In the year ninety-four, when Don Luys was governor, a large junk came to the Filipinas with some Cambodians and Siamese, several Chinese and three Spaniards—one a Castilian, named Blaz Ruyz de Hernan Gonzalez, and the other two Portuguese called Pantaleon Carnero and Antonio Machado. While they were in the city of Chordemuco, [48] in Camboja, with Prauncar [49] Langara, king of Camboja, the king of Sian attacked the former king with many soldiers and elephants, conquered the land, and seized the house and the treasures of the king, who, with his wife, mother, sister, and his one daughter, and two sons, fled inland to the kingdom of Lao. The king of Sian leaving some of his captains to guard Camboja returned to his home with the rest of the army, sending what booty he could not carry away by land, to Sian by sea in several junks. He captured the Portuguese and Castilians whom he found there [i.e., in Camboja], and embarked the above mentioned three with other Cambodian slaves on board this junk, besides many goods, and with a Siamese guard and a Chinese crew. While they were at sea, the three Spaniards, aided by the Chinese, took possession of the junk, and killed and imprisoned the Siamese guards. After that the Spaniards and the Chinese came to blows as to who should have the prize and where it was to be taken. The three Spaniards overcame the Chinese, and killing most of them, took the junk to Manila with all its cargo, and the vessel was adjudged to them. Liberty was granted to the Cambodians as well as to the Chinese who had survived the fray.

The king of Sian reached his court in the city of Odia [50] and waited for the arrival of the junk; but seeing that it delayed longer than was necessary, he suspected that it had been seized or lost, and desired to send someone to bring him news of it and the reason for the delay. Among the prisoners he had made in Camboja was the Portuguese, Diego Belloso, who had been sent to Manila in the time of Gomez Perez Dasmarinas by King Prauncar Langara, to request his friendship and assistance against Sian which was then threatening him, as abovesaid. On his return to Camboja with the governor's answer and present, Belloso found that the Siamese had seized the country and had occupied it. Accordingly they captured him, and the Siamese king seized the present which he carried off with the other captures to his country. This Diego Belloso, getting wind of the king's intention, had word sent to the latter that, if he were to send him on this business, he would go as far as Manila, since he knew that archipelago so well, and find out what had happened to the junk. At the same time he said that he would establish friendship and commerce in the king's name with the Spaniards, and would procure many European curiosities for him, which were to be found in Manila, especially a colored stone large enough to serve as a hilt for the two-handed sword which the king used—a thing which the king greatly desired on account of a smaller one that he had found among the presents, and which he carried before him when on his elephant. The king agreed to this and had a junk prepared; he sent in it a Siamese who was in his service, and all the other men necessary for the voyage, together with Diego Belloso. He sent two elephants to the governor of Manila, and a quantity of benzoin, ivory, and other merchandise for sale, with the proceeds of which they were to buy the curiosities mentioned by Belloso. Having set sail they encountered a storm, and the junk put in at Malaca, where they learned that the other junk of the Siamese king, for which they were looking, had been seized, and that the Spaniards who had embarked as prisoners at Camboja, had taken it with all its cargo to Manila, after killing the Siamese guards.

At this news the Siamese king's servant began to look less favorably upon the journey to Manila, and accordingly, although against Belloso's desire, began to discharge and sell the goods in Malaca with the intention of returning immediately to Sian. One morning this servant of the Siamese king, Aconsi [51] by name, was found dead in the junk, although he had retired safe and sound the night before. Thereupon Diego Belloso became master of the situation, and after again embarking the goods and elephants on the junk, left Malaca, and journeyed to Manila. There he found Don Luys Dasmarinas acting as governor, because of his father Gomez Perez's death. To him he gave the present of the elephants, which he brought from the king, and told him what else had been sent. The other goods and merchandise were offered for sale by another Siamese who represented his king's service in the same junk.

Belloso met Blas Ruys de Hernan Goncales and his two companions in Manila. Among them all they agreed to persuade Governor Don Luys to send a fleet to Camboja to aid King Langara who was living in exile and stripped of his kingdom. They alleged that it would be easy to restore the king to power, and that at the same time the Spaniards might gain a foothold on the mainland, where they could settle and fortify themselves, whence would follow other important and more considerable results. They called on the religious of the Order of St. Dominic to support them before the governor in this plan. These easily put the matter on such good footing—for the governor followed their advice in everything that it was decided to prepare a fleet with as many men as possible, under command of the captain and sargento-mayor, Juan Xuarez Gallinato, himself in a ship of moderate size. He was to be accompanied by two junks: one under command of Diego Belloso, and the other under that of Blas Ruyz de Hernan Goncalez, with one hundred and twenty Spaniards, some Japanese and native Indians, and all else that was necessary.

This resolution seemed inexpedient to the majority of people in the city, both because it took so many men away, and also, because the success of the expedition seemed very doubtful. Admitting reports that the country of Camboja was in the hands of the king of Sian, who held it with sufficient forces—and nothing else was known—the result of the expedition would be to make the king of Sian—from whom the governor had just received presents and a friendly embassy in the person of Belloso—their declared enemy. And without sending the king an answer they were about to take up arms against him in favor of one who was unknown to them, and from whom the Spaniards had received neither pledges nor obligations. Lieutenant-general Don Antonio de Morga and Master-of-camp Diego Ronquillo, together with other captains and influential persons, spoke of this matter to Don Luys, and even requested him in writing to desist from this expedition. But although he had no reasons on his side to satisfy them, he was so taken by the expedition, that, inasmuch as the said religious of St. Dominic upheld him, he would not change his plans. Accordingly he despatched the fleet to the kingdom of Camboja at the beginning of the year ninety-six, which is generally one week's voyage. On the other hand, he dismissed the Siamese who had accompanied Belloso, without any definite answer to the embassy of the king of Siam, to whom he sent in return for his presents, some products of the country, which he thought appropriate. The Siamese, seeing that they were being sent back to their country, were satisfied, and expected no other result of their coming.

A storm overtook the fleet, and the flagship which carried Juan Xuarez Gallinato and the majority of the Spaniards, took refuge in the strait of Sincapura near Malaca, where it remained for many days. The other two junks which carried Diego Belloso and Blas Ruyz with some Spaniards, Japanese, and natives of Manila, reached Camboja with great difficulty, and Blas Ruyz, preceding Belloso, went up the river Mecon as far as the city of Chordemuco. There they learned that the mandarins of Camboja had united against the Siamese whom they had conquered and driven from the kingdom; and that one of these mandarins, Anacaparan by name, had taken possession of the country, and was governing under the title of king, although against the will of the others. Diego Belloso, Blas Ruyz, and those with them thought that they had arrived in good season for the furtherance of their designs, since confusion reigned among the Cambodians, and the Siamese were out of the country. Expecting Gallinato and the flagship to arrive directly, they spent several days in Chordemuco with the permission of Anacaparan, who resided nine leguas away in Sistor. Although the latter knew of the entry of these ships and their men, and that many more were coming, whose intentions he knew; and although he thought that it would not be favorable to him: yet he dissembled with them, waiting to see what time would bring. At the same time six Chinese ships with their merchandise arrived in Chordemuco and, while they were discharging it, the Chinese being many and hating the Spaniards, behaved towards them with great arrogance and insolence. This obliged the Spaniards, for the sake of their reputation, and in order to avenge themselves for injuries received, to take up arms against the Chinese. This they did, killing many Chinese and seizing their ships and all their cargo. Anacaparan took offense at this, and was desirous for the Chinese to avenge themselves by his aid. To remedy this evil Fray Alonso Ximenez, [52] of the Dominican order, who accompanied the Spaniards, thought that he, together with Blas Ruys and Diego Belloso, and about fifty Spaniards, a few Japanese, and men from Luzon, should leave the rest to guard the ships in Chordemuco, and should go up in small boats to Sistor, in order to obtain an interview with Anacaparan and offer him excuses and satisfaction for the trouble that they had had with the Chinese. And in order to negotiate with him more easily, they made a letter of embassy in the name of the governor of Manila, because Gallinato carried with him the one given them by the governor. This device was of little service to them, because Anacaparan not only did not grant them audience, but after having seized their boats, kept them so hard pressed in a lodging outside the city, and so threatened that he would kill them, if they did not return the ships and what they had taken from them to the Chinese, that the Spaniards were quite anxious to return to Chordemuco and board their vessels for greater security. They decided to do so as best they could.

Their necessity, and beholding themselves in this danger, encouraged them, one night, although at great risk, to leave their lodgings, and find a passage where they could cross the river to the city side. They crossed the river, arms in hand, late at night, and as silently as possible. Finding themselves near the city, and their courage and determination increasing, they entered the city and went as far as the king's house. They set fire to it, to the magazines, and to other buildings on their way, and threw the Cambodians into so great confusion, that that night and the following morning they killed many people, among them King Anacaparan himself. After this they thought it unwise to advance or maintain their ground, and accordingly marched back to their ships as orderly as possible. Meanwhile a great number of Cambodians, with arms and several elephants, started to pursue the Spaniards and overtook them before the latter reached their ships. The Spaniards defended themselves valiantly, and continued their march until embarking without the loss of a single man, while the Cambodians returned to the city with some of their men killed and wounded.

