. In the cotton schedule the increased rates laid upon certain classes of cotton goods seem to have been imposed for the benefit of New England manufacturers. These rates affect articles used by every person in the United States. Most of these articles are manufactured from raw material produced in America, and the cost of manufacturing the staple articles is but slightly higher than in any of the important competing countries. The average rate imposed by the Dingley Tariff, according to the Bureau of Statistics, was 38 per cent on cotton cloth and similar rates on other cotton goods. Since 1897 the "infant industries" have grown, and some have in recent years declared dividends of 66 per cent per annum. The Payne-Aldrich Bill increased the average rate on cotton goods from 44.84 per cent in the Dingley Tariff to 50.62 per cent. The increases are not so much on the high-priced goods as on the cheaper grades.

In the case of the wool schedule the object of criticism has been the discrimination against the carded woollen industry, which produces the poor man's cloth, in favor of the worsted industry. This is due to the imposition of a uniform duty of eleven cents per pound on raw, unwashed wool, by which the cheaper woollens are taxed as high as 500 per cent, and frequently amounts to less than 25 per cent on the finer grades. Based on this system of duties is a graded scale in which the rates rise in an inverse ratio with the value of the goods. Some duties have been lowered, but the change has been slight. The schedule remains nearly the same, but the burden has been shifted.



Photograph by Clinedinst, Washington. Senator Nelson W. Aldrich.

There are reductions—more, numerically, than increases—but the reductions are effectively modified by shifted classifications.

One thinker of note has termed the "maximum and minimum" clause as "the highest practical joke of the whole bill." Little has been said of this clause except in connection with the "minimum." It must be remembered that there is also a "maximum," and it does not augur well for the consumer. Suppose a foreign nation discriminates against our goods; we, acting on the "maximum" theory, discriminate against theirs, and the result is that the consumer pays the value of the article plus the amount of the tariff of discrimination, since it has ever been true that the limit in price is the top of the tariff wall.

A noteworthy feature of the bill is the provision for the formation of a Tariff Board, composed of experts, who shall conduct investigations with the view of evolving a scientific tariff. The board has little power save that of advising the President in the application of the "maximum and minimum" clause.

That the tariff has not been deemed an honest redemption of Republican campaign pledges is shown by the recent elections. In the Sixty-first Congress there were 219 Republicans in the House of Representatives and 172 Democrats; to the Sixty-second Congress there were returned 162 Republicans and 228 Democrats.

The Democrats at once began a revision of the tariff. Allied with the progressives in the Senate, revisions of the wool and cotton schedules were brought about. The Farmers' Free List Bill, which admitted free of duty agricultural implements, sewing-machines, boots, shoes, fence wire, and other things useful to farmers, was passed as an offset to the Reciprocity Bill which was deemed by some to be disadvantageous to them. The President vetoed all of these measures upon the ground that, since the Tariff Board was to make its report within a very short time, it would be wiser to defer action on the tariff until the report could be used.

The Reciprocity Bill, which met the approval of the President, provided that our markets should be free to Canada's leading agricultural products, live-stock, fish, lumber, etc. Print paper and wood pulp were also to be admitted as soon as the Canadian provincial governments should withdraw the restrictions upon the exportation of these products. The duties on some other products—iron are, for example—were to be reduced. Canada was asked to admit free our agricultural products, live-stock, etc., and to reduce the duties on coal, agricultural implements, and some other manufactured goods. The September elections in Canada, however, showed that the reciprocity treaty was not acceptable, for the Conservative party, which was strongly opposed to the plan, gained a decisive victory. The act as passed by Congress still remains law in the United States, and stands as a constant invitation to our Canadian neighbors to join us in developing commercial relations on the western continent.

What effect will this Progressive movement have upon party organization? As matters stand at present there are in reality four parties within the bonds of the two old parties—(1) the Conservative Republicans of the East; (2) the Conservative Democrats of the South; (3) the Progressive Republicans of the West; (4) the Progressive Democrats of the West. Out of this tangle it appears that either a new party will be formed by the combination of the Progressives of both old parties, or this Progressive movement must gain control of one or the other of these parties. Should the former happen, we may see the peculiar alliance of New England and the South.

President Taft, it is maintained by many of his supporters, is himself a Progressive, and they point to his attitude toward the great questions of the hour. He urged, they say, reciprocity with Canada; called for revision of the tariff in the light of facts and scientific tests; proclaimed unlimited arbitration; advocated the conservation of our natural resources, income taxation, extension of civil service reform, employers' liability, and economy in the administration of governmental affairs.

