The king and queen, as they drew near, bowed thrice with formal reverence to each other. The queen at the same time raising her hat, remained in her coif or headdress, with her face uncovered; Ferdinand, riding up, kissed her affectionately on the cheek, and then, according to the precise chronicler, bestowed a similar mark of tenderness on his daughter Isabella, after giving her his paternal benediction. The royal party were then escorted to the camp, where suitable accommodations had been provided for the queen and her fair retinue. [33]

It may readily be believed that the sovereigns did not neglect, in a war like the present, an appeal to the religious principle so deeply seated in the Spanish character. All their public acts ostentatiously proclaimed the pious nature of the work in which they were engaged. They were attended in their expeditions by churchmen of the highest rank, who not only mingled in the councils of the camp, but, like the bold bishop of Jaen, or the grand cardinal Mendoza, buckled on harness over rochet and hood, and led their squadrons to the field. [34] The queen at Cordova celebrated the tidings of every new success over the infidel, by solemn procession and thanksgiving, with her whole household, as well as the nobility, foreign ambassadors, and municipal functionaries. In like manner Ferdinand, on the return from his campaigns, was received at the gates of the city, and escorted in solemn pomp beneath a rich canopy of state to the cathedral church, where he prostrated himself in grateful adoration of the Lord of hosts. Intelligence of their triumphant progress in the war was constantly transmitted to the pope, who returned his benediction, accompanied by more substantial marks of favor, in bulls of crusade, and taxes on ecclesiastical rents. [35]

The ceremonials observed on the occupation of a new conquest were such as to affect the heart no less than the imagination. "The royal alferez," says Marineo, "raised the standard of the Cross, the sign of our salvation, on the summit of the principal fortress; and all who beheld it prostrated themselves on their knees in silent worship of the Almighty, while the priests chanted the glorious anthem, Te Deum laudamus. The ensign or pennon of St. James, the chivalric patron of Spain, was then unfolded, and all invoked his blessed name. Lastly was displayed the banner of the sovereigns, emblazoned with the royal arms; at which the whole army shouted forth, as if with one voice, 'Castile, Castile!' After these solemnities, a bishop led the way to the principal mosque, which, after the rites of purification, he consecrated to the service of the true faith." The standard of the Cross above referred to was of massive silver, and was a present from Pope Sixtus the Fourth to Ferdinand, in whose tent it was always carried throughout these campaigns. An ample supply of bells, vases, missals, plate, and other sacred furniture, was also borne along with the camp, being provided by the queen for the purified mosques. [36]

The most touching part of the incidents usually occurring at the surrender of a Moorish city was the liberation of the Christian captives immured in its dungeons. On the capture of Ronda, in 1485, more than four hundred of these unfortunate persons, several of them cavaliers of rank, some of whom had been taken in the fatal expedition of the Axarquia, were restored to the light of heaven. On being brought before Ferdinand, they prostrated themselves on the ground, bathing his feet with tears, while their wan and wasted figures, their dishevelled locks, their beards reaching down to their girdles, and their limbs loaded with heavy manacles, brought tears into the eye of every spectator. They were then commanded to present themselves before the queen at Cordova, who liberally relieved their necessities, and, after the celebration of public thanksgiving, caused them to be conveyed to their own homes. The fetters of the liberated captives were suspended in the churches, where they continued to be revered by succeeding generations as the trophies of Christian warfare. [37]

Ever since the victory of Lucena, the sovereigns had made it a capital point of their policy to foment the dissensions of their enemies. The young king Abdallah, after his humiliating treaty with Ferdinand, lost whatever consideration he had previously possessed. Although the sultana Zoraya, by her personal address, and the lavish distribution of the royal treasures, contrived to maintain a faction for her son, the better classes of his countrymen despised him as a renegade, and a vassal of the Christian king. As their old monarch had become incompetent, from increasing age and blindness, to the duties of his station in these perilous times, they turned their eyes on his brother Abdallah, surnamed El Zagal, or "The Valiant," who had borne so conspicuous a part in the rout of the Axarquia. The Castilians depict this chief in the darkest colors of ambition and cruelty; but the Moslem writers afford no such intimation, and his advancement to the throne at that crisis seems to be in some measure justified by his eminent talents as a military leader.