Diego Belloso and Bias Ruiz had hardly boarded their ships, when Captain Gallinato entered Chordemuco with the flagship, by way of the river. They told him all that happened with the Chinese and Cambodians and of the favorable condition of affairs for continuing them, alleging that, since the usurper Anacaparan was dead, many Cambodians would immediately join the Spaniards in defense of the name and fame of Langara their legitimate king. But, although some of the Cambodians themselves came to visit the fleet, and assured Gallinato of the same, of the death of Anacaparan, and of the deeds of the Spaniards in Sistor, he appeared to give no credit to any of them, and could not be induced to believe them, or to continue the enterprise, or even to consider it. On the contrary he rebuked the Spaniards for what had taken place in his absence, and after depriving them of all that they had seized from the Chinese and Cambodians, put to sea in order to return to Manila. Belloso and Blas Ruiz persuaded him to go at least to Cochinchina, where the galley seized when Governor Gomez Perez was killed was said to have been taken, and where were the royal standard and the artillery carried aboard the galley, and for which he should ask. They promised, while Gallinato was making these negotiations, to go overland to the kingdom of Lao, where Langara, king of Camboja, was living, in order to restore him to his kingdom. Captain Gallinato consented to this, and sailed along the coast, until he entered the bay of Cochinchina, where, although he was apparently well received by the natives of the country, he would not disembark from his ships, but sent Gregorio de Vargas from them to visit the king of Tunquin, the chief king of that kingdom, and to treat with him concerning the galley, the standard, and the artillery. While he was thus engaged, Gallinato allowed Blas Ruyz and Diego Belloso to go ashore to endeavor to make the journey to Lao, for he agreed easily to their request because he thus got rid of them and left them busied in this matter, so that they could not do him any ill turn in Manila in regard to leaving Camboja.

Diego Belloso and Blas Ruyz went to the king of Sinua, son of the king of Tunquin, and begged him to help them in their journey. From him they received all that was necessary, and were well treated and served until they reached the city of Alanchan, [53] capital of the kingdom of Lao, where they were kindly received by the king of the country. They found that Prauncar Langara, king of Camboja, and his elder son and daughter had died, and that only his son Prauncar survived, and the latter's stepmother, grandmother, and aunts. They related the condition of affairs in Camboja, the arrival of the Spaniards, and the death of the usurper Anacaparan. The same news was brought by a Cambodian from Chordemuco, who also added that since the death of Anacaparan, his younger son Chupinanu was reigning, that the country was entirely divided into factions, and that many upon seeing their natural and lawful king would leave Chupinanu and would join him and obey him.

The few difficulties for the departure having been overcome by the arrival at this time of the mandarin Ocuna de Chu at Lanchan, in Lao [54] from Camboja, who had been sent by order of other mandarins and grandees of Camboja with ten praus well equipped with artillery and weapons to fetch their lawful king, it was decided to go down to Camboja. Prauncar, his grandmother, aunt, and stepmother—he wife of Langara—together with Diego Belloso and Blas Ruyz, embarked and journeyed in the said boats and praus down the rivers flowing from Lao to Camboja. [55] There they found fresh disturbances in the provinces. But as soon as Prauncar arrived many went over to his side, especially two Moro Malays, Acuna La Casamana [56] and Cancona, who were in the country with a Malay army and a quantity of artillery and elephants. Prauncar was victorious on various occasions, and Chupinanu with his brothers and other rebels having died in battle, became master of almost all the provinces of his kingdom. He made Diego Belloso and Blas Ruyz chiefs in war affairs, and they managed war matters until they completely established Prauncar on the throne. When the war was almost entirely ended, the king made Belloso and Blas Ruyz great chofas [57] of his kingdom, gave them two provinces, and granted them other favors, although not so many as they expected, or as he had promised while still in Lao. The chief reason for this was the stepmother, grandmother, and aunt of the king, who managed him, on account of his youth, and of his being addicted to wine, in excess even of his father Langara. The Moro Malay, Acuna Lacasamana, had great influence with these women. Being envious of the valor of the Spaniards, he was continually opposing them, and seeking their destruction, with whom, on this account, they were always at odds. It must be understood that this Moro held unlawful relations with the wife of Langara, the stepmother of King Prauncar.

Captain Gallinato's fleet remained in Cochinchina negotiating with the king of Tunquin for the royal standard and the artillery of the galley, as above stated, for the galley was lost upon that coast, and this king had the rest in his possession. The latter not only did not restore them, but entertaining Gallinato with flattering speech, was, on the contrary, planning to take from him his ships and their contents. Gallinato was secretly warned of this by one of the chief women of Cochinchina, who came to the fleet to see him, after which he kept a much more careful watch than before, and allowed no one to go ashore. But this order was of no avail with Fray Alonso Ximenez, one of the Dominican religious whom he had with him, and the chief promoter of the expedition. When the latter went ashore, they seized and kept him there. The Cochinchinese, imagining that the fleet was off its guard, sent some fire ships against it, followed by some galleys and warboats, in order to burn it, while many men armed with arquebuses annoyed the Spaniards from the neighboring shore. The fleet succeeded in getting away from the fire and put off from shore, and resisted the enemy's ships with artillery, musketry, and arquebuses, thus sinking some of them. After this the Spaniards waited no longer, but leaving Fray Alonso Ximenez on shore, and two lay companions, whom he took with him, put to sea and left the bay of Cochinchina, and ran toward the Filipinas.

While these things were happening in Camboja and Cochinchina, orders had arrived from Espana from his Majesty to conclude an agreement that Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa had made with Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, under which the former was to pacify and settle the island of Mindanao at his own expense, and receive the governorship of the island for two lives [58] and other rewards. The said agreement was effected, after certain difficulties that arose were settled. Don Estevan Rodriguez prepared men and ships, and what else was necessary for the enterprise, and with some galleys, galleots, frigates, vireys, barangays, and lapis, [59] set out with two hundred and fourteen Spaniards for the island of Mindanao, in February of the same year, of ninety-six. He took Captain Juan de la Xara as his master-of-camp, and some religious of the Society of Jesus to give instruction, as well as many natives for the service of the camp and fleet.

He reached Mindanao River, after a good voyage, where the first settlements, named Tancapan and Lumaguan, both hostile to the people of Buhahayen, received him peacefully and in a friendly manner, and joined his fleet. They were altogether about six thousand men. Without delay they advanced about eight leguas farther up the river against Buhahayen, the principal settlement of the island, where its greatest chief had fortified himself on many sides. Arrived at the settlement, the fleet cast anchor, and immediately landed a large proportion of the troops with their arms. But before reaching the houses and fort, and while going through some thickets [cacatal] [60] near the shore, they encountered some of the men of Buhahayen, who were coming to meet them with their campilans, carazas [61] and other weapons, and who attacked them on various sides. The latter [i.e., the Spaniards and their allies], on account of the swampiness of the place and the denseness of the thickets [cacatal], could not act unitedly as the occasion demanded, although the master-of-camp and the captains that led them exerted themselves to keep the troops together and to encourage them to face the natives. Meanwhile Governor Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa was watching events from his flagship, but not being able to endure the confusion of his men, seized his weapons and hastened ashore with three or four companions, and a servant who carried his helmet, in order that he might be less impeded in his movements. But as he was crossing a part of the thickets [cacatal] where the fight was waging, a hostile Indian stepped out unseen from one side, and dealt the governor a blow on the head with his campilan, that stretched him on the ground badly wounded. [62] The governor's followers cut the Mindanao to pieces and carried the governor back to the camp. Shortly after, the master-of-camp, Juan de la Xara, withdrew his troops to the fleet, leaving behind several Spaniards who had fallen in the encounter. The governor did not regain consciousness, for the wound was very severe, and died next day. The fleet after that loss and failure left that place, and descended the river to Tampacan, where it anchored among the friendly inhabitants and their settlements.

The master-of-camp, Juan de la Xara, had himself chosen by the fleet as successor in the government and enterprise. He built a fort with arigues and palms near Tampacan, and founded a Spanish settlement to which he gave the name of Murcia. He began to make what arrangements he deemed best, in order to establish himself and run things independently of, and without acknowledging the governor of Manila, without whose intervention and assistance this enterprise could not be continued.



Of the administration of Don Francisco Tello, and of the second establishment of the Audiencia of Manila; and of occurrences during the period of this administration.