In answer it is asserted that President Taft declared the Payne-Aldrich tariff law to be the best ever passed upon the subject, and that his advisers and supporters in all of the congressional contests over vital measures were the senators and representatives known as reactionaries or standpatters.

[1912]

President Taft himself, a few months before the convening of the Republican convention called to meet in Chicago, June 16, 1912, stated his honesty of intention in the following words: "I am very grateful for the honors the people have given me. I do not affect to deny the satisfaction I should feel if, after casting up the totals pro and con and striking a balance, they should decide that my first term had been fruitful enough of good to warrant their enlisting me for another. Any man would be proud of such a verdict. But I have not been willing, nor shall I be, to purchase it at the sacrifice of my freedom to do my duty as I see it. My happiness is not dependent on holding any office, and I shall go back to private life with no heartburnings if the people, after an unprejudiced review of my administration, conclude that some one else can serve them to their greater advantage."

One thing is certain: the idea of government by the people has come into our national politics to stay. It now controls one-third of the votes in the Senate and has affected the laws of two-thirds of the States. The end sought is good government responsible to popular rule. Through this rule justice for all is sought; equality of opportunity in political and industrial life; the safeguarding of the interests and well-being of all; and through this rule an honest attempt is being made to establish a government which will render the best service for the community, guaranteeing to each individual all his rights, but no more than his rights.



APPENDIX

I

CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this CONSTITUTION for the United States of America.

ARTICLE I

SECTION 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.

SECT. II. 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature.

2. No person shall be a Representative' who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen.

3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.

4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the Executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies.

5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment.

SECT. III. 1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the legislature thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote.

2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies.

3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen.

4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided.

5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States.

6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two thirds of the members present.

7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit under the United States: but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment, according to law.

SECT. IV. 1. The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators.

2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day.

SECT. V. 1. Each house shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as each house may provide.

2. Each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member.

3. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either house on any question shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, be entered on the journal.

4. Neither house, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two houses shall be sitting.

SECT. VI. 1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall, in all cases except treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in either house, they shall not be questioned in any other place.

2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased, during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either house during his continuance in office.

SECT. VII. 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills.

2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve he shall sign, it, but if not he shall return it with his objections to that house in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration two thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and, if approved by two thirds of that house, It shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law.

3. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill.

SECT. VIII. The Congress shall have power 1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;

2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States;

3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes;

4. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States;

5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures;

6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States;

7. To establish post offices and post roads;

8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries;

9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court;

10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas and offences against the law of nations;

11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water;

12. To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years;

13. To provide and maintain a navy;

14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces;

15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions;

16. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;

17. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State, in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings; —and

18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or office thereof.

SECT. IX. 1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.

2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it.

3. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.

4. No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.

5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State.

6. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another: nor shall vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another.

7. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time.

8. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States: and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state.

SECT. X. 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility.

2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws: and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress.

3. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay.

ARTICLE II

SECTION 1. 1. The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of four years, and together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows:

2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress; but no Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector.

[The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by ballot one of them for President; and if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the said house shall in like manner choose the President. But in choosing the President the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice-President.]

3. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes; which day shall be the same throughout the United States.

4. No person except a natural born citizen, or a citizen of the United States, at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United States.

5. In case of the removal of the President from office or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed, or a President shall be elected.

6. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services, a compensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the United States, or any of them.

7. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation:—"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States."

SECT. II. 1. The President shall be commander in chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of the United States; he may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices, and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment.

2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which be established by law: but the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments.

3. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session.

SECT. III. He shall from time to time give to the Congress information of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministers; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United States.

SECT. IV. The President, Vice-President and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.

ARTICLE III

SECTION I. The judicial power of the United States, shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The judges, both of the Supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services, a compensation, which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office.

SECT. II. 1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made or which shall be made, under their authority;—to all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls;—to all cases of admiralty jurisdiction;—to controversies to which the United States shall be a party;—to controversies between two or more States;—between a State and citizens of another State;—between citizens of different States;—between citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants of different States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign states, citizens or subjects.

2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in which a State shall be a party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations as the Congress shall make.

3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed.

SECT. III. 1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court.

2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture except during the life of the person attainted.