On his way to Granada, he encountered and cut to pieces a body of Calatrava knights from Alhama, and signalized his entrance into his new capital by bearing along the bloody trophies of heads dangling from his saddlebow, after the barbarous fashion long practised in these wars. [38] It was observed that the old king Abul Hacen did not long survive his brother's accession. [39] The young king Abdallah sought the protection of the Castilian sovereigns in Seville, who, true to their policy, sent him back into his own dominions with the means of making headway against his rival. The alfakies and other considerate persons of Granada, scandalized at these fatal feuds, effected a reconciliation, on the basis of a division of the kingdom between the parties. But wounds so deep could not be permanently healed. The site of the Moorish capital was most propitious to the purposes of faction. It covered two swelling eminences, divided from each other by the deep waters of the Darro. The two factions possessed themselves respectively of these opposite quarters. Abdallah was not ashamed to strengthen himself by the aid of Christian mercenaries; and a dreadful conflict was carried on for fifty days and nights, within the city, which swam with the blood that should have been shed only in its defence. [40]

Notwithstanding these auxiliary circumstances, the progress of the Christians was comparatively slow. Every cliff seemed to be crowned with a fortress; and every fortress was defended with the desperation of men willing to bury themselves under its ruins. The old men, women, and children, on occasions of a siege, were frequently despatched to Granada. Such was the resolution, or rather ferocity of the Moors, that Malaga closed its gates against the fugitives from Alora, after its surrender, and even massacred some of them in cold blood. The eagle eye of El Zagal seemed to take in at a glance the whole extent of his little territory, and to detect every vulnerable point in his antagonist, whom he encountered where he least expected it; cutting off his convoys, surprising his foraging parties, and retaliating by a devastating inroad on the borders. [41]

No effectual and permanent resistance, however, could be opposed to the tremendous enginery of the Christians. Tower and town fell before it. Besides the principal towns of Cartama, Coin, Setenil, Ronda, Marbella, Illora, termed by the Moors "the right eye," Moclin, "the shield" of Granada, and Loja, after a second and desperate siege in the spring of 1486, Bernaldez enumerates more than seventy subordinate places in the Val de Cartama, and thirteen others after the fall of Marbella. Thus the Spaniards advanced their line of conquest more than twenty leagues beyond the western frontier of Granada. This extensive tract they strongly fortified and peopled, partly with Christian subjects, and partly with Moorish, the original occupants of the soil, who were secured in the possession of their ancient lands, under their own law. [42]

Thus the strong posts, which may be regarded as the exterior defences of the city of Granada, were successively carried. A few positions alone remained of sufficient strength to keep the enemy at bay. The most considerable of these was Malaga, which from its maritime situation afforded facilities for a communication with the Barbary Moors, that the vigilance of the Castilian cruisers could not entirely intercept. On this point, therefore, it was determined to concentrate all the strength of the monarchy, by sea and land, in the ensuing campaign of 1487.

* * * * *

Two of the most important authorities for the war of Granada are Fernando del Pulgar and Antonio de Lebrija, or Nebrissensis, as he is called from the Latin Nebrissa.