CHAPTER SIXTH

Governor Don Luis Dasmarinas was awaiting news from Captain Juan Xuarez Gallinato, and from Governor Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa concerning the voyage which each had made at the beginning of the year ninety-six, to Camboja and to Mindanao, when news reached Manila, in the month of June, that two ships had entered the islands by the channel of Espiritu Santo, and that they brought a new governor sent from Espana, namely, Don Francisco Tello de Guzman, knight of the Order of Sanctiago, a native of Sevilla, and treasurer of the India House of Trade. He arrived at Manila in the beginning of July and entered upon his office. It was also learned that Fray Ygnacio Sanctivanez, of the Order of St. Francis, a native of Sanctivanez, in the province of Burgos, had been nominated in Nueva Espana as archbishop of Manila, for Bishop Fray Domingo de Salazar had died in Madrid; and that Fray Miguel de Venavides, a native of Carrion and a religious of the Order of St. Dominic, who had gone to Espana with Bishop Fray Domingo de Salazar, had been appointed bishop of the city of Segovia in the province of Cagayan; also that Fray Pedro de Agurto, of the Order of St. Augustine, a native of Mexico, had been appointed in Mexico, bishop of the city of Sanctisimo Nombre de Jesus, and that these two bishops with another for the city of Caceres, in the province of Camarines, who was not yet named, had been lately added to the Filipinas and appointed as suffragans to the archbishop of Manila, at the instance of Bishop Fray Domingo. Also it was learned that the Audiencia which had been suppressed in Manila was to be reestablished there, as well as other things which the bishop had presented at court.

Shortly after Don Francisco Tello had taken over the governorship, news was brought of the death of Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa in Mindanao, by Brother Gaspar Gomez of the Society of Jesus. The latter brought the body for burial in the college of Manila, of which Don Estevan was patron. Juan de la Xara wrote that he had charge of affairs, that he had settled in Tampacan, that he intended to continue the pacification and conquest of the island as should seem most advisable, and that reenforcements of men and other things should be sent him. It was learned that he intended to make an ill use of the government, and would not remain dependent on, and subordinate to, the governor of the Filipinas; and that he was depriving the heirs of Estevan Rodriguez of what lawfully belonged to them. It was learned that, in order to make himself safer in this respect, he was sending his confidants to the town of Arevalo in Oton where Don Estevan had left his wife, Dona Ana de Osseguera, and his two small daughters, with his house and property, to persuade Dona Ana to marry him. This resolution appeared injurious in many respects, and the attempt was made to rectify matters. But in order not to disturb the affairs of Mindanao, the matter was left alone for the present, until time should show the course to be followed. And so it happened that when Juan de la Xara left the camp and settlements of Mindanao, and came hurriedly to Oton to negotiate his marriage in person—although the widow of Don Estevan had never been favorable to it—Don Francisco Tello sent men to arrest him. He was brought to Manila, where he died while his trial was being conducted.

After the imprisonment of Juan de La Xara, Don Francisco Tello immediately sent Captain Toribio de Miranda to Mindanao, with orders to take command of the camp and to govern, until some one should agree to continue the enterprise. When he arrived at Mindanao and the soldiers saw that Juan de La Xara's schemes had been defeated, and that the latter was a prisoner in Manila, with no hope of returning, they obeyed Toribio de Miranda and the orders that he brought.

In Manila the governor was considering carefully the necessary measures for continuing the war, since the island of Mindanao was so near the other pacified islands, and the island itself contained some provinces that professed peace and were apportioned as encomiendas, and had Spanish magistrates, such as the rivers of Butuan, Dapitan, and Caragan, so that it was desirable to pacify the whole island and subject it to his Majesty. The royal treasury was spent and could not bear the expense; and Estevan Rodriguez had bound himself by a legal writ, to carry the war to entire completion at his own expense, in accordance with the terms of his agreement. The guardian of his children and heirs brought the matter before the court, and refused to fulfil this obligation on account of Estevan Rodriguez's death. In order not to lose time, for what had been commenced had to be continued in one way or another, the governor decided to prosecute it, drawing the necessary funds from the royal treasury, either on its own account or on the account of Estevan Rodriguez's heirs, if such should be according to law. The governor then searched for a person to go to Mindanao, and selected Don Juan Ronquillo, general of the galleys. The latter was given the necessary reenforcements of men and other things, with which he reached Mindanao. He took command of the Spanish camp and fleet which he found in Tampacan. He confirmed the peace and friendship with the chiefs and people of Tampacan and Lumaguan, restored and set in better order the Spanish settlement and fort, and began to make preparation for the war against the people of Buhahayen. He spent many days in making a few incursions into their land and attacks on their forts, but without any notable result, for the enemy were many and all good soldiers, with plenty of arquebuses [63] and artillery, and had fortified themselves in a strong position. They had many other fortifications inland and went from one to the other with impunity, whenever they wished, and greatly harassed the Spaniards, who were little used to so swampy a country. The latter found themselves short of provisions without the possibility of getting them in the country on account of the war, inasmuch as the camp contained many men, both Spaniards and the native servants and boatmen, and it was not easy at all times to come and go from one part to another in order to provide necessities. [64]

Meanwhile Don Juan Ronquillo, seeing that the war was advancing very slowly and with little result, and that the camp was suffering, drew up a report of it, and sent letters in all haste to Governor Don Francisco Tello, informing him of the condition of affairs. He wrote that it would be better to withdraw the camp from Mindanao River, so that it might not perish; and that a presidio could be established on the same island in the port of La Caldera, which could be left fortified, in order not to abandon this enterprise entirely, and so that their friends of Tampacan and Lumaguan might be kept hostile to the people of Buhahayen. Meanwhile he and the rest of the camp and fleet would return to Manila, if permitted, for which he requested the governor to send him an order quickly. Upon the receipt of this despatch, Governor Don Francisco Tello resolved to order Don Juan Ronquillo, since the above was so and the camp could not be maintained, nor the war continued advantageously, to withdraw with his whole camp from Mindanao River. He was first to make a great effort to chastise the enemy in Buhahayen, and then to burn the Spanish settlement and fort and to go to La Caldera, fortify it, and leave there a sufficient garrison with artillery, boats, and provisions for its maintenance and service. Then he was to return to Manila with the rest of his men, after telling their friends in Tampacan that the Spaniards would shortly return to the river better equipped and in greater numbers.

Silonga and other chiefs of Buhahayen were not neglecting their defense, since, among other measures taken, they had sent a chief to Terrenate to ask assistance against the Spaniards who had brought war into their homes. Thereupon the king of Terrenate despatched a numerous fleet of caracoas and other boats to Mindanao with cachils [65] and valiant soldiers—more than one thousand fighting men in all—and a quantity of small artillery, in order to force the Spaniards to break camp and depart, even could they do nothing else. When the news reached Buhahayen that this fleet was coming to their defense and support, they made ready and prepared to attack the Spaniards, who also having heard the same news were not careless. Consequently the latter turned their attention more to the main fort, and reduced the number of men in the smaller forts on Buquil River and other posts, mouths, and arms of the same river. These served to strengthen the garrison of the main fort and the armed galleys and other smaller craft, in order to use the latter to resist the expected attack of the enemy. The enemy having gallantly advanced to the very fort of the Spaniards with all their vessels and men, attacked and stormed it with great courage and resolution, in order to effect an entrance. The Spaniards within resisted valiantly, and those outside in the galleys on the river assisted them so effectively that together, with artillery and arquebuses, and at times in close combat with swords and campilans, they made a great slaughter and havoc among the men of Terrenate and those of Buhahayen, who were aiding the former. They killed and wounded a great number of them and captured almost all the caracoas and vessels of the enemy, so that very few boats escaped and they were pursued and burned by the Spaniards, who made many prisoners, and seized immense booty and many weapons from the enemy. As soon as possible after this, the Spaniards turned against the settlements and forts of Buhahayen where some of their results were of so great moment that the enemy, seeing themselves hard pressed and without anyone to help them, sent messages and proposals of peace to Don Juan Ronquillo, which were ended by their rendering recognition and homage, and the renewal of friendship with the people of Tampacan, their ancient enemy. In order to strengthen the friendship, they sealed it by the marriage of the greatest chief and lord of Buhahayen with the daughter of another chief of Tampacan, called Dongonlibor. Thereupon the war was apparently completely ended, provisions were now to be had, and the Spaniards with little precaution crossed and went about the country wherever they wished. The people of Buhahayen promised to dismantle all their forts immediately, for that was one of the conditions of peace. Then the Spaniards returned to their fort and settlement at Tampacan, whence Don Juan Ronquillo immediately sent despatches to Governor Don Francisco Tello, informing him of the different turn that the enterprise had taken. In view of the present condition he requested the governor to issue new instructions as to his procedure, saying that he would wait without making any change, notwithstanding the arrival of the answer which he expected to his first report, for conditions had now become so much better than before that the governor's decision would be different.

The governor had already answered Don Joan Ronquillo's first despatch, as we have said above, when the second despatch arrived with news of the successes in Mindanao. Suspicious of the men in the camp who had constantly shown a desire to return to Manila, and little relish for the hardships of war, and fearing lest they would return at the arrival of the first order, executing that order and abandoning the enterprise which had reached such a satisfactory stage; and thinking that it would be unwise to abandon the river: the governor made haste to send a second despatch immediately by various roads, ordering them to pay no attention to his first orders, but to remain in Mindanao, and that he would soon send them what was necessary for further operations.