ARTICLE IV

SECTION I. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof.

SECT. II. 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States.

2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime.

3. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.

SECT. III. 1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the Consent of the legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress.

2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular State.

SECT. IV. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion; and on application of the legislature, or of the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened) against domestic violence.

ARTICLE V

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which, in either case shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress; provided that no amendments which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate.

ARTICLE VI

I. All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation.

2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.

3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several State legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States.

ARTICLE VII

The ratification of the conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same.

Done in Convention by the unanimous consent of the States present, the seventeenth day of September in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven and of the Independence of the United States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto subscribed our names.

[Signed by] GO. WASHINGTON, Presidt and Deputy from Virginia.

NEW HAMPSHIRE. John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman.

MASSACHUSETTS. Nathaniel Gorham, Rufus King.

CONNECTICUT. Wm. Saml. Johnson, Roger Sherman.

NEW YORK. Alexander Hamilton.

NEW JERSEY. Wil: Livingston, David Brearley, Wm: Paterson, Jona: Dayton.

PENNSYLVANIA. B Franklin, Thomas Mifflin, Robt. Morris, Geo. Clymer, Tho. Fitz Simons, Jared Ingersoll, James Wilson, Gouv Morris.

DELAWARE. Geo: Read, Gunning Bedford, Jun, John Dickinson, Richard Bassett, Jaco: Broom.

MARYLAND. James McHenry, Dan of St. Thos. Jenifer, Danl Carroll.

VIRGINIA. John Blair, James Madison, Jr.

NORTH CAROLINA. Wm. Blount, Richd. Dobbs Spaight, Hu Williamson.

SOUTH CAROLINA. J. Rutledge, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Charles Pinckney, Pierce Butler.

GEORGIA. William Few, Abr Baldwin.

Attest: William Jackson, Secretary.



ARTICLES IN ADDITION TO AND AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, PROPOSED BY CONGRESS, AND RATIFIED BY THE LEGISLATURES OF THE SEVERAL STATES, PURSUANT TO THE FIFTH ARTICLE OF THE ORIGINAL CONSTITUTION.

ARTICLE I.—Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.

ARTICLE II.—A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.

ARTICLE III.—No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.

ARTICLE IV.—The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

ARTICLE V.—No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation.

ARTICLE VI.—In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.

ARTICLE VII.—In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise reexamined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.

ARTICLE VIII.—Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.

ARTICLE IX.—The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.

ARTICLE X.—The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.

ARTICLE XI.—The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign State.

ARTICLE XII.—Section 1. The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate;—the President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted;—the person having the greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers not exceeding three on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President.

Section 2. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States.

ARTICLE XIII.—Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.

Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

ARTICLE XIV.—Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

Section 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the several States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of Electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such State, being twenty-one years of age and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, except for participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such State.

Section 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or Elector of President and Vice-President, or hold any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, having previously taken an oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a member of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may by a vote of two thirds of each house, remove such disability.

Section 4. The validity of the public debt of the United States, authorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not be questioned. But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations, and claims shall be held illegal and void.

Section 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce by appropriate legislation the provisions of this article.

ARTICLE XV.—Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.

Section 2. The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.



II

ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION

Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union between the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.

ARTICLE 1.—The style of this Confederacy shall be, "The United States of America."

ART. II.—Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled.

ART. III.—The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretense whatever.

ART. IV.—The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and intercourse among the people of the different States in this Union, the free inhabitants of each of these States, paupers, vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several States; and the people of each State shall have free ingress and egress to and from any other State, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce subject to the same duties, impositions, and restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively; provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any State to any other State of which the Owner is an inhabitant; provided also, that no imposition, duties, or restriction shall be laid by any State on the property of the United States or either of them. If any person guilty of, or charged with, treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor in any State shall flee from justice and be found in any of the United States, he shall, upon demand of the governor or executive power of the States from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to the State having jurisdiction of his offense. Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these States to the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other State.

ART. V.—For the more convenient management of the general interests of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such manner as the Legislature of each State shall direct, to meet in Congress on the first Monday in November in every year with a power reserved to each State to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead for the remainder of the year. No State shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor by more than seven members; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate for more than three years in any term of six years; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the United States for which he, or another for his benefit, receives any salary, fees, or emolument of any kind. Each State shall maintain its own delegates in any meeting of the States and while they act as members of the Committee of the States. In determining questions in the United States in Congress assembled, each State shall have one vote. Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any court or place out of Congress; and the members of Congress shall be protected in their persons from arrest and imprisonment during the time of their going to and from, and attendance on, Congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace.