Few particulars have been preserved respecting the biography of the former. He was probably a native of Pulgar, near Toledo. The Castilian writers recognize certain provincialisms in his style belonging to that district. He was secretary to Henry IV., and was charged with various confidential functions by him. He seems to have retained his place on the accession of Isabella, by whom he was appointed national historiographer in 1482, when, from certain remarks in his letters, it would appear he was already advanced in years. This office, in the fifteenth century, comprehended, in addition to the more obvious duties of an historian, the intimate and confidential relations of a private secretary. "It was the business of the chronicler," says Bernaldez, "to carry on foreign correspondence in the service of his master, acquainting himself with whatever was passing in other courts and countries, and, by the discreet and conciliatory tenor of his epistles, to allay such feuds as might arise between the king and his nobility, and establish harmony between them." From this period Pulgar remained near the royal person, accompanying the queen in her various progresses through the kingdom, as well as in her military expeditions into the Moorish territory. He was consequently an eye-witness of many of the warlike scenes which he describes, and, from his situation at the court, had access to the most ample and accredited sources of information. It is probable he did not survive the capture of Granada, as his history falls somewhat short of that event. Pulgar's chronicle, in the portion containing a retrospective survey of events previous to 1482, may be charged with gross inaccuracy. But, in all the subsequent period, it may be received as perfectly authentic, and has all the air of impartiality. Every circumstance relating to the conduct of the war is developed with equal fulness and precision. His manner of narration, though prolix, is perspicuous, and may compare favorably with that of contemporary writers. His sentiments may compare still more advantageously in point of liberality, with those of the Castilian historians of a later age.

Pulgar left some other works, of which his commentary on the ancient satire of "Mingo Revulgo," his "Letters," and his "Claros Varones," or sketches of illustrious men, have alone been published. The last contains notices of the most distinguished individuals of the court of Henry IV., which, although too indiscriminately encomiastic, are valuable subsidiaries to an accurate acquaintance with the prominent actors of the period. The last and most elegant edition of Pulgar's Chronicle was published at Valencia in 1780, from the press of Benito Montfort, in large folio.

Antonio de Lebrija was one of the most active and erudite scholars of this period. He was born in the province of Andalusia, in 1444. After the usual discipline at Salamanca, he went at the age of nineteen to Italy, where he completed his education in the university of Bologna. He returned to Spain ten years after, richly stored with classical learning and the liberal arts that were then taught in the flourishing schools of Italy. He lost no time in dispensing to his countrymen his various acquisitions. He was appointed to the two chairs of grammar and poetry (a thing unprecedented) in the university of Salamanca, and lectured at the same time in these distinct departments. He was subsequently preferred by Cardinal Ximenes to a professorship in his university of Alcala de Henares, where his services were liberally requited, and where he enjoyed the entire confidence of his distinguished patron, who consulted him on all matters affecting the interests of the institution. Here he continued, delivering his lectures and expounding the ancient classics to crowded audiences, to the advanced age of seventy-eight, when he was carried off by an attack of apoplexy.

Lebrija, besides his oral tuition, composed works on a great variety of subjects, philological, historical, theological, etc. His emendation of the sacred text was visited with the censure of the Inquisition, a circumstance which will not operate to his prejudice with posterity. Lebrija was far from being circumscribed by the narrow sentiments of his age. He was warmed with a generous enthusiasm for letters, which kindled a corresponding flame in the bosoms of his disciples, among whom may be reckoned some of the brightest names in the literary annals of the period. His instruction effected for classical literature in Spain what the labors of the great Italian scholars of the fifteenth century did for it in their country; and he was rewarded with the substantial gratitude of his own age, and such empty honors as could be rendered by posterity. For very many years, the anniversary of his death was commemorated by public services, and a funeral panegyric, in the university of Alcala.

The circumstances attending the composition of his Latin Chronicle, so often quoted in this history, are very curious. Carbajal says, that he delivered Pulgar's Chronicle, after that writer's death, into Lebrija's hands for the purpose of being translated into Latin. The latter proceeded in his task, as far as the year 1486. His history, however, can scarcely be termed a translation, since, although it takes up the same thread of incident, it is diversified by many new ideas and particular facts. This unfinished performance was found among Lebrija's papers, after his decease, with a preface containing not a word of acknowledgment to Pulgar. It was accordingly published for the first time, in 1545 (the edition referred to in this history), by his son Sancho, as an original production of his father. Twenty years after, the first edition of Pulgar's original Chronicle was published at Valladolid, from the copy which belonged to Lebrija, by his grandson Antonio. This work appeared also as Lebrija's. Copies however of Pulgar's Chronicle were preserved in several private libraries; and two years later, 1567, his just claims were vindicated by an edition at Saragossa, inscribed with his name as its author.

