"Two of these American Negroes, walking up the main street of St. Nazaire, saw on the other side of the thoroughfare a brother of color wearing the lighter blue uniform of a French soldier. This French Negro was a colonial black from the north of Africa and of course had spoken nothing but French from the day he was born. One of the American Negroes crossed the street and accosted him.

"'Looka here, boy', he inquired good-naturedly, 'what can you all tell me about this here wah?'

"'Comment, monsieur?' responded the non-understanding French black, and followed the rejoinder with a torrent of excited French.

"The American Negro's mouth fell open. For a minute he looked startled, and then he bulged one large round eye suspiciously at the French black while he inwardly debated on the possibility that he had become color-blind. Having reassured himself, however, that his vision was not at fault, he made a sudden decision and started on a new tack.

"'Now, never mind that high-faluting language' he said, 'you all just tell me what you know about this here wah and quit you' putting on aihs.'

"The puzzled French Negro could only reply with another explosion of French interrogations, coupled with vigorous gesticulations. The American Negro tried to talk at the same time and both of them endeavoring to make the other understand, increased the volumes of their tones until they were standing there waving their arms and shouting into one another's faces. The American gave it up.

"'My Gawd', he said shaking his head as he recrossed the street and joined his comrades, 'this is sure some funny country. They got the ignorantest colored people here I ever saw.'"

It has been noted that the first Negro combatant regiment to reach France was the celebrated National Guard organization known as the 15th New York Infantry, rechristened the 369th when made a part of the 93rd division of the United States army. This was such a well drilled and equipped regiment that early in the war it was permitted to go across with the first 100,000; all of which was due to the aggressiveness and insistence of its white commander, Colonel William Hayward. He simply gave the war department no rest, stating that he was willing his men should unload ships, fell trees and build docks or cantonments so long as they were permitted to sail.

The regiment had been organized by Colonel Hayward at the suggestion of Governor Whitman of New York. It was to be patterned after the 8th Illinois where colored men of means sufficient to support commissions, were the officers. The regiment was started in June 1916 and by October had 1,000 in the ranks. Colonel Hayward was the only white officer, the Negro commission-holders at that time being Captain Marshall, Captain Fillmore, Lieutenant Lacey, Lieutenant Reed and Lieutenant Europe. The latter was attached to the Machine Gun section but became later the famous musician of the outfit. He was the only Negro officer who remained with the regiment throughout, the others being superseded or transferred after several months service in France.

Early in 1917, the Federal government said it would recognize the regiment if it could muster fifty-one officers. As recruiting had been slow and a Negro regiment in New York was looked upon as an experiment, Colonel Hayward was obliged to secure the needed officers from among his friends in the 7th New York, the Motor Battery, Squadron A and other organizations. By this time the enlisted strength had grown to 1,200. On April 8, 1917, two days after the United States entered the war, the regiment was inspected by Federal officers and a week later was recognized as a regular unit of the Federal Guard.

But, as the Colonel expressed it, they were a "street urchin of a regiment." They had no armory, no place to drill except in the open and no place where more than a single company at a time could meet. In his post-war observations, the Colonel has noted that when the regiment returned to these shores and was feasted and entertained by the people of New York in the 71st regiment armory, it was the first occasion on which the old 15th was ever assembled under one roof.

After its Federal recognition the regiment was sent to the Peekskill rifle range to learn to shoot, a valuable experience as developed later. Many of the boys became expert marksmen, a skill that became of precious value to them and their comrades.

In June, 1917, they went to a war strength of 2,000 men and 56 officers. One battalion did pioneer work at Camp Upton, another at Camp Dix. A third guarded 600 miles of railroads in New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. The Machine Gun company guarded 2,000 interned spies and pro-German prisoners at Ellis Island. Colonel Hayward has pointed with pride to the fact that in all their territory there was not a wreck, an explosion, an escaped prisoner or any other trouble. Two battalions later went to Spartanburg for training, but remained there only a couple of weeks.