It seems that this message traveled slowly; for, the first having arrived, they obeyed it without any further delay, and camp was raised and the country abandoned. To their former enemy of Buhahayen they gave as a reason that the governor of Manila had summoned them; and to their friends of Tampacan, they said that they would leave men in La Caldera for their security, and that assistance would be sent them from Manila. This news caused as much sorrow and sadness to the latter, as joy to the people of Buhahayen. Then after burning their fort and settlement, the Spaniards embarked all their forces as soon as possible, left the river, and went to La Caldera, twenty-four leguas farther down in the direction of Manila. Having entered port, they built a fortress and left there a garrison of one hundred Spaniards, with some artillery, provisions, and boats for their use.

At this juncture, the governor's second message to General Don Joan Ronquillo arrived, to which the latter replied that he was already in La Caldera, and could not return to the river. Then, without any further delay, Don Juan Ronquillo went to Manila with the balance of his fleet, by way of the provinces of Oton, and Panay. The governor, having heard of his coming, sent to arrest him on the road before he entered the city, and proceeded against him by law for having withdrawn the camp and army from Mindanao River, without awaiting the orders he should have expected after the favorable turn that affairs had taken. Don Juan Ronquillo was set at liberty on showing a private letter from the governor, which the latter had sent him separately with the first instructions, to the effect that he should return to Manila with his troops in any event, for they were needed in the islands for other purposes; and because of this letter Don Juan had determined not to await the second order.

Captain and Sargento-mayor Gallinato crossed from Cochinchina to Manila in the flagship of his fleet, and informed Don Francisco Tello whom he found governing, of the events of his expedition; and that Blas Ruyz and Diego Belloso had gone by land to Lao from Cochinchina in search of King Langara of Camboja. Thus by their absence he avoided the blame of leaving Camboja, although there were not wanting many of his own followers who angrily gave information of the opportunity that he had lost by not showing himself or staying in Camboja when he had so good an opportunity; and they stoutly asserted that if he had done so, all that had been hoped in that kingdom would have been attained.

The other ship of his convoy, to which the balance of his fleet had been reduced, of which he made Alferez Luys Ortiz commander, could not pursue the voyage on account of heavy storms, and put in at Malaca. Some of the Spaniards remained there, and Ortiz with the rest of the crew, was able to set sail after a few months, and returned to Manila.

Coincident with the above, and at the beginning of Don Francisco Tello's administration, two Indian chiefs of the province of Cagayan, the more powerful of whom was called Magalat, were detained in Manila, because they, with their kinsmen, and others who followed their party and opinion, often incited the settlements of that province to rebellion; and it had cost no little trouble to subdue them; besides the daily murder of many Spaniards and other injuries inflicted upon the peaceful natives and their crops. Magalat was captain and leader of these men, and since he, with his brother and other natives, was in Manila, and unable to leave it, that province became more secure.

Some Dominican religious bound for Segovia, the capital of that province, where they give instruction, moved with pity, persuaded the governor to let Magalat and his brother return to their country with them. To such an extent did they importune the governor, that he granted their request. Having reached Cagayan, the chiefs went inland by the Lobo River and again incited the whole country to rebellion. With the help of other chiefs of Tubigarao, and other settlements, they so stirred up things, that it was impossible to go to those settlements or a step beyond the city. Magalat was the leader of the rebels, and he committed cruel murders and injuries even upon the natives themselves, if they refused to rise against the Spaniards. This reached such a point that the governor was obliged to send the master-of-camp, Pedro de Chaves, from Manila with troops, in order that he might suitably remedy the evil. In spite of many difficulties, the latter had so good fortune that he seized many insurgent leaders upon whom he executed justice and public punishment. As for Magalat himself, the governor caused him to be killed in his own house and land where he had fortified himself, by the hand of his own Indians, who had offered to do it for a reward; for in no other way did it appear possible. Had Magalat not been killed, the war would have dragged on for many years, but with his death the province became quiet and the peace secure.

In April of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, Adelantado Alvaro de Mendana de Neira sailed from Callao de Lima in Peru, to colonize the Salomon Islands, which he had discovered many years before in the South Sea, [66] the principal one of which he had called San Christoval. He took four ships, two large ones—a flagship and an almiranta—a frigate, and a galliot, with four hundred men in all. He was also accompanied by his wife, Dona Ysabel Barreto and his three brothers-in-law. On the way he discovered other islands at which he did not stop; but not finding those which he had previously discovered, and as his almiranta had been lost, he anchored with the other ships at an island near Nueva Guinea, inhabited by blacks, to which he gave the name of Santa Cruz [Holy Cross]. There he settled—little to the satisfaction of his men. The adelantado, two of his brothers-in-law, and many of his people died there. Dona Ysabel Barreto abandoned the colony, on account of sickness and want, and embarked the survivors aboard her flagship, frigate, and galliot. But while they were sailing toward the Filipinas the frigate and galliot disappeared in another direction. The flagship entered the river of Butuan, in the island of Mindanao, and reached Manila after great want and suffering. There Dona Ysabel Barreto married Don Fernando de Castro, and returned to Nueva Espana in his ship, the "San Geronymo," in the year ninety-six. The events of this voyage have been only lightly touched upon here, so that it seems fitting to reproduce literally the relation, to which Don Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, chief pilot on this voyage, affixed his signature, which is as follows.

Relation of the voyage of Adelantado Alvaro de Mendana de Neira for the discovery of the Salomon Islands

On Friday, the ninth of the month of April, one thousand five hundred and ninety-five, Adelantado Alvaro de Mendana set sail with his fleet for the conquest and settlement of the western islands in the South Sea, sailing from the port of Callao de Lima, which lies in twelve and one-half degrees south latitude. Laying his course toward the valleys of Santa, Truxillo, and Sana, and collecting men and provisions, he went to Paita. [67] There he took in water and numbered his forces, which amounted to about four hundred persons. Then with his four vessels, two large and two small, he left the said port, which is five degrees higher than the former port, and directed his course west-southwest in search of the islands that he had discovered. He took Pedro Merino Manrique as master-of-camp; his brother-in-law, Lope de la Vega, as admiral; and Pedro Fernandez de Quiros as chief pilot. Following the above-mentioned course he sailed to the altitude of nine and one-half degrees, whence he sailed southwest by west to fourteen degrees, where he changed his course to northwest by west. On Friday, the twenty-first of the month of July, having reached an altitude of ten long degrees, we sighted an island to which the general gave the name of Madalena. [68] From a port of this island, about seventy canoes came out, each containing three men, or thereabout, while some came swimming and others on logs. There were more than four hundred Indians, white and of a very agreeable appearance, tall and strong, large-limbed, and so well made that they by far surpassed us. [69] They had fine teeth, eyes, mouth, hands and feet, and beautiful long flowing hair, while many of them were very fair. Very handsome youths were to be seen among them; all were naked and covered no part. Their bodies, legs, arms, hands, and even some of their faces, were all marked after the fashion of these Bissayans. And indeed, for a barbarous people, naked, and of so little reason, one could not restrain himself, at sight of them, from thanking God for having created them. And do not think this exaggeration, for it was so. These people invited us to their port, and were in turn invited to our flagship, and about forty of them came aboard. In comparison with them we appeared to be men of less than ordinary size. Among them was one who was thought to be a palmo taller than the tallest man of our fleet, although we had in the fleet men of more than average height. The general gave some of them shirts and other things, which they accepted with much pleasure, dancing after their fashion and calling others. But being annoyed at the liberties that they took, for they were great thieves, the general had a cannon fired, in order to frighten them. When they heard it they all swam ashore, seized their weapons, and at the sound of a conch threw a few stones at the ships and threatened us with their lances, for they had no other weapons. Our men fired their arquebuses at them from the ships and killed five or six of them, whereat they stopped. Our fleet sailed on and we discovered three other islands. This island has a circumference of about six leguas. We passed it on its southern side. On that side it is high and slopes precipitously to the sea, and has mountainous ravines where the Indians dwell. There seemed to be many inhabitants, for we saw them on the rocks and on the beach. And so we continued our course to the other three islands. The first, to which was given the name San Pedro, is about ten leguas from Magdalena, and like it extends northwest by north. It has a circumference of about three leguas. The island is beautiful, and rich in woods and fine fields. We did not ascertain whether it was inhabited or not, for we did not stop there. To the southeast and about five leguas from it lies another island to which the general gave the name of Dominica. It is very sightly, and to all appearances thickly populated, and has a circumference of about fifteen leguas. To the south and a little more than one legua from it lies another island with a circumference of about eight leguas, which received the name of Sancta Cristina. Our fleet passed through the channel that separates the one island from the other, for all that we saw of these islands is clear sailing. On the west side of Sancta Cristina, a good port was found, and there the fleet anchored. [70] These Indians did not seem to me to resemble the first; but many beautiful women were seen. I did not see the latter, but some who did assured me that in their opinion, they are as beautiful as the women in Lima, but light complexioned and not so tall—and the women in Lima are very beautiful. The articles of food seen in that port were swine and fowl, sugar-cane, excellent bananas, cocoanuts, and a fruit that grows on high trees. Each of the last is as large as a good-sized pineapple, and is excellent eating. Much of it was eaten green, roasted, and boiled. When ripe it is indeed so sweet and good that, in my estimation, there is no other that surpasses it. Scarcely any of it, except a little husk, has to be thrown away. [71] There was also another fruit with a flavor like that of chestnuts, but much larger in size than six chestnuts put together; much of this fruit was eaten roasted and boiled. Certain nuts with a very hard shell, and very oily, were also found, which were eaten in great quantities, and which, according to some, induced diarrhoea. We also saw some Castilian pumpkins growing. Near the beach there is a fine cascade of very clear water, which issues from a rock at the height of two men. Its volume is about the width of four or five fingers. Then near by there is a stream, from which the boats drew a full supply of water. The Indians fled to the forests and rocks, where they fortified themselves and tried to do some mischief, by throwing stones and rolling down rocks, but they never wounded anyone, for the master-of-camp restrained them, by placing outposts. The Indians of this island, on seeing one of our negroes, made signs toward the south, saying that there were men like him there, and that they were wont to go there to fight; that the others were armed with arrows; and that they make the journey thither in certain large canoes which they possess. Since there was no interpreter, or much curiosity to learn more, no further investigations were made, although, in my opinion, this is impossible for Indians so remote, unless there be a chain of islands; for their boats and their customs in other things show that they have not come from any great distance.