Lebrija's reputation has sustained some injury from this transaction, though most undeservedly. It seems probable, that he adopted Pulgar's text as the basis of his own, intending to continue the narrative to a later period. His unfinished manuscript being found among his papers after his death, without reference to any authority, was naturally enough given to the world as entirely his production. It is more strange, that Pulgar's own Chronicle, subsequently printed as Lebrija's, should have contained no allusion to its real author. The History, although composed as far as it goes with sufficient elaboration and pomp of style, is one that adds, on the whole, but little to the fame of Lebrija. It was at best but adding a leaf to the laurel on his brow, and was certainly not worth a plagiarism.

FOOTNOTES

[1] "Por esa puerte de Elvira sale muy gran cabalgada: cuanto del hidalgo moro, cuanto de la yegua baya.

* * * * * *

"Cuanta pluma y gentileza, cuanto capellar de grana, cuanto bayo borceguf, cuanto raso que se esmalta,

"Cuanto de espuela de oro, cuanta estribera de plata! Toda es gente valerosa, y esperta para batalla.

"En medio de todos ellos va el rey Chico de Granada, mirando las damas moras de las torres del Alhambra.

"La reina mora su madre de esta manera le habla; 'Ala te guarde, mi hijo, Mahoma vaya en tu guarda.'" Hyta, Guerras de Granada, tom. i. p. 232.

[2] Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, tom. iii. cap. 36.—Cardonne, Hist. d'Afrique et d'Espagne, tom. iii. pp. 267-271.—Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 60.—Pedraza, Antiguedad de Granada, fol. 10.— Marmol, Rebelion de Moriscos, lib. 1, cap. 12.

[3] Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, part. 3, cap. 20.

The donzeles, of which Diego de Cordova was alcayde, or captain, were a body of young cavaliers, originally brought up as pages in the royal household, and organized as a separate corps of the militia. Salazar de Mendoza, Dignidades, p. 259.—See also Morales, Obras, tom. xiv. p. 80.

[4] Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, tom. iii. cap. 36.—Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. fol. 302.—Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 1483.—Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 61.—Pulgar, Cronica, cap. 20.—Marmol, Rebelion de Moriscos, lib. 1, cap. 12.

[5] Garibay, Compendio, tom. ii. p. 637.—Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, ubi supra.—Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 61.—Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, tom. iii. cap. 36.—Cardonne, Hist. d'Afrique et d'Espagne, tom. iii. pp. 271-274.

The various details, even to the site of the battle, are told in the usual confused and contradictory manner by the garrulous chroniclers of the period. All authorities, however, both Christian and Moorish, agree as to its general results.

[6] Mendoza, Dignidades, p. 382.—Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 4, dial. 9.

[7] Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, tom. iii. cap. 36.—Cardonne, Hist. d'Afrique et d'Espagne, pp. 271-274.

[8] Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 23.—Marmol, Rebelion de Moriscos, lib. 1, cap. 12.

Charles V. does not seem to have partaken of his grandfather's delicacy in regard to an interview with his royal captive, or indeed to any part of his deportment towards him.

[9] Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, ubi supra.—Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, cap. 36.

[10] Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, loc. cit.—Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, cap. 36.

[11] The term cavalgada seems to be used indifferently by the ancient Spanish writers to represent a marauding party, the foray itself, or the booty taken in it.

[12] Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 22.—Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., tom. vi. Ilust. 6.

[13] Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 32, 41.—Zurita, Anales, tom. iv lib. 20, cap. 59.—Lebrija, Rerum Gestarum Decades, ii. lib. 3, cap. 5.