"I wonder what got those colored boys to volunteer" someone asked their colonel as they were embarking for France. He replied: "I have often thought of that. With many the cause was sheer patriotism. Others said they had gone into the 15th for social reasons, to meet with their friends. One—this seemed to me a most pathetic touch—said: 'I j'ined up because when Colonel Hayward asked me it was the first time anyone had ever asked me to j'ine up with anything in my whole lifetime.'"

If any great amount of superstition had existed among the men or officers of the New York regiment, they would have been greatly depressed over the series of incidents that preceded their arrival in France. In the first place they had been assigned to police and pioneer duty at camps near New York, a duty which no fighting man relishes. They embarked on the transport Pocahontas November 12, 1917. Two hundred miles at sea a piston rod was bent and the vessel put back to port. They got away again December 3, were out a day and had to return on account of fire in the coal bunkers. A third attempt on December 12, in a blizzard, was frustrated by a collision with a tanker in New York harbor.

After this series of bad starts, anyone inclined to indulge in forebodings would have predicted the certainty of their becoming prey for the submarines on the way over. But the fourth attempt proved successful and they landed in France on December 27, 1917. They had hoped to celebrate Christmas day on French soil, but were forced by the elements and the precautions of convoys and sailing master to observe the anniversary on board the ship.

The Colonel undoubtedly thought that those first in France would be the first to get a chance at the Boche, but the department took him at his word, and for over two months his men were kept busy in the vicinity of St. Nazaire, largely as laborers and builders. Early in 1918 they went into training quarters near St. Nazaire. The 371st, another Negro regiment, made up of draft selectives principally from South Carolina, was later given quarters nearby.

The black soldiers of the 369th were brigaded as a part of the 16th division of the 8th Corps of the 4th French Army. From St. Nazaire they went to Givrey-En-Argonne, and there in three weeks the French turned them into a regulation French regiment. They had Lebel rifles, French packs and French gas masks. For 191 days they were in the trenches or on the field of battle. In April, 1918, the regiment held 20 percent of all the territory held by American troops, though it comprised less than one percent of all the American soldiers in France.

Officers of the 369th reported for an entire year only six cases of drunkenness, and twenty-four of serious disease. The regiment fought in the Champagne, in the Vosges mountains, on the Aisne, at Main de Massiges, Butte de Mesnil, Dormouse, Sechault, the Argonne, Ripont, Kuppinase, Tourbe, and Bellevue Ridge. It was the first unit of any of the Allied armies to reach the left bank of the Rhine following the signing of the armistice, moving from Thann on November 17th and reaching Blodesheim the next day.

Negro soldiers were a source of terror to the Germany throughout the war, and objects of great curiosity to the German people afterwards. Wherever they appeared in the area occupied by the Americans they attracted great attention among the civilians. In Treves, Coblenz and other places during the early days of the occupation, crowds assembled whenever Negro soldiers stopped in the streets and it became necessary for the military police to enforce the orders prohibiting gatherings in the public thoroughfares.

Returning soldiers have told how they were followed in the German towns by great troops of stolid, wide-eyed German children who could not seem to decide in their minds just what sort of being these Negro fighters were. The curiosity of the children no doubt was inspired by stories told among their elders of the ferocity of these men.

The Associated Press has related a conversation with a discharged German soldier in Rengsdorf, in which it is stated that the German army early in the war offered a reward for the capture alive of each Negro. The soldier said that throughout the war the Germans lived in great terror of the Negroes, and it was to overcome this fear that rewards were offered.

One evening on the front a scouting party composed of ten Germans including the discharged soldier, encountered two French Negroes. In the fight which followed two of the scouting party were killed. One of the Negroes escaped the other being taken prisoner. During the fight two of the Germans left their comrades and ran to the protection of their own trenches, but these it was explained, were young soldiers and untrained. The reward of 400 marks subsequently was divided among the remaining six Germans for capturing the one French Negro.

The 93rd division, which was made up of the 369th, 370th, 371st and the 372nd regiments of infantry, was put into service green, so green they did not know the use of rockets and thought a gas alarm and the tooting of sirens meant that the Germans were coming in automobiles. The New York regiment came largely from Brooklyn and the district around West 59th street in New York City, called San Juan Hill in reference to certain notable achievements of Negro troops at a place of that name in the Spanish-American war.