ART. VI.—No State, without the consent of the United States, in Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance, or treaty with any king, prince, or state; nor shall any person holding any office of profit or trust under the United States, or any of them, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever from any king, prince, or foreign state; nor shall the United States, in Congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility.

No two or more States shall enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance whatever between them, without the consent of the United States, in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue.

No State shall lay any imposts or duties which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties entered into by the United States, in Congress assembled, with any king, prince, or state, in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by Congress to the courts of France and Spain.

No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace by any State, except such number only as shall be deemed necessary by the United States, in Congress assembled, for the defense of such State or its trade, nor shall any body of forces be kept up by any State in time of peace, except such number only as, in the judgment of the United States, in Congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defense of such State; but every State shall always keep up a well-regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutered, and shall provide and constantly have ready for use in public stores a due number of field-pieces and tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp equipage.

No State shall engage in any war without the consent of the United States, in Congress assembled, unless such State be actually invaded by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such State, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay till the United States, in Congress assembled, can be consulted; nor shall any State grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the United States, in Congress assembled, and then only against the kingdom or state, and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and under such regulations as shall be established by the United States, in Congress assembled, unless such State be infested by pirates, in which case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the danger shall continue, or until the United States, in Congress assembled, shall determine otherwise.

ART. VII.—When land forces are raised by any State for the common defense, all officers of or under the rank of Colonel shall be appointed by the Legislature of each State respectively by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such State shall direct, and all vacancies shall be filled up by the State which first made the appointment.

ART. VIII.—All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defense, or general welfare, and allowed by the United States, in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several States in proportion to the value of all land within each State, granted to, or surveyed for, any person, as such land and the buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated, according to such mode as the United States, in Congress assembled, shall, from time to time, direct and appoint. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the Legislatures of the several States, within the time agreed upon by the United States, in Congress assembled.

ART. IX.—The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth Article; of sending and receiving ambassadors; entering into treaties and alliances, provided that no treaty of commerce shall be made, whereby the legislative power of the respective States shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatever; of establishing rules for deciding, in all cases, what captures on land and water shall be legal, and in what manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United States shall be divided or appropriated; of granting letters of marque and reprisal in times of peace; appointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas; and establishing courts for receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of captures; provided that no member of Congress shall be appointed a judge of any of the said courts.

The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also be the last resort on appeal in all disputes and differences now subsisting, or that hereafter may arise between two or more States concerning boundary, jurisdiction, or any other cause whatever; which authority shall always be exercised in the manner following: Whenever the legislative or executive authority, or lawful agent of any State in controversy with another, shall present a petition to Congress, stating the matter in question, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given by order of Congress to the legislative or executive authority of the other State in controversy, and a day assigned for the appearance of the parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to appoint, by joint consent, commissioners or judges to constitute a court for hearing and determining the matter in question; but if they cannot agree, Congress shall name three persons out of each of the United States, and from the list of such persons each party shall alternately strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the number shall be reduced to thirteen; and from that number not less than seven nor more than nine names, as Congress shall direct, shall, in the presence of Congress, be drawn out by lot; and the persons whose names shall be so drawn, or any five of them, shall be commissioners or judges, to hear and finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part of the judges who shall hear the cause shall agree in the determination; and if either party shall neglect to attend at the day appointed, without showing reasons which Congress shall judge sufficient, or being present, shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each State, and the secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or refusing; and the judgment and sentence of the Court, to be appointed in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and conclusive; and if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the authority of such Court, or to appear or defend their claim or cause, the court shall nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence or judgment, which shall in like manner be final and decisive; the judgment or sentence and other proceedings being in either case transmitted to Congress, and lodged among the acts of Congress for the security of the parties concerned; provided, that every commissioner, before he sits in judgment, shall take an oath, to be administered by one of the judges of the supreme or superior court of the State where the cause shall be tried, "well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, according to the best of his judgment, without favor, affection, or hope of reward." Provided, also, that no State shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the United States.

All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed under different grants of two or more States, whose jurisdictions, as they may respect such lands, and the States which passed such grants are adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same time claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of jurisdiction, shall, on the petition of either party to the Congress of the United States, be finally determined, as near as may be, in the same manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting territorial jurisdiction between different States.