[14] Machiavelli, Arte della Guerra, lib. 3.

[15] Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., tom. vi. Ilust. 6.

According to Gibbon, the cannon used by Mahomet in the siege of Constantinople, about thirty years before this time, threw stone balls, which weighed above 600 pounds. The measure of the bore was twelve palms. Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, chap. 68.

[16] Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., tom. vi. Ilust. 6.

We get a more precise notion of the awkwardness with which the artillery was served in the infancy of the science, from a fact recorded in the Chronicle of John II., that at the siege of Setenil, in 1407, five lombards were able to discharge only forty shot in the course of a day. We have witnessed an invention, in our time, that of our ingenious countryman, Jacob Perkins, by which a gun, with the aid of that miracle- worker, steam, is enabled to throw a thousand bullets in a single minute.

[17] L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 174.—Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 44. Some writers, as the Abbe Mignot, (Histoire des Rois Catholiques Ferdinand et Isabelle, (Paris, 1766,) tom. i. p. 273,) have referred the invention of bombs to the siege of Ronda. I find no authority for this. Pulgar's words are, "They made many iron balls, large and small, some of which they cast in a mould, having reduced the iron to a state of fusion, so that it would run like any other metal."

[18] Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 51.—Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 82.

[19] Mendoza, Guerra de Granada, (Valencia, 1776,) pp. 73, 74.—Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. lib. 20, cap. 59.—Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., tom. vi. p. 168. According to Mendoza, a decoction of the quince furnished the most effectual antidote known against this poison.

[20] Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. fol. 304.—Lebrija, Rerum Gestarum Decades, ii. lib. 4, cap. 2.—Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 76.— Marmol, Rebelion de Moriscos, lib. 1, cap. 12.

Pulgar, who is by no means bigoted for the age, seems to think the literal terms granted by Ferdinand to the enemies of the faith stand in need of perpetual apology. See Reyes Catolicos, cap. 44 et passim.

[21] Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 75.—Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 21, 33, 42.—Lebrija, Rerum Gestarum Decades, ii. lib. 8, cap. 6.— Marmol, Rebelion de Moriscos, lib. 1, cap. 13.

[22] Mem. de la Acad. de Hist., tom. vi. Ilust. 6.

[23] Lebrija, Rerum Gestarum Decades, ii. lib. 3, cap. 6.—Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 31.

[24] After another daring achievement, the sovereigns granted him and his heirs the royal suit worn by the monarchs of Castile on Ladyday; a present, says Abarca, not to be estimated by its cost. Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. fol. 308.

[25] Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, ubi supra.—Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., lib 1, epist. 41.—Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 68.—Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. cap. 58.

[26] Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 31, 67, 69.—Lebrija, Rerum Gestarum Decades, ii. lib. 2, cap. 10.

[27] Reyes Catolicos, cap. 21.

[28] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., lib. 1, epist. 62.—Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 78.

[29] Guillaume de Ialigny, Histoire de Charles VIII., (Paris, 1617,) pp. 90-94.

[30] Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 75.—This city, even before the New World had poured its treasures into its lap, was conspicuous for its magnificence, as the ancient proverb testifies. Zuniga, Annales de Sevilla, p. 183.

[31] Pulgar. Reyes Catolicos, cap. 41.

[32] Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 59.—This nobleman, whose name was Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, was son of the first duke, Diego Hurtado, who supported Isabella's claims to the crown. Oviedo was present at the siege of Illora, and gives a minute description of his appearance there. "He came," says that writer, "attended by a numerous body of cavaliers and gentlemen, as befitted so great a lord. He displayed all the luxuries which belong to a time of peace; and his tables, which were carefully served, were loaded with rich and curiously wrought plate, of which he had a greater profusion than any other grandee in the kingdom." In another place he says, "The duke Inigo was a perfect Alexander for his liberality, in all his actions princely, maintaining unbounded hospitality among his numerous vassals and dependents, and beloved throughout Spain. His palaces were garnished with the most costly tapestries, jewels, and rich stuffs of gold and silver. His chapel was filled with accomplished singers and musicians; his falcons, hounds, and his whole hunting establishment, including a magnificent stud of horses, not to be matched by any other nobleman in the kingdom. Of the truth of all which," concludes Oviedo, "I myself have been an eye-witness, and enough others can testify." See Oviedo, (Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1, quinc. 1, dial. 8,) who has given the genealogy of the Mendozas and Mendozinos, in all its endless ramifications.