They learned the game of war rapidly. The testimony of their officers was to the effect that it was not hard to send them into danger—the hard part being to keep them from going into it of their own accord. It was necessary to watch them like hawks to keep them from slipping off on independent raiding parties.

The New York regiment had a band of 40 pieces, second to none in the American army. It is stated that the officers and men in authority in the French billeting places had difficulty in keeping the villagers from following the band away when it played plantation airs and syncopations as only Negroes can play them.

On April 12, 1918, the 369th took over a sector of 5-1/2 kilometers in the Bois de Hauzy on the left of a fringe of the Argonne Forest. There they stayed until July 1st. There was no violent fighting in the sector, but many raids back and forth by the Negroes and the Germans, rifle exchanges and occasionally some artillery action.

One important engagement occurred June 12th, which the soldiers called the million dollar raid, because they thought the preparatory barrage of the Germans must have cost all of that. The Germans came over, probably believing they would find the Negro outfit scared stiff. But the Negro lads let them have grenades, accurate rifle fire and a hail from some concealed machine gun nests. Sergt. Bob Collins was later given the Croix de Guerre for his disposition of the machine guns on that occasion.

While holding the sector of Hauzy Wood, the 369th was the only barrier between the German army and Paris. However, had there been an attempt to break through, General Gouraud, the French army commander, would have had strength enough there at once to stop it. About this time everyone in the Allied armies knew that the supreme German effort was about to come. It was felt as a surety that the brunt of the drive would fall upon the 4th French Army, of which the 369th regiment and other portions of the American 93rd Division were a part. This army was holding a line 50 kilometers long, stretching between Rheims and the Argonne Forest. It was the intention of the Germans to capture Chalons and then proceed down the Marne Valley to Paris. It was expected that the big German drive would begin on July 4th, but as it turned out it did not begin until the night of the 14th—the French national holiday.

On July 1st, the 369th had been moved from its sector further toward the east where the center of the attack was expected. Upon the 14th of July the French made a raid for the purpose of getting prisoners and information. This had a tremendous effect upon the whole course of the war, for through it General Gouraud's staff learned that at midnight the Boche artillery preparation was to begin, and at 5:25 o'clock on the morning of the 15th the Germans were coming over the top.

This phase of the operation is described by Col. Hayward as follows:

"This is what Gen. Gouraud—Pa Gouraud we called him—did: He knew the Boche artillery would at the appointed hour start firing on our front lines, believing as was natural, that they would be strongly held. So he withdrew all his forces including the old 15th, to the intermediate positions, which were at a safe distance back of the front lines. Then, at the point where he expected would be the apex of the drive he sent out two patrols, totalling sixteen men.

"These sixteen had certain camouflage to perform. They were to set going a certain type of French machine gun which would fire of its own accord for awhile after being started off. They were to run from one of these guns to the other and start them. Also the sixteen were to send up rockets, giving signals, which the Germans of course knew as well as we. Then again they were to place gas shells—with the gas flowing out of them—in all the dugouts of the first line. Meanwhile the French artillery had registered directly on our own front trenches, so that it could slaughter the Germans when they came across, believing those trenches to be occupied as usual.

"Everything worked out as expected, and as luck had it, most of those gallant sixteen Frenchmen got back safely.

"Five minutes before the Germans started their artillery preparation for the drive Gen. Gouraud started his cannon going and there was a slaughter in the German lines. Then when the German infantry crossed to our front line trenches (now entirely vacant) they were smashed up because the French guns were firing directly upon these positions, which they knew mathematically. And those of the Boche who went down in the dugouts for safety were killed by the gas which the Frenchmen had left there for them.

"This battle—the supreme German drive—raged over eighty-five kilometers (51 miles). West of Rheims the enemy broke through the line, but they did not break through anywhere in Gen. Gouraud's sector. Stonewall Gouraud stopped them. The American units which took in the defense that was so successful were the 42nd Division, including the gallant 69th of New York, who were to the west of us, our own little regiment, and the American Railroad Artillery.

"That was the turning point of the war, because soon thereafter began Marshal Foch's great counter thrust, in which the 1st and 2nd American Divisions participated so wonderfully about Belleau Wood, Chateau-Thierry and that district. Gouraud in my belief, turned the tide of the war, and I am proud that the New York City colored boys had a share of that vital fight.