The United States, in Congress assembled, shall also have the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective States; fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the United States; regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians, not members of any of the States; provided that the legislative right of any State, within its own limits, be not infringed or violated; establishing and regulating post offices from one State to another, throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same as may be requisite to defray the expenses of the said office; appointing all officers of the land forces in the service of the United States, excepting regimental officers; appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the service of the United States; making rules for the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and directing their operations.

The United States, in Congress assembled, shall have authority to appoint a committee, to sit in the recess of Congress, to be denominated "A Committee of the States," and to consist of one delegate from each State, and to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of the United States under their direction; to appoint one of their number to preside; provided that no person be allowed to serve in the office of president more than one year in any term of three years; to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of the United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying the public expenses; to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the United States, transmitting every half year to the respective States an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted; to build and equip a navy; to agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each State for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such State, which requisition shall be binding; and thereupon the Legislature of each State shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm, and equip them in a soldier-like manner, at the expense of the United States; and the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States, in Congress assembled; but if the United States, in Congress assembled, shall, on consideration of circumstances, judge proper that any State should not raise men, or should raise a smaller number than its quota, and that any other State should raise a greater number of men than the quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, officered, clothed, armed, and equipped in the same manner as the quota of such State, unless the Legislature of such State shall judge that such extra number can not be safely spared out of the same, in which case they shall raise, officer, clothe, arm, and equip as many of such extra number as they judge can be safely spared, and the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States, in Congress assembled.

The United States, in Congress assembled, shall never engage in a war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for the defense and welfare of the United States, or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the United States, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to be built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander in chief of the army or navy, unless nine States assent to the same, nor shall a question on any other point, except for adjourning from day to day, be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the United States, in Congress assembled.

The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any time within the year, and to any place within the United States, so that no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space of six months, and shall publish the journal of their proceedings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or military operations as in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each State, on any question, shall be entered on the journal when it is desired by any delegate; and the delegates of a State, or any of them, at his or their request, shall be furnished with a transcript of the said journal except such parts as are above excepted, to lay before the Legislatures of the several States.

ART. X.—The Committee of the States, or any nine of them, shall be authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of Congress as the United States, in Congress assembled, by the consent of nine States, shall, from time to time, think expedient to vest them with; provided that no power be delegated to the said Committee, for the exercise of which, by the Articles of Confederation, the voice of nine States in the Congress of the United States assembled is requisite.

ART. XI.—Canada, acceding to this Confederation, and joining in the measures of the United States shall be admitted into, and entitled to all the advantages of this Union; but no other colony shall be admitted into the same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine States.

ART. XII.—All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts contracted by or under the authority of Congress, before the assembling of the United States, in pursuance of the present Confederation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said United States and the public faith are hereby solemnly pledged.

ART. XIII.—Every State shall abide by the determinations of the United States, in Congress assembled, on all questions which by this Confederation are submitted to them. And the Articles of this Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United Stares, and be afterwards confirmed by the Legislatures of every State.

AND WHEREAS it hath pleased the great Governor of the world to incline the hearts of the Legislatures we respectively represent in Congress to approve of, and to authorize us to ratify, the said Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union, know ye, that we, the undersigned delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for that purpose, do, by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and every of the said Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union, and all and singular the matters and things therein contained. And we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective constituents, that they shall abide by the determinations of the United States, in Congress assembled, on all questions which by the said Confederation are submitted to them; and that the Articles thereof shall be inviolably observed by the States we respectively represent, and that the Union shall be perpetual. In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands in Congress. Done at Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, the ninth day of July, in the year of our Lord 1778, and in the third year of the Independence of America.



III

THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE IN CONGRESS, JULY 4, 1776

THE following preamble and specifications, known as the Declaration of Independence, accompanied the resolution of Richard Henry Lee, which was adopted by Congress on the 2d day of July, 1776. This declaration was agreed to on the 4th, and the transaction is thus recorded in the Journal for that day:

"Agreeably to the order of the day, the Congress resolved itself into a committee of the whole, to take into their further consideration the Declaration; and, after some time, the president resumed the chair, and Mr. Harrison reported that the committee have agreed to a Declaration, which they desired him to report. The Declaration being read, was agreed to as follows:"

A DECLARATION BY THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN CONGRESS ASSEMBLED.

When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident—that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundations on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world.