This port lies in an altitude of nine and one-half degrees. The adelantado ordered three crosses to be planted, and on Saturday, August fifth, to weigh anchor and set sail southwest by west. We sailed with easterly and east southeasterly winds, now southwest by west and now northwest by west, for about four hundred leguas. One Sunday, August twenty, we sighted four low islands with sandy beaches, abounding in palms and other trees. On the southeast side, towards the north, was seen a great sandbank. All four islands have a circuit of about twelve leguas. Whether they were inhabited or not, we could not tell, for we did not go to them. That year appeared to be one of talk, of which I speak with anger. These islands lie in an altitude of ten and three-quarters degrees. They were named San Bernardo, [72] because they were discovered on that saint's day. Thenceforward we began to meet southeasterly winds, which never failed us, and which seem to prevail in those regions. With these winds we continued to sail always in the said direction, never going above eleven or below ten degrees, until Tuesday, August twenty-nine, when we discovered a round islet, of about one legua in circumference, surrounded by reefs. We tried to land there, so that the almiranta could take on wood and water, of which there was great need, but could find no landing-place. We gave it the name of La Solitaria [Solitary Island]. It lies in an altitude of ten and two-thirds degrees, and is about one thousand five hundred and thirty five leguas from Lima. [73] From this island we continued to sail in the said course: a thing which drew a variety of opinions from the men, some saying that we did not know where we were going, and other things which did not fail to cause some hard feelings; but by the mercy of God, at midnight on the eve of Nuestra Senora de Setiembre [Our Lady of September], we sighted an island of about ninety or one hundred leguas in circumference, which extends almost east southeast and west northwest, and lies about one thousand eight hundred leguas from Lima. [74] The whole island is full of dense forests, even to the highest ridges; and where it was not cleared for the Indians' fields, not a palmo of earth could be seen. The ships anchored in a port on the north side of the island, in ten degrees of latitude. About seven leguas north of that port, there is a volcano with a very well shaped cone, which ejects much fire from its summit, and from other parts. The volcano is high and about three leguas in circumference. On the side toward the sea it is very steep and quite bare, and offers no landing; and it rumbles frequently and loudly within. Northeast of this volcano are several small inhabited islets, surrounded by many shoals. The distance to these islets is seven or eight leguas. The shoals extend about northwest, and one who saw them said that they were numerous. Around the large island were several small ones, and as we sailed around them, we found that they were all inhabited, even the large one. Within sight of this large island, and to the southeast of it, we saw another island of no great size. This must be the connecting link with the other islands. [75] After having put into port at the great island Sancta Cruz, as it had been named, the adelantado ordered Captain Don Lorenzo, his brother-in-law, to go with the frigate in search of the almiranta, of which I have no favorable conjectures, and which had disappeared on the night that we sighted the island. It was sought on this and on two other occasions, but nothing except the shoals above-mentioned were found. What was seen in the way of food in this bay and port was swine, fowl, bananas, sugar-cane, some two or three kinds of roots resembling sweet potatoes, which are eaten boiled or roasted and made into biscuits, buyos [i.e., betel], two kinds of excellent almonds, two kinds of pine-nuts, ring-doves and turtle-doves, ducks, gray and white herons, swallows, a great quantity of amaranth, Castilian pumpkins, the fruit which I mentioned as being in the first islands, chestnuts, and walnuts. Sweet basil, of great fragrance, and red flowers, which are kept in the gardens at that port, and two other kinds of different flowers, also red, are found. There is another fruit which grows on high trees, and resembles the pippin in its pleasing smell and savor; a great quantity of ginger grows wild there, as also of the herb chiquilite, from which indigo is made. [76] There are agave-trees, abundance of sagia [sago (?)], [77] and many cocoanuts. Marble is also to be seen, as well as pearl shells and large snail-shells, like those brought from China. There is a very copious spring and five or six rivers of small volume. There we settled close by the spring. The Indians endeavored to prevent us; but as the arquebus tells at a distance, upon seeing its deadly effects, their hostility was lukewarm, and they even gave us some of the things that they possessed. In this matter of procuring provisions, several cases of not over good treatment happened to the Indians; for the Indian who was our best friend and lord of that island, Malope by name, was killed, as well as two or three others, also friendly to us. No more of all the island than about three leguas about the camp was explored. The people of this island are black. They have small single-masted canoes for use about their villages; and some very large ones to use in the open sea. On Sunday, October eight, the adelantado had the master-of-camp stabbed. Tomas de Ampuero was also killed in the same way. Alferez Juan de Buitrago was beheaded; and the adelantado intended to have two others, friends of the master-of-camp, killed, but was restrained therefrom at our request. The cause of this was notorious, for these men tried to induce the adelantado to leave the land and abandon it. There must have been other reasons unknown to me; what I saw was much dissoluteness and shamelessness, and a great deal of improper conduct. On October eighteen, after a total eclipse of the moon on the seventeenth, the adelantado died; [78] November two, Don Lorenzo, his brother-in-law, who had succeeded him as captain-general; the priest Antonio de Serpa, seven or eight days before; and November eight the vicar, Juan de Espinosa. Disease was rampant among our men and many died for lack of care, and the want of an apothecary and doctor. The men begged the governor Dona Ysabel Barreto to take them out of the country. All agreed to embark, and by the mercy of God, we left this port on Saturday, the eighteenth of the said month, and sailed southwest by west toward the island of San Cristoval or rather in search of it, to see whether we could find it or the almiranta, in accordance with the governor's orders. For two days nothing was seen; and at the request of all the men, who cried out that we were taking them to destruction, she ordered me to steer from our settlement, located in ten and one-half degrees of latitude, to Manila. Thence I steered north northwest to avoid meeting islands on the way, since we were so ill prepared to approach any of them, with our men so sick that about fifty of them died in the course of the voyage and about forty there in the island. We continued our course short of provisions, navigating five degrees south and as many north, and meeting with many contrary winds and calms. When we reached an altitude of six long degrees north latitude, we sighted an island, apparently about twenty-five leguas in circumference, thickly wooded and inhabited by many people who resembled those of the Ladrones, and whom we saw coming toward us in canoes. From the southeast to the north and then to the southwest, it is surrounded by large reefs. [79] About four leguas west of it are some low islets. There, although we tried, we failed to find a suitable place to anchor; for the galliot and frigates which accompanied our ship had disappeared some days before. [80] From this place we continued the said course until we reached an altitude of thirteen and three-quarters degrees, and in the two days that we sailed west in this latitude, we sighted the islands of Serpana [i.e., Seypan] and Guan in the Ladrones. We passed between the two and did not anchor there, because we had no cable for lowering and hauling up the boat. This was the third of the month of January, one thousand five hundred and ninety-six. On the fourteenth of the same month we sighted the cape of Espiritu Sancto, and on the fifteenth we anchored in the bay of Cobos. [81] We reached there in such a state that only the goodness of God could have taken us thither; for human strength and resources would hardly have taken us a tenth of the way. We reached that place so dismantled and the crew so weak that we were a most piteous sight, and with only nine or ten jars of water. In this bay of Cobos the ship was repaired and the men recuperated as much as possible. On Tuesday, February second, we left the above port and bay, and on the tenth of the same month we anchored in the port of Cabite, etc.