"Right here I may say that this orphan, urchin regiment of ours placed in the pathway of the Boche in the most significant battle the world has ever known, had only thirty-seven commissioned officers, and four of those wounded, had to be carried in stretchers to their positions in the trenches in order to direct the fighting."

Colonel Hayward was himself in the hospital with a broken leg. Disregarding the orders of the surgeons he went to the front line on crutches and personally directed his men in the fight. In all of his written and quoted utterances since the war, he has refrained from mentioning this fact, but it is embodied in the regimental records.

Shortly after the French national holiday, the 369th was sent about 15 kilometers west to a position in front of the Butte de Mesnil, a high hill near Maison en Champagne, occupied by the Germans. Around that district they held half a dozen sectors at different times with only one week of rest until September 26th.

Artillery duels were constant. It is related that near the Butte de Mesnil the regiment lost a man an hour and an officer a day from the shell fire of the Boche. So accurate were the gunners handling the German 77s that frequently a solitary soldier who exposed himself would actually be "sniped" off by a cannoneer.

In the September fighting the 369th saw the toughest period of its entire service. In company with a Moroccan Negro unit and others, the regiment participated in the attack on the Butte de Mesnil. The New Yorkers took the important town of Sechault and it was for that exploit that their flag was decorated with the Croix de Guerre.

Throughout the western Argonne fighting and the various sectors of the Champagne in which the 369th operated, especially during the months of July, August and September, their service was typical of that of other units of the 93rd Division. The going was tough for all of them and each contributed everlasting fame to American arms and undying renown to the Negro race.

Heroes of the Old 15th Infantry.

Officers and men of the 369th New York colored regiment awarded the Croix de Guerre for gallantry in Action:

Sergt. A.A. Adams Corp. John Allen Lieut. R.R. DeArmond Lieut. G.A. Arnston Corp. Farrandus Baker Sergt. E.W. Barrington Sergt M.W. Barron Sergt. William D. Bartow Capt. Aaron T. Bates Corp. Fletcher Battle Corp. R. Bean Corp. J.S. Beckton Pvt. Myril Billings Sergt. Ed. Bingham Lieut. J.C. Bradner Pvt. Arthur Brokaw Pvt. H.D. Brown Pvt. T.W. Brown Lieut. Elmer C. Bucher Pvt. Wm. H. Bunn Sergt. Wm. Butler Pvt. J.L. Bush Sergt. Joseph Carmen Corp. T. Catto Corp. G.H. Chapman Sergt. Major Benedict W. Cheesman Capt. John H. Clarke, Jr. Lieut. P.M. Clendenin Capt. Frederick W. Cobb Sergt. Robert Collins Lieut. J.H. Connor Sergt. Wm. H. Cox Sergt C.D. Davis Lieut. Charles Dean Pvt. P. Demps Wagoner Martin Dunbar Corp. Elmer Earl Pvt. Frank Ellis Sergt. Sam Fannell Capt. Robt. F. Ferguson, Jr. Capt. Charles W. Fillmore Capt. Edward J. Farrell Capt. Hamilton Fish, Jr. Capt Edwin R.D. Fox Lieut. Conrad Fox Sergt. Richard W. Fowler Pvt. Roland Francis Pvt. B. Freeman Pvt. I. Freeman Sergt Wm. A. Gains Wagoner Richard O. Goins Pvt. J.J. Gordon Lieut. R.C. Grams Pvt. Stillman Hanna Pvt. Hugh Hamilton Pvt. G.E. Hannibal Pvt. Frank Harden Pvt. Frank Hatchett Corp. Ralph Hawkins Colonel Wm. Hayward Lieut. E.H. Holden Sergt. Wm. H. Holliday Corp. Earl Horton Pvt. G. Howard Lieut. Stephen H. Howey Sergt. Major Clarence C. Hudson Pvt. Ernest Hunter Sergt. S. Jackson Corp. Clarence Johnson Sergt. D.F. Johnson Pvt. Gilbert Johnson Sergt. George Jones Lieut. Gorman R. Jones Sergt. James H. Jones Pvt. Smithfield Jones Pvt. J.C. Joynes Lieut. W.H. Keenan Lieut. Elwin C. King Lieut. Harold M. Landon Lieut. Nils H. Larsen Major David A. L'Esperance Lieut. W.F. Leland Pvt. D.W. Lewis Pvt. W.D. Link Major Arthur W. Little Lieut. Walter R. Lockhart Sergt. B. Lucas Pvt. Lester A. Marshall Pvt. Lewis Martin Sergt. A.J. McArthur Capt. Seth B. MacClinton Pvt. Elmer McGowan Pvt. Herbert McGirt Capt. Comerford McLoughlin Pvt. L. McVea Sergt. H. Matthews Sergt. Jesse A. Miller Sergt Wm. H. Miller Sergt. E. Mitchell Pvt. Herbert Mills Corp. M. Molson Lieut. E.D. Morey Sergt. W. Morris Sergt. G.A. Morton Lieut. E.A. Nostrand Sergt. Samuel Nowlin Capt. John O. Outwater Lieut. Hugh A. Page Lieut. Oliver H. Parish Sergt. C.L. Pawpaw Pvt. Harvey Perry Sergt. Clinton Peterson Lieut. Col. W.A. Pickering Lieut. Richardson Pratt Sergt. John Pratt Sergt. H.D. Primas Pvt. Jeremiah Reed Lieut. Durant Rice Pvt. John Rice Sergt. Samuel Richardson Sergt Charles Risk Pvt. F. Ritchie Lieut. G.S. Robb Corp. Fred Rogers Pvt. Lionel Rogers Pvt. George Rose Lieut. R.M. Rowland Sergt. Percy Russell Sergt. L. Sanders Pvt. William Sanford Lieut. H.J. Argent Pvt. Marshall Scott Capt. Lewis E. Shaw Capt. Samuel Shethar Lieut. Hoyt Sherman Major G. Franklin Shiels Pvt. A. Simpson Sergt. Bertrand U. Smith Pvt. Daniel Smith Sergt. Herman Smith Corp. R.W. Smith Major Lorillard Spencer Sergt. J.T. Stevens Corp. Dan Storms Lieut. George F. Stowell Corp. T.W. Taylor Lieut. Frank B. Thompson Sergt. Lloyd Thompson Sergt. A.L. Tucker Sergt. George Valaska Lieut. D.H. Vaughan Capt. Edward A. Walton Capt Charles Warren Sergt. Leon Washington Pvt. Casper White Capt. James D. White Sergt. Jay White Sergt. Jesse J. White Sergt. C.E. Williams Pvt. Robert Williams Sergt. Reaves Willis Pvt. H. Wiggington Sergt. L. Wilson Pvt. Tim Winston Sergt. E. Woods Pvt. George Wood Lieut. A.D. Worsham Sergt. E.C. Wright Sergt. Henry Johnson Pvt. Needham Roberts



CHAPTER XV.

OVER THERE.

HENRY JOHNSON AND NEEDHAM ROBERTS—THE TIGER'S CUBS—NEGRO FIRST TO GET PALM—JOHNSON'S GRAPHIC STORY—SMASHES THE GERMANS—IRVIN COBB'S TRIBUTE—CHRISTIAN AND MOHAMMEDAN NEGROES PALS—VALOR OF 93RD DIVISION—LAUGHTER IN FACE OF DEATH—NEGRO AND POILU HAPPY TOGETHER—BUTTE DE MESNIL—VALIANT AND HUMOROUS ELMER McCOWIN—WINNING WAR CROSSES—VERDICT OF THE FRENCH—THE NEGRO'S FAITH.

A most conspicuous Negro hero of the war, and for that matter of any race serving with the American army, was Sergeant Henry Johnson of Albany, N.Y. His exploit was shared by a company mate, Needham Roberts. For pure bull dog grit and tigerish fighting, the exploit has seldom, if ever, been equalled in the annals of any war. It resulted in the War Crosses for each with a special citation, and the whole French force in that section of the Champagne lined up to see them get the decorations. Across the red and green ribbon of Johnson's decoration was a golden palm, signifying extraordinary valor. Johnson was the first private of any race in the American army to get the palm with his Croix de Guerre. Here is the story as told in Johnson's own words after his arrival back in New York:

"There isn't so much to tell", said Johnson with characteristic modesty. "There wasn't anything so fine about it. Just fought for my life. A rabbit would have done that.