1. He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

2. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operations till his assent should be obtained; and, when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

3. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the Legislature—a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only.

4. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the repository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

5. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people.

6. He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise; the State remaining, in the meantime, exposed to all the dangers of invasions from without, and convulsions within.

7. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the laws for the naturalization of foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands.

8. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers.

9. He has made judges dependent on his will alone for the tenure on their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

10. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers, to harass our people and eat out their substance.

11. He has kept among us in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our Legislatures.

12. He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power.

13. He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitutions, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation;

14. For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us;

15. For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these States;

16. For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world;

17. For imposing taxes on us without our consent;

18. For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of a trial by jury;

19. For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended offenses;

20. For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies.

21. For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments.

22. For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

23. He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging war against us.

24. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burned our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

25. He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation.

26. He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.

27. He has excited domestic insurrection among us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and conditions.

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have we been wanting in our attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind—enemies in war; in peace, friends.

We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved, and that, as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and do all other acts and things which independent Stales may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.

The foregoing declaration was, by order of Congress, engrossed, and signed by the following members:

JOHN HANCOCK.

NEW HAMPSHIRE. Josiah Bartlett, William Whipple, Matthew Thornton.

MASSACHUSETTS BAY. Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, Elbridge Gerry.

RHODE ISLAND. Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery.

CONNECTICUT. Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott.

NEW YORK. William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris.

NEW JERSEY. Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinson, John Hart, Abraham Clark.

PENNSYLVANIA. Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Franklin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilson, George Ross.

DELAWARE. Caesar Rodney, George Read, Thomas M'Kean.

MARYLAND. Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles Carroll, of Carrollton.

VIRGINIA. George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jun., Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton.

NORTH CAROLINA. William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn.

SOUTH CAROLINA. Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Jun., Thomas Lynch, Jun., Arthur Middleton.

GEORGIA. Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton.



IV-PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES

NAMES STATE PARTY YEARS VICE-PRES 1 George Washington Virginia All Parties 1789-1797 John Adams 2 John Adams Mass Federalist 1797-1801 Thomas Jefferson 3 Thomas Jefferson Virginia Republican 1801-1809 Aaron Burr George Clinton 4 James Madison Virginia Republican 1809-1817 George Clinton Elbridge Gerry 5 James Monroe Virginia Republican 1817-1825 Daniel D. Tompkins 6 John Quincy Adams Mass Republican 1825-1829 John C. Calhoun 7 Andrew Jackson Tennessee Democratic 1829-1837 John C. Calhoun Martin Van Buren 8 Martin Van Buren New York Democratic 1837-1841 Richard M. Johnson 9 William H. Harrison Ohio Whig 1841-1841 John Tyler 10 John Tyler Virginia (Whig) 1841-1845 11 James K. Polk Tennessee Democratic 1845-1849 George M. Dallas 12 Zachary Taylor Louisiana Whig 1849-1850 Millard Fillmore 13 Millard Fillmore New York Whig 1850-1853 14 Franklin Pierce New Hamp Democratic 1853-1857 William R. King 15 James Buchanan Penns Democratic 1857-1861 J. C. Breckenridge 16 Abraham Lincoln Illinois Republican 1861-1865 Hannibal Hamlin Andrew Johnson 17 Andrew Johnson Tennessee (Republican) 1865-1869 18 Ulysses S. Grant Illinois Republican 1869-1877 Schuyler Colfax Henry Wilson 19 Rutherford B. Hayes Ohio Republican 1877-1881 William A. Wheeler 20 James A. Garfield Ohio Republican 1881-1881 Chester A. Arthur 21 Chester A. Arthur New York Republican 1881-1885 22 Grover Cleveland New York Democratic 1885-1889 Thomas A. Hendricks 23 Benjamin Harrison Indiana Republican 1889-1893 Levi P. Morton 24 Grover Cleveland New York Democratic 1893-1897 Adlai E. Stevenson 25 William McKinley Ohio Republican 1897-1901 Garret A. Hobart Theodore Roosevelt 26 Theodore Roosevelt New York Republican 1901-1909 Charles W. Fairbanks 27 William H. Taft Ohio Republican 1909-1913 James S. Sherman