Besides my desire to serve your Grace, I am moved to leave this brief relation for you, by the fact that if, perchance, God should dispose of my life, or other events should cause me or the relation that I carry to disappear, the truth may be learned from this one, which may prove a matter of great service to God and to the king our sovereign. [82] Will your Grace look favorably upon my great desire to serve you, of which I shall give a better proof, if God permit me to return to this port. Will your Grace also pardon my brevity, since the fault lies in the short time at my present disposal. Moreover, since no man knows what time may bring, I beg your Grace to keep the matter secret, for on considering it well, it seems only right that nothing be said about the first islands until his Majesty be informed and order what is convenient to his service, for, as the islands occupy a position midway between Peru, Nueva Espania, and this land, the English, on learning of them, might settle them and do much mischief in this sea. Your Grace, I consider myself as the faithful servant of your Grace. May God our Lord preserve you for many years in great joy and increasing prosperity, etc. Your Grace's servant, PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS To Doctor Antonio de Morga, lieutenant-governor of his Majesty in the Filipinas.

When Governor Don Francisco Tello entered upon his office, in the year ninety-six, he found the "San Geronymo," the ship in which Don Fernando de Castro and his wife Dona Ysabel Barreto were returning to Nueva Espana, preparing for the voyage in the port of Cabite. He also found there the galleon "San Felipe" laden with Filipinas goods, preparing to make its voyage to Nueva Espana. As soon as Governor Don Francisco Tello entered upon his administration, both ships were despatched and set sail. Although the "San Geronymo" sailed last, it made the voyage, reaching Nueva Espania at the end of the said year of ninety-six. The vessel "San Felipe," which was a large ship and heavily laden with merchandise and passengers, and whose commander and general was Don Mathia de Landecho, encountered many storms on the voyage, so that at one time it became necessary to throw considerable cargo overboard, and they lost their rudder while in thirty-seven degrees of latitude, six hundred leguas from the Filipinas, and a hundred and fifty from Xapon. Seeing themselves unable to continue their voyage, it was decided to put back to the Filipinas. They set about this and changed their course, but experienced even greater difficulties and trials. Many times they gave themselves up as lost, for the seas ran high, and as the vessel had no rudder, the rigging and few sails were carried away, and blown into shreds. They could not hold the vessel to its course, and it worked so often to windward that they were in great danger of foundering, and lost all hope of reaching the Filipinas. Xapon was the nearest place, but not sufficiently near to enable them to reach it or to venture near its coast which is very wild, and unknown to them even by sight; and even should they have the good fortune to reach it, they did not know how the Japanese would receive them. At this juncture arose confusion and a diversity of opinion among the men aboard. Some said that they should not abandon the course to Manila, in spite of the great peril and discomfort that they were experiencing. Others said that it would be a rash act to do so, and that, since Xapon was much nearer, they should make for it, and look for the port of Nangasaqui, between which and the Filipinas trade was carried on. There they would be well received and would find means to repair their ships, and of resuming the voyage thence. This opinion prevailed, for some religious in the ship adopted it, and the rest coincided with them, on the assurance of the pilots that they would quickly take the ship to Xapon. Accordingly they altered their course for that country, and after six days sighted the coast and country of Xapon, at a province called Toca; [83] and although they tried by day to reach the land, at night, when they lowered the sails, the tide carried them away from it. Many funeas [84] came to the ship from a port called Hurando, and the Spaniards, persuaded by the king of that province, who assured them of harbor, tackle, and repairs, entered the port, after having sounded and examined the entrance, and whether the water was deep enough. The Japanese, who were faithless, and did this with evil intent, towed the ship into the port, leading and guiding it onto a shoal, where, for lack of water, it touched and grounded. Therefore the Spaniards were obliged to unload the ship and take all the cargo ashore close to the town, to a stockade which was given them for that purpose. For the time being the Japanese gave the Spaniards a good reception, but as to repairing the ship and leaving port again, the latter were given to understand that it could not be done without permission and license from Taicosama, the sovereign of Japon, who was at his court in Miaco, one hundred leguas from that port. General Don Matia de Landecho and his companions, in order to lose no time, resolved to send their ambassadors to court with a valuable gift from the ship's cargo for Taicosama, to beg him to order their departure. They sent on this mission Christoval de Mercado, three other Spaniards, Fray Juan Pobre, of the Franciscan order, and Fray Juan Tamayo, of the Augustinian order, who were aboard the vessel. They were to confer concerning this affair with Taico in Miaco, and were to avail themselves of the Franciscan fathers who were in Miaco. The latter had gone as ambassadors from the Filipinas to settle matters between Xapon and Manila, and were residing at court in a permanent house and hospital, with Taico's sufferance. There they were making a few converts, although with considerable opposition from the religious of the Society of Jesus established in the same kingdom. The latter asserted other religious to be forbidden by apostolic briefs and royal decrees to undertake or engage in the conversion of Japon. The king of Hurando, although to all appearances friendly and kind to the Spaniards in his port, took great care to keep them and their merchandise secure. He immediately sent word to court that that ship of foreigners called Nambajies [85] had been wrecked there, and that the Spaniards had brought great riches. This kindled Taicosama's greed, who, in order to get possession of them, sent Ximonojo, one of his favorites and a member of his council, to Hurando. Ximonojo, upon his arrival, took possession of all the merchandise, and imprisoned the Spaniards within a well-guarded palisade, after having forced them to give up all their possessions and what they had hid, under pain of death. Having exercised great rigor therein, he returned to court, after granting permission to the general and others of his suite to go to Miaco. The ambassadors who had been sent before to Miaco with the present, were unable to see Taico, although the present was accepted; nor did they succeed in making any profitable arrangement, although father Fray Pedro Baptista, superior of the Franciscan religious residing there, employed many methods for the purpose of remedying the grievance of the Spaniards. These attempts only served to intensify the evil; for the favorites, who were infidels and hated the religious for making converts at court, on seeing Taico so bent upon the riches of the ship and so unwilling to listen to any restitution, not only did not ask him to do so, but in order to make the matter easier, and taking advantage of the occasion, set Taicosama against the Spaniards; telling him that the religious and the men from the ship were all subjects of one sovereign, and conquerors of others' kingdoms. They said that the Spaniards did this by first sending their religious to the kingdoms, and then entered after with their arms, and that they would do this with Xapon. They were aided in this purpose by the fact that when the favorite, who went to seize the property of the ship, was in Hurando, its pilot, Francisco de Sanda, had shown him the sea-chart in which could be seen all the countries which had been discovered, and Espana and the other kingdoms possessed by his Majesty, among which were Piru and Nueva Espana. When the favorite asked how those distant kingdoms had been gained, the pilot replied that the religious had entered first and preached their religion, and then the soldiers had followed and subdued them. It is true that the said pilot imprudently gave those reasons, which Ximonojo noted well and kept in mind, in order to relate them to Taicosama whenever a suitable opportunity should present itself, which he now did.

All this, together with the persistency with which the religious begged Taico to restore the merchandise to the Spaniards, resulted in angering him thoroughly, and like the barbarous and so avaricious tyrant that he was, he gave orders to crucify them all and all the religious who preached the religion of Namban [86] in his kingdoms. Five religious who were in the house at Miaco were immediately seized, together with another from the "San Felipe" who had joined them, and all the Japanese preachers and teachers. [87] It was also understood that the persecution would extend to the other orders and Christians in Japon, whereupon all received great fear and confusion. But later Taico's wrath was moderated, for, allowing himself to be entreated, he declared that only the religious who had been found in the house at Miaco, and their companions, the Japanese preachers and teachers, who were arrested, would be crucified; and that all the others, together with the Spaniards of the ship, would be allowed to return to Manila. Fonzanbrandono, brother of Taracabadono, governor of Nangasaqui, was entrusted with the execution of the order. He placed all those who were taken from the house of the Franciscan religious at Miaco on ox-carts, under a strong guard; namely, Fray Pedro Baptista, Fray Martin de Aguirre, Fray Felipe de las Casas, Fray Goncalo, Fray Francisco Blanco, Fray Francisco de San Miguel, and twenty-six [sic] Japanese preachers and teachers with two boys who were in the service of the religious. Their right ears were cut off, and they were paraded through the streets of Miaco and through those of the cities of Fugimen, Usaca, and Sacai, [88] to the great grief and sorrow of all Christians who saw their sufferings. The sentence and cause of their martyrdom was written on a tablet in Chinese characters, which was carried hanging on a spear; and read as follows.

Sentence of the Combaco, [89] lord of Xapon, against the discalced religious and their teachers, whom he has ordered to be martyred in Nangasaqui.

Inasmuch as these men came from the Luzones, from the island of Manila, in the capacity of ambassadors, and were allowed to remain in the city of Miaco, preaching the Christian religion, which in former years I have strictly forbidden: I order that they be executed together with the Japanese who embraced their religion. Therefore these twenty-four [sic] men will be crucified in the city of Nangasaqui. And whereas I again forbid the teaching of this religion henceforward: let all understand this. I command that this decree be carried out; and should any person dare to violate this order, he shall be punished together with his whole family. Given on the first of Echo, and second of the moon. [90]

Thus these holy men were taken to Nangasaqui. There, on a hill sown with wheat, in sight of the town and port, and near a house and hospital called San Lazaro, established in Nangasaqui by the said religious on their first coming from the Filipinas, before going up to the capital, they were all crucified in a row. The religious were placed in the middle and the others on either side upon high crosses, with iron staples at their throats, hands, and feet, and with long, sharp iron lances thrust up from below and crosswise through their sides. [91] Thus did they render their souls to their Creator for whom they died with great resolution, on the fifth of February, day of St. Agueda, of the year one thousand five hundred and ninety-seven. They left behind in that ploughed field, and through it in all that kingdom, a great quantity of seed sown, which they watered with their blood, and from which we hope to gather abundant fruit of a numerous conversion to our holy Catholic faith. Before these holy men were crucified, they wrote a letter to Doctor Antonio de Morga, in Manila, by the hand of Fray Martin de Aguirre, which reads word for word as follows.