[33] Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 80.—The lively author of "A Year in Spain" describes, among other suits of armor still to be seen in the museum of the armory at Madrid, those worn by Ferdinand and his illustrious consort. "In one of the most conspicuous stations is the suit of armor usually worn by Ferdinand the Catholic. He seems snugly seated upon his war-horse with a pair of red velvet breeches, after the manner of the Moors, with lifted lance and closed visor. There are several suits of Ferdinand and of his queen Isabella, who was no stranger to the dangers of a battle. By the comparative heights of the armor, Isabella would seem to be the bigger of the two, as she certainly was the better." A Year in Spain, by a young American, (Boston, 1829,) p. 116.

[34] Cardinal Mendoza, in the campaign of 1485, offered the queen to raise a body of 3000 horse, and march at its head to the relief of Alhama, and at the same time to supply her with such sums of money as might be necessary in the present exigency. Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 50.

[35] In 1486, we find Ferdinand and Isabella performing a pilgrimage to the shrine of St. James of Compostella. Carbajal, Anales, MS., ano 86.

[36] L. Marineo, Cosas Memorables, fol. 173.—Bernaldez, Reyes. Catolicos, MS., cap. 82, 87.

[37] Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 47.—Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 75.

[38] Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, tom. iii. cap. 37.—Cardonne, Hist. d'Afrique et d'Espagne, tom. iii. pp. 276, 281, 282.—Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii. fol. 304.

"El enjaeza el caballo Be las cabezas de fama,"

says one of the old Moorish ballads. A garland of Christian heads seems to have been deemed no unsuitable present from a Moslem knight to his lady love. Thus one of the Zegries triumphantly asks,

"?Que Cristianos habeis muerto, O escalado que murallas? ?O que cabezas famosas Aveis presentado a damas?"

This sort of trophy was also borne by the Christian cavaliers. Examples of this may be found even as late as the siege of Granada. See, among others, the ballad beginning

"A vista de los dos Reyes."

[39] The Arabic historian alludes to the vulgar report of the old king's assassination by his brother, but leaves us in the dark in regard to his own opinion of its credibility. "Algunos dicen que le procuro la muerte su hermano el Rey Zagal; pero Dios lo sabe, que es el unico eterno e inmutable."—Conde, Domination de los Arabes, tom. in. cap. 38.

[40] Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, tom. iii. cap. 38.—Cardonne, Hist. d'Afrique et d'Espagne, pp. 291, 292.—Mariana, Hist. de Espana, lib. 25, cap. 9.—Marmol, Rebelion de Moriscos, lib. 1, cap. 12.

"Muy revuelta anda Granada en armas y fuego ardiendo, y los ciudadanos de ella duras muertes padeciendo;

Por tres reyes que hay esquivos, cada uno pretendiendo el mando, cetro y corona de Granada y su gobierno," etc.

See this old romance, mixing up fact and fiction, with more of the former than usual, in Hyta, Guerras de Granada, tom. i. p. 292.

[41] Among other achievements, Zagal surprised and beat the count of Cabra in a night attack upon Moclin, and wellnigh retaliated on that nobleman his capture of the Moorish king Abdallah. Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 48.

[42] Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, MS., cap. 75.—Pulgar, Reyes Catolicos, cap. 48.—Lebrija, Rerum Gestarum Decades, ii. lib. 3, cap. 5, 7; lib. 4, cap. 2, 3.—Marmol, Rebelion de Moriscos, lib. 1, cap. 12.

END OF VOL. I.