V—STATES ADMITTED INTO THE UNION

RATIFIED THE CONSTITUTION 1. Delaware December 7, 1787 2. Pennsylvania December 12, 1787 3. New Jersey December 18, 1787 4. Georgia January 2, 1788 5. Connecticut January 9, 1788 6. Massachusetts February 6, 1788 7. Maryland April 28, 1788 8. South Carolina May 23, 1788 9. New Hampshire June 21, 1788 10. Virginia June 25, 1788 11. New York July 26, 1788 12. North Carolina November 21, 1789 13. Rhode Island May 29, 1790

ADMITTED INTO THE UNION 14. Vermont March 4, 1791 15. Kentucky June 1, 1792 16. Tennessee June 1, 1796 17. Ohio November 29, 1802 18. Louisiana April 30, 1812 19. Indiana December 11, 1816 20. Mississippi December 10, 1817 21. Illinois December 3, 1818 22. Alabama December 14, 1819 23. Maine March 15, 1820 24. Missouri August 10, 1821 25. Arkansas June 15, 1836 26. Michigan January 26, 1837 27. Florida March 3, 1845 28. Texas December 29, 1845 29. Iowa December 28, 1846 30. Wisconsin May 29, 1848 31. California September 9, 1850 32. Minnesota May 11, 1858 33. Oregon February 14, 1859 34. Kansas January 29, 1861 35. West Virginia June 19, 1863 36. Nevada October 31, 1864 37. Nebraska March 1, 1867 38. Colorado August 1, 1876 39. North Dakota November 3, 1889 40. South Dakota November 3, 1889 41. Montana November 8, 1889 42. Washington November 11, 1889 43. Idaho July 3, 1890 44. Wyoming July 10, 1890 45. Utah January 4, 1896 46. Oklahoma 1908 47. New Mexico 1912 48. Arizona 1912



VI—AREA OF THE UNITED STATES

ACCESSION GROSS AREA (SQUARE MILES) Continental United States 3,026,789 Area, 1790 892,135 Louisiana Purchase, 1803 827,987 Florida Purchase, 1819 58,666 Treaty with Spain, 1819 13,435 Texas, 1845 389,166 Oregon, 1846 286,541 Mexican Cession, 1848 529,189 Gadsden Purchase, 1853 29,670

Outlying Possessions 716,517 Alaska, 1867 590,884 Hawaii, 1898 6,449 Philippine Islands, 1899 115,026 Porto Rico, 1899 3,435 Guam, 1899 210 Samoa, 1900 77 Panama Canal Zone, 1904 436



AREA OF THE UNITED STATES (CONTINUED)

STATE RANK IN AREA AREA (SQUARE MILES) Texas 1 265,896 California 2 158,297 Montana 3 146,997 New Mexico 4 122,634 Arizona 5 113,956 Nevada 6 110,690 Colorado 7 103,948 Wyoming 8 97,914 Oregon 9 96,699 Utah 10 84,990 Minnesota 11 84,682 Idaho 12 83,888 Kansas 13 82,158 South Dakota 14 77,615 Nebraska 15 77,520 North Dakota 16 70,837 Oklahoma 17 70,057 Missouri 18 69,420 Washington 19 69,127 Georgia 20 59,265 Florida 21 58,666 Michigan 22 57,980 Illinois 23 56,665 Iowa 24 56,147 Wisconsin 25 56,066 Arkansas 26 53,335 North Carolina 27 52,426 Alabama 28 51,998 New York 29 49,204 Louisiana 30 48,506 Mississippi 31 46,865 Pennsylvania 32 45,126 Virginia 33 42,627 Tennessee 34 42,022 Ohio 35 41,040 Kentucky 36 40,598 Indiana 37 36,354 Maine 38 33,040 South Carolina 39 30,989 West Virginia 40 24,170 Maryland 41 12,327 Vermont 42 9,564 New Hampshire 43 9,341 Massachusetts 44 8,266 New Jersey 45 8,224 Connecticut 46 4,965 Delaware 47 2,370 Rhode Island 48 1,248 District of Columbia 49 70



VII—POPULATION OF CONTINENTAL UNITED STATES BY DECADES, 1790-1910

INCREASE OVER CENSUS POPULATION PRECEDING CENSUS PER CENT YEAR NUMBER 1910 91,972,266 15,977,691 21.0 1900 75,994,575 13,046,861 20.7 1890 62,947,714 12,791,931 25.5 1880 50,155,783 11,597,412 30.1 1870 38,558,371 7,115,050 22.6 1860 31,443,321 8,251,445 35.6 1850 23,191,876 6,122,423 35.9 1840 17,069,453 4,203,433 32.7 1830 12,866,020 3,227,567 33.5 1820 9,638,453 2,398,572 33.1 1810 7,239,881 1,931,398 36.4 1800 5,308,483 1,379,269 35.1 1790 3,929,214