"Well, anyway, me and Needham Roberts were on patrol duty on May 15. The corporal wanted to send out two new drafted men on the sentry post for the midnight-to-four job. I told him he was crazy to send untrained men out there and risk the rest of us. I said I'd tackle the job, though I needed sleep.

"German snipers had been shooting our way that night and I told the corporal he wanted men on the job who knew their rifles. He said it was imagination, but anyway he took those green men off and left Needham and me on the posts. I went on at midnight. It was moonlight. Roberts was at the next post. At one o'clock a sniper took a crack at me from a bush fifty yards away. Pretty soon there was more firing and when Sergeant Roy Thompson came along I told him.

"'What's the matter men' he asked, 'You scared?'

"'No I ain't scared', I said, 'I came over here to do my bit and I'll do it. But I was jes' lettin' you know there's liable to be some tall scrappin' around this post tonight'. He laughed and went on, and I began to get ready. They'd a box of hand grenades there and I took them out of the box and laid them all in a row where they would be handy. There was about thirty grenades, I guess. I was goin' to bust that Dutch army in pieces if it bothered me.

"Somewhere around two o'clock I heard the Germans cutting our wire out in front and I called to Roberts. When he came I told him to pass the word to the lieutenant. He had just started off when the snippin' and clippin' of the wires sounded near, so I let go with a hand grenade. There was a yell from a lot of surprised Dutchmen and then they started firing. I hollered to Needham to come back.

"A German grenade got Needham in the arm and through the hip. He was too badly wounded to do any fighting, so I told him to lie in the trench and hand me up the grenades.

"'Keep your nerve' I told him. 'All the Dutchmen in the woods are at us, but keep cool and we'll lick 'em.' Roberts crawled into the dugout. Some of the shots got me, one clipped my head, another my lip, another my hand, some in my side and one smashed my left foot so bad that I have a silver plate holding it up now.

"The Germans came from all sides. Roberts kept handing me the grenades and I kept throwing them and the Dutchmen kept squealing, but jes' the same they kept comin' on. When the grenades were all gone I started in with my rifle. That was all right until I shoved in an American cartridge clip—it was a French gun—and it jammed.

"There was nothing to do but use my rifle as a club and jump into them. I banged them on the dome and the side and everywhere I could land until the butt of my rifle busted. One of the Germans hollered, 'Rush him! Rush him!' I decided to do some rushing myself. I grabbed my French bolo knife and slashed in a million directions. Each slash meant something, believe me. I wasn't doing exercises, let me tell you.

"I picked out an officer, a lieutenant I guess he was. I got him and I got some more of them. They knocked me around considerable and whanged me on the head, but I always managed to get back on my feet. There was one guy that bothered me. He climbed on my back and I had some job shaking him off and pitching him over my head. Then I stuck him in the ribs with the bolo. I stuck one guy in the stomach and he yelled in good New York talk: 'That black ———— got me.'

"I was still banging them when my crowd came up and saved me and beat the Germans off. That fight lasted about an hour. That's about all. There wasn't so much to it."

No, there was not much to it, excepting that next morning the Americans found four German bodies with plentiful indications that at least thirty-two others had been put on the casualty list and several of the German dead probably had been dragged back by their comrades. Thirty-eight bombs were found, besides rifles, bayonets and revolvers.

It was Irvin Cobb, the southern story writer, who first gave to the world a brief account of the exploit of Johnson and Roberts in the Saturday Evening Post during the summer of 1918. He commented as follows:

"If ever proof were needed, which it is not, that the color of a man's skin has nothing to do with the color of his soul, this twain then and there offered it in abundance."

Mr. Cobb in the same article paid many tributes to the men of the 369th and 371st serving at that time in that sector. Among other things he said:

"They were soldiers who wore their uniforms with a smartened pride; who were jaunty and alert and prompt in their movements; and who expressed as some did vocally in my hearing, and all did by their attitude, a sincere heartfelt inclination to get a whack at the foe with the shortest possible delay."