To Doctor Morga, lieutenant-governor of Manila, whom may God protect, etc., Manila.

Farewell, Doctor! farewell! Our Lord, not regarding my sins, has, in His mercy, been pleased to make me one of a band of twenty-four [sic] servants of God, who are about to die for love of Him. Six of us are friars of St. Francis, and eighteen are native Japanese. With hopes that many more will follow in the same path, may your Grace receive the last farewell and the last embraces of all this company, for we all acknowledge the support which you have manifested toward the affairs of this conversion. And now, in taking leave, we beg of you—and I especially—to make the protection of this field of Christendom the object of your special care. Since you are a father, and look with favor upon all things which may concern the mission of the religious in this conversion, so may your Grace find one who will protect and intercede for you before God in time of need. Farewell sir! Will your Grace give my last adieu to Dona Juana. May our Lord preserve, etc. From the road to execution, January twenty-eight, one thousand five hundred and ninety-seven.

This king's greed has been much whetted by what he stole from the "San Felipe." It is said that next year he will go to Luzon, and that he does not go this year because of being busy with the Coreans. In order to gain his end, he intends to take the islands of Lequios [92] and Hermosa, throw forces from them into Cagayan, and thence to fall upon Manila, if God does not first put a stop to his advance. Your Graces will attend to what is fitting and necessary. [93]

FRAY MARTIN DE LA ASCENCION

The bodies of the martyrs, although watched for many days by the Japanese, were removed by bits (especially those of the monks) from the crosses as relics by the Christians of the place, who very reverently distributed them around. Together with the staples and the wood of the crosses they are now scattered throughout Christendom.

Two other religious of the same band, who were out of the house at the time of the arrest, did not suffer this martyrdom. One, called Fray Geronimo de Jesus, [94] hid himself and went inland, in order not to leave the country; the other, called Fray Agustin Rodriguez, was sheltered by the fathers of the Society, who sent him away by way of Macan. General Don Mathia and the Spaniards of the ship, naked and stripped, left Japon. They embarked at Nangasaqui and went to Manila in various ships which make that voyage for the Japanese and Portuguese. The first news of this event was learned from them in the month of May of ninety-seven. Great grief and sadness was caused by the news, in the death of the holy religious, and in the disturbances which were expected to take place in future dealings between Japon and the Filipinas; as well as in the loss of the galleon and its cargo en route to Nueva Espana. The value of the vessel was over one million [pesos?], and caused great poverty among the Spaniards. After considering the advisable measures to take under the circumstances, it was ultimately decided that, in order not to allow the matter to pass, a circumspect man should be sent to Japon with letters from the governor to Taicosama. The letters were to set forth the governor's anger at the taking of the ship and merchandise from the Spaniards, and at the killing of the religious; and were also to request Taicosama to make all the reparation possible, by restoring and returning the merchandise to the Spaniards, and the artillery, tackle, and spoils of the vessel that were left, as well as the bodies of the religious whom he had crucified; and Taicosama was so to arrange matters thenceforth, that Spaniards should not be so treated in his kingdom.

The governor sent Don Luis Navarrete [95] Fajardo as bearer of this message, and a present of some gold and silver ornaments, swords, and valuable cloth for Taicosama. He also sent him an elephant well caparisoned and covered with silk, and with its naires [i.e., elephant keepers] in the same livery, a thing never before seen in Xapon. According to the custom of that kingdom, Don Luis was to make the present to Taico when he presented his embassy, for the Japanese are wont to give or receive embassies in no other manner. When Don Luys de Navarrete reached Nangasaqui, Taicosama readily sent from the court for the ambassador and for the present which had been sent him from Luzon, for he was anxious to see the gifts, especially the elephant, with which he was greatly delighted. He heard the embassy and replied with much ostentation and display, exculpating himself from the death of the religious upon whom he laid the blame, saying that after he had forbidden them to christianize, or teach their religion, they had disregarded his orders in his own court. Likewise, the seizure of the ship and its merchandise, which entered the port of Hurando in the province of Toza, had been a justifiable procedure, according to the laws of Japon, because all ships lost on its coast belong to the king, with their merchandise. Nevertheless, he added that he was sorry for all that had happened, and that he would return the merchandise had it not been distributed. As to the religious, there was no remedy for it. But he begged the governor of Manila not to send such persons to Xapon, for he had again passed laws forbidding the making of Christians under pain of death. He would deliver whatever had remained of the bodies of the religious and would be glad to have peace and friendship with the Luzon Islands and the Spaniards, and for his part, would endeavor to secure it. He said that if any other vessel came to his kingdom from Manila, he would give orders that it be well received and well treated. With this reply and a letter of the same purport for the governor, Don Luys Navarrete was dismissed. He was given a present for the governor consisting of lances, armor, and catans, considered rare and valuable by the Japanese. The ambassador thereupon left Miaco and went to Nangasaqui, whence by the first ship sailing to Manila, he sent word to Governor Don Francisco concerning his negotiations. But the message itself was taken later to Manila by another person, on account of the illness and death of Don Luis in Nangasaqui. Taicosama rejoiced over his answer to the ambassador, for he had practically done nothing of what was asked of him. His reply was more a display of dissembling and compliments than a desire for friendship with the Spaniards. He boasted and published arrogantly, and his favorites said in the same manner, that the Spaniards had sent him that present and embassy through fear, and as an acknowledgment of tribute and seigniory, so that he might not destroy them as he had threatened them at other times in the past, when Gomez Perez Dasmarinas was governor. And even then the Spaniards had sent him a message and a present by Fray Juan Cobo, the Dominican, and Captain Llanos.

The Japanese Faranda Quiemon sought war with Manila, and the favorites who aided him did not neglect to beg Taico not to lose the opportunity of conquering that city. They said that it would be easy, since there were but few Spaniards there; that a fleet could be sent there quickly, which Faranda would accompany. The latter assured Taico of success, as one who knew the country and its resources. They urged him so continually that Taico entrusted Faranda with the enterprise, and gave him some supplies and other assistance toward it. Faranda began to prepare ships and Chinese for the expedition, which he was never able to carry out; for, being a man naturally low and poor, he possessed neither the ability nor the means sufficient for the enterprise. His protectors themselves did not choose to assist him, and so his preparations were prolonged until the enterprise was abandoned at the death of Taico, and his own death, as will be stated later.

Meanwhile news was constantly reaching Manila that a fleet was being equipped in Japon, completely under the supervision of Faranda, and it naturally caused some anxiety among the people in spite of their courage and determination to resist him, for the enemy was arrogant and powerful. Although the city was thoroughly resolved and determined to resist him, yet the governor and city would never show openly that they were aware of the change which Taico was about to make, in order not to precipitate the war or give the other side any reason for hastening it. Trusting to time for the remedy, they so disposed affairs in the city, that they might be ready for any future emergency. They sent the Japanese who had settled in Manila—and they were not few—back to Xapon, and made those who came in merchant ships give up their weapons until their return, which they endeavored to hasten as much as possible; but in all other respects, they treated them hospitably. And because it was heard that Taico intended to take possession of the island of Hermosa, a well-provisioned island off the Chinese coast, very near Luzon, and on the way to Xapon, in order to make it serve as a way-station for his fleet, and thus carry on more easily the war with Manila, the governor sent two ships of the fleet under command of Don Juan de Camuzio, to reconnoiter that island and all its ports, and the nature of the place, in order to be the first to take possession of it. At least, if means and time should fail him, he was to advise China, and the viceroys of the provinces of Canton and Chincheo, so that, since the latter were old-time enemies of Xapon, they might prevent the Japanese from entering the island, which would prove so harmful to all of them. In these measures and precautions several days were spent in the matter. However, nothing was accomplished by this expedition to Hermosa Island beyond advising Great China of Xapon's designs.

Several days after the imprisonment of Father Alonso Ximenez in Cochinchina where Captain and Sargento-mayor Juan Xuarez Gallinato had left him, the kings of Tunquin and Sinua permitted him to return to Manila. He took passage for Macan in a Portuguese vessel. Not only did he arrive unwearied by his voyages, hardships, and imprisonment, but with renewed energy and spirits proposed to set on foot again the expedition to Camboja. Although little was known of the state of affairs in that kingdom, and of the restoration of Prauncar to his throne, he together with other religious of his order, persuaded Don Luys Dasmarinas, upon whom he exercised great influence, and who was then living in Manila, taking no part in government affairs, and inclined him to broach the subject of making this expedition anew and in person and at his own expense, from which would ensue good results for the service of God and of his Majesty. Don Luys discussed the matter with Governor Don Francisco Tello, and offered to bear all the expense of the expedition. But a final decision was postponed until the receipt of news from Camboja, for their only information was that Blas Ruyz and Diego Belloso, leaving Captain Gallinato and his ships in Cochinchina, had gone to Lao.