VIII-APPROXIMATE POPULATION UNDER THE AMERICAN FLAG, 1910

United States, proper 91,972,266 Alaska 64,356 Hawaii 191,909 Porto Rico 1,118,012 Persons in military and naval service 55,608 Philippine Islands [1903] 7,635,426 Guam 9,000 Samoa 6,100 Panama Zone 50,000 Total population of the United States 101,102,677



IX—POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES 1910, 1900, AND 1890 From Bulletin of the Thirteenth Census, 1910.

POPULATION PER CENT OF INCREASE 1910 1900 1890 1900 TO 1890 TO 19l0 1900 Alabama 2,138,093 1,828,697 1,513,401 16.9 20.8 Arizona 204,354 122,931 88,243 66.2 39.3 Arkansas 1,574,449 1,311,564 1,128,211 20.0 16.3 California 2,377,549 1,485,053 1,213,398 60.1 22.4 Colorado 799,024 539,700 413,249 48.0 30.6 Connecticut 1,114,756 908,420 746,258 22.7 21.7 Delaware 202,322 184,735 168,493 9.5 9.6 Dist. of Columbia 331,069 278,718 230,392 18.8 21.0 Florida 752,619 528,542 391,422 42.4 35.0 Georgia 2,609,121 2,216,331 1,837,353 17.7 20.6 Idaho 325,594 161,772 88,548 101.3 82.7 Illinois 5,638,591 4,821,550 3,826,352 16.9 26.0 Indiana 2,700,876 2,516.462 2,192,404 7.3 14.8 Iowa 2,224,771 2,231,853 1,912,297 -0.3 16.7 Kansas 1,690,949 1,470,495 1,428,108 15.0 3.0 Kentucky 2,289,905 2,147,174 1,858,635 6.6 15.5 Louisiana 1,656,388 1,381,625 1,118,588 19.9 23.5 Maine 742,371 694,466 661,086 6.9 5.0 Maryland 1,295,346 1,188,044 1,042,390 9.0 14.0 Massachusetts 3,366,416 2,805,346 2,238,947 20.0 25.3 Michigan 2,810,l73 2,420.982 2,093,890 16.1 15.6 Minnesota 2,075,708 1,751,394 1,310,283 18.5 33.7 Mississippi 1,797,114 1,551,270 1,289,600 15.8 20.3 Missouri 3,293,335 3,106,665 2,679,185 6.0 16.0 Montana 376,053 243,329 142,924 54.5 70.3 Nebraska 1,192,214 1,066,300 1,062,656 11.8 0.3 Nevada 81,875 42,335 47,355 93. -10.6 New Hampshire 430,572 411,588 376,530 4.6 9.3 New Jersey 2,537,167 1,883,669 1,444,933 34.7 30.4 New Mexico 327,301 195,310 160,282 67.6 21.9 New York 9,113,614 7,268,894 6,003,174 25.4 21.1 North Carolina 2,206,287 l,893,810 1,617,949 16.5 17.1 North Dakota 577,056 319,146 190,983 80.8 67.1 Ohio 4,767,121 4,157,545 3,672,329 14.7 13.2 Oklahoma 1,657,155 1,414,177 790,391 17.2 109.7 Oregon 672,765 413,536 317,704 62.7 30.2 Pennsylvania 7,665,111 6,302,115 5,258,113 21.6 19.9 Rhode Island 542,610 428,556 345,506 26.6 24.0 South Carolina 1,515,400 1,340,316 1,151,149 13.1 16.4 South Dakota 583,888 401,570 348,600 45.4 15.2 Tennessee 2,184,789 2,020,616 1,767,518 8.1 14.3 Texas 3,896,542 3,048,710 2,235,527 27.8 36.4 Utah 373,351 276,749 210,779 34.9 31.3 Vermont 355,956 343,641 332,422 3.6 3.4 Virginia 2,061,612 1,854,184 1,655,980 11.2 12.0 Washington 1,141,990 518,103 357,232 120.4 45.0 West Virginia 1,221,119 958,800 762,794 27.4 25.7 Wisconsin 2,333,860 2,069,042 1,693,330 12.8 22.2 Wyoming 145,965 92,531 62,555 57.7 47.9