Continuing, Mr. Cobb uttered a sentiment that is sure to awaken a glow in the hearts of all sympathizers and friends of the Negro race. "I am of the opinion personally," he said, "and I make the assertion with all the better grace, I think, seeing that I am a Southerner with all the Southerner's inherited and acquired prejudices touching on the race question—that as a result of what our black soldiers are going to do in this war, a word that has been uttered billions of times in our country, sometimes in derision, sometimes in hate, sometimes in all kindliness—but which I am sure never fell on black ears but it left behind a sting for the heart—is going to have a new meaning for all of us, South and North too, and that hereafter n-i-g-g-e-r will merely be another way of spelling the word American."

Many a man in the four regiments comprising the 93rd division when he heard about the exploit of May 15th, oiled his rifle, sharpened his bayonet and whetted his trench knife, resolved to go Henry Johnson and Needham Roberts one better if the opportunity came to him. It did come to many of them in the days that followed and although none got a chance to distinguish himself in equal degree with the redoubtable Johnson, it was because the Boche had become too wary. They had cultivated a healthy respect for the colored men and called them "blutlustige schwartze manner," meaning "blood-thirsty black men." Another nickname they had was "Hell Fighters."

When the 93rd division was brigaded with the French on the Aisne, at least two of the component regiments were under a French general having in his command several thousand Moroccan Negroes. He placed them on the other side of the river fearing they would quarrel over religious differences. However, it was impossible to keep them from fraternizing. There were no religious disputes, nor is it of record that the Americans attempted to convert the Mohammedans. But they did initiate their turbaned comrades into the mysteries of a certain American game and it is said that the disciples of Allah experienced considerable hard luck.

Most of the 93rd division was under fire from the early days of May, 1918, until the close of the war. The 369th, which left New York with 56 officers and 2,000 men, returned with only 20 officers and 1,200 men of the original organization. A few had been transferred to casual companies and other commands, but many will never come back; their bodies being part of the soil of France—killed in action, died of wounds or disease.

The tale of the 93rd is full of deeds of valor, laughter in the face of death, of fearful carnage wrecked upon the foe, of childlike pride in the homage their Allies paid them, and now and then an incident replete with the bubbling Negro humor that is the same whether it finds its outlet on the cotton-fields of Dixie or the battlefields of France.

Between the French and the colored troops the spirit was superb. The French poilu had not been taught that the color of a man's skin made a difference. He had no prejudices. How could he have, coming from a nation whose motto is LIBERTY, FRATERNITY, EQUALITY? He formed his judgment from bravery and Manhood and Honor. The Negro soldiers ate, slept and drank with the poilus. They were happy together.

An incident of the valor of the 93rd division was in the fight at Butte de Mesnil, as tough a spot as any in the line between the sea and Switzerland. The ground had been fought over back and forth, neither side holding it for long. The French said it was the burying place of 200,000 of their troops and Germans, and that it could not be held permanently. The Negro boys tackled the job. In four days they had advanced fourteen kilometers (8.4 miles) and they NEVER retreated.

The Negro troops to a great extent went into action with little training, but they learned quickly in the hard school of experience. They excelled in grenade throwing and machine gun work. Grenade throwing is very ticklish business. Releasing the pin lights the fuse. Five seconds after the fuse is lighted the grenade explodes. It must be timed exactly. If thrown too quickly the enemy is liable to pick it up and hurl it back in time to create the explosion in one's own lines. No one cares to hold a grenade long after the fuse is lighted so the boys sometimes threw them ahead of the signal.

"Shorty" Childress of B company, 371st Infantry, had been drilled with dummy grenades. When given the real thing he released the pin and immediately heard the fulminating fuse working its way down into the charge. It was too much for his nerves. He threw the grenade as far as he could send it. The lieutenant reprimanded him severely.

"What do you mean," he said, "by hurling that explosive ahead of the proper time. Do you want the Boches to pick it up, fire it back here and blow us all to smithereens?"