At the departure of Don Juan Ronquillo and his camp from Mindanao River, the people of Tampacan were so disheartened, and the spirit of those of Buhahayen so increased that, in spite of the friendship that they had made, and the homage that they had rendered, they became declared enemies [to the former]. Matters returned to their former state, so that, not only did the inhabitants of Buhahayen not dismantle their forts, as they had promised to do, but they repaired them and committed other excesses against their neighbors of Tampacan. They would have altogether broken into open war, had they not feared that the Spaniards would return better prepared and in larger number, as they had left the garrison at La Caldera with that intention. Thus they let matters stand, neither declaring themselves fully as rebels, nor observing the laws of friendship toward the men of Tampacan and other allies of the Spaniards.

Near the island of Mindanao lies an island called Jolo, not very large, but thickly populated with natives, all Mahometans. They number about three thousand men, and have their own lord and king. When Governor Francisco de Sande was returning from his expedition to Borneo, he sent Captain Estevan Rodriguez de Figueroa to Jolo. He entered the island and reduced the natives to his Majesty's rule as above related. The natives were apportioned to Captain Pedro de Osseguera for his lifetime, and after his death, to his son and successor, Don Pedro de Osseguera. He asked and collected for several years what tribute they chose to give him, which was but slight, without urging more, in order not to make a general disturbance. While Don Juan Ronquillo was with his camp in Mindanao, the men of Jolo, seeing Spanish affairs flourishing, were willing to enjoy peace and pay their tribute; but at the departure of the Spaniards, they became lukewarm again. Captain Juan Pacho, who commanded the presidio of La Caldera in Don Juan Ronquillo's absence, having sent some soldiers to barter for wax, the Joloans maltreated them and killed two of them. Juan Pacho, with the intention of punishing this excess of the Joloans, went there in person with several boats and thirty soldiers. As he landed, a considerable body of Joloans descended from their king's town, which is situated on a high and strongly-fortified hill, and attacked the Spaniards. Through the number of the natives and the Spaniards' inability to make use of their arquebuses, on account of a heavy shower, the latter were routed, and Captain Juan Pacho and twenty of his followers killed. The rest wounded and in flight took to their boats and returned to La Caldera.

This event caused great grief in Manila, especially because of the reputation lost by it, both among the Joloans, and their neighbors, the people of Mindanao. Although it was considered necessary to punish the Joloans in order to erase this disgrace, yet as this should be done signally and just then there was not sufficient preparation, it was deferred until a better opportunity. Only Captain Villagra was sent immediately as commander of the presidio of La Caldera, with some soldiers. Having arrived there, they spent their time in pleasure, until their provisions were consumed, and the garrison suffering. They were maintained and supported because of the slight protection that the people of Tampacan felt, knowing that there were Spaniards on the island, and hoped for the arrival of more Spaniards, as Don Juan had promised them, and for punishment and vengeance upon the men of Jolo.

While affairs in the Filipinas were in this condition, ships from Nueva Espana arrived at Manila, in the month of May, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight. These ships brought despatches ordering the reestablishment of the royal Audiencia, which had been suppressed in the Filipinas some years before. Don Francisco Tello, who was governing the country, was named and appointed its president; Doctor Antonio de Morga and Licentiates Christoval Telles Almacan and Alvaro Rodriguez Zambrano, auditors; and Licentiate Geronymo de Salazar, fiscal; and other officials of the Audiencia were also appointed. By the same ships arrived the archbishop, Fray Ignacio de Sanctivanes, who enjoyed the archbishopric only for a short time, for he died of dysentery in, the month of August of the same year. The bishop of Sebu, Fray Pedro de Agurto came also. On the eighth of May of this year-five hundred and ninety-eight, the royal seal of the Audiencia was received. It was taken from the monastery of San Agustin to the cathedral upon a horse caparisoned with cloth of gold and crimson, and under a canopy of the same material. The staves of the canopy were carried by the regidors of the city, who were clad in robes of crimson velvet lined with white silver cloth, and in breeches and doublets of the same material. The horse that carried the seal in a box of cloth of gold covered with brocade was led on the right by him who held the office of alguacil-mayor, who was clad in cloth of gold and wore no cloak. Surrounding the horse walked the president and auditors, all afoot and bareheaded. In front walked a throng of citizens clad in costly gala dress; behind followed the whole camp and the soldiers, with their drums and banners, and their arms in hand, and the captains and officers at their posts, with the master-of-camp preceding them, staff in hand. The streets and windows were richly adorned with quantities of tapestry and finery, and many triumphal arches, and there was music from flutes, trumpets, and other instruments. When the seal was taken to the door of the cathedral of Manila, the archbishop in pontifical robes came out with the cross, accompanied by the chapter and clergy of the church to receive it. Having lifted the box containing the seal from the horse under the canopy, the archbishop placed it in the hands of the president. Then the auditors went into the church with him, while the band of singers intoned the Te Deum laudamus. They reached the main altar, upon the steps of which stood a stool covered with brocade. Upon this they placed the box with the seal. All knelt and the archbishop chanted certain prayers to the Holy Spirit for the health and good government of the king, our sovereign. Then the president took the box with the seal, and with the same order and music with which it had been brought into the church it was carried out and replaced upon the horse. The archbishop and clergy remained at the door of the church, while the cortege proceeded to the royal buildings. The said box containing the royal seal was placed and left in a beautifully-adorned apartment, with a covering of cloth of gold and crimson, on a table covered with brocade and cushions of the same material, which stood under a canopy of crimson velvet embroidered with the royal arms. Then the royal order for the establishment of the Audiencia was publicly read there, and the nominations for president, auditors, and fiscal. Homage was done them and the usual oath administered. The president proceeded to the Audiencia hall, where the court rooms were well arranged and contained a canopy for the royal arms. There the president, auditors, and fiscal took their seats and received the ministers and officials of the Audiencia. Then the ordinances of the Audiencia were read in the presence of as many citizens as could find room in the hall. This completed the establishment of the Audiencia on that day. Thenceforth it has exercised its functions, and has had charge and disposition in all cases, both civil and criminal, of its district. The latter includes the Filipinas Islands and all the mainland, of China discovered or to be discovered. In charge of the president who acts as governor of the land, were all government affairs according to royal laws, ordinances, and special orders, which were acted on and brought before the Audiencia.

A few days after the Chancilleria of the Filipinas had been established in Manila, news arrived of events in the kingdom of Camboja after the arrival of Prauncar—son and successor of Prauncar Langara, who died in Laos—together with Diego Belloso and Blas Ruyz de Hernan Gonzalez, and of his victories and restoration to the throne, as has already been related. [The news came] in letters from King Prauncar to Governor Don Francisco Tello and Doctor Antonio de Morga. They were signed by the king's hand and seal in red ink. The letters were written in Castilian so that they might be better understood. Since they were alike in essence, I thought it proper to reproduce here the letter written by King Prauncar to Doctor Antonio de Morga, which reads word for word as follows.

Prauncar, King of Camboja, to Doctor Antonio de Morga, greeting; to whom I send this letter with great love and joy.

I, Prauncar, King of the rich land of Camboja, I, sole lord of it, the great, cherish an ardent love for Doctor Antonio de Morga, whom I am unable to keep from my thoughts, because I have learned through Captain Chofa Don Blas, the Castilian, that he, from the kindness of his heart, took an active part and has assisted the governor of Luzon to send to this country Captain Chofa Don Blas, the Castilian, and Captain Chofa Don Diego, the Portuguese, with soldiers to find King Prauncar my father. Having searched for him in vain, the two chofas and the soldiers killed Anacaparan, who was reigning as sole great lord. Then they went with their ships to Cochinchina, whence the two chofas went to Lao, to find the king of this land. They brought me back to my kingdom, and I am here now through their aid. The two chofas and other Spaniards who have come, have helped me to pacify what I now hold. I understand that all this has come to me because the doctor loves this country. Hence I shall act so that Doctor Antonio de Morga may always love me as he did my father Prauncar, and assist me now by sending fathers for the two chofas and the other Spaniards and Christians who dwell in my kingdom. I shall build them churches and permit them to christianize whatever Cambodians choose to become Christians. I shall provide them with servants and I shall protect them as did formerly King Prauncar my father. I shall provide Doctor Antonio de Morga with whatever will be useful to him from this country. The two chofas have received the lands which I promised them. To Captain Don Blas, the Castilian, I gave the province of Tran, and to Captain Chofa Don Diego, the Portuguese, the province of Bapano. These provinces I grant and bestow upon them for the services which they have rendered me and in payment for the property they have spent in my service, so that they may possess and enjoy them as their own, and do what they will with them while in my service. [96]