"Shorty" was properly abashed. He hung his head and responded: "Lieutenant, I begs your pardon, I didn't mean to heave it so soon, but I could actually feel that thing a swellin' in my hand."

But they soon acquired the idea, and after a short time very few of the grenades reached the enemy either ahead of or behind time.

Here is the valiant and humorous story of Elmer McCowin, 669 Lenox Avenue, New York City, a private in Company K, 369th infantry, and how he won the Distinguished Service Cross. He said:

"On September 26th, the captain asked me to carry dispatches. The Germans pumped machine gun bullets at me all the way, but I made the trip and got back safely. Then I was sent out again. As I started the captain hollered to bring him back a can of coffee. He was joking but I didn't know it.

"Being a foot messenger I had some time ducking those German bullets. Those bullets seemed very sociable but I didn't care to meet up with any of them, so I kept on traveling on high gear. None touched my skin, though some skinned pretty close.

"On the way back it seemed the whole war was turned on me. One bullet passed through my trousers and it made me hop, skip and jump. I saw a shell hole six feet deep. Take it from me I dented it another six feet when I plunged into it. In my fist I held the captain's can of coffee.

"When I climbed out of the hole and started running again a bullet clipped a hole in the can and the coffee started to run out. But I turned around stopped a second, looked the Kaiser in the face and held up the can of coffee with my finger plugging up the hole to show the Germans they were fooled. Just then another bullet hit the can and another finger had to act as a stopper. I pulled out an old rabbit's foot that my girl had given me and rubbed it so hard the hair almost came off.

"It must have been the good luck thing that saved my life because the bullets were picking at my clothes and so many hit the can that at the end all my fingers were in use to keep the coffee in. I jumped into shell holes and wriggled along the ground and got back safely. And what do you think? When I got back into our own trenches I stumbled and spilled the coffee."

Not only did Lieutenant George Miller, battalion adjutant, confirm the story, but he added:

"When that boy came back with the coffee his clothes were riddled with bullets. Yet half an hour later he went out into no man's land and brought back a number of wounded until he was badly gassed. Even then he refused to go to the rear and went out again for a wounded soldier. All this under fire. That's the reason he got the D.S.C."

Corporal Elmer Earl, also of Company K, living in Middletown, N.Y., won the D.S.C. He explained:

"We had taken a hill Sept. 26 in the Argonne. We came to the edge of a swamp when the enemy machine guns opened fire. It was so bad that of the 58 of us who went into a particular strip, only 8 came out without being killed or wounded. I made a number of trips out there and brought back about a dozen wounded men."

The proudest recollection which Negro officers and privates will carry through life is that of the whole-hearted recognition given them in the matter of decorations by the French army authorities. Four colored regiments of the 93rd division attained the highest record in these awards. These regiments being brigaded with the French, their conduct in action was thus under their observation. Not only was each of these regiments cited as a unit for the Croix de Guerre, but 365 individual soldiers received the coveted decoration. A large number of Distinguished Service Crosses were also distributed to the 93rd division by General Pershing.

The verdict pronounced by critical French commanders may be considered as an unquestionable confirmation that the Negro troops were under all conditions brave fighters. This fact and the improved status of the Negro as a result of it was pointed to by the New York Tribune, in a leading editorial in its issue of February 14, 1919. It said:

"The bas-relief of the Shaw Memorial became a living thing as the dusky heroes of the 15th cheered the Liberty statue and happily swarmed down the gangplank. Appropriately the arrival was on the birthday of the "revered Lincoln," and never was the young and martyred idealist of Massachusetts filled with greater pride than swelled in Colonel Hayward as he talked of his men the best regiment, he said, with pardonable emphasis, 'of all engaged in the great war.'

"These were men of the Champagne and the Argonne whose step was always forward; who held a trench ninety days without relief, with every night a raid night; who won 171 medals for conspicuous bravery; who saw the war expire under their pressure in a discouraged German cannonade. First class fighting men! Hats off to them! The tribunal of grace does not regard skin color when assessing souls.

"The boys cheered the Bartholdi statue. It makes some whites uncomfortable. It converts into strange reading glib eulogies of democratic principles.

"A large faith possesses the Negro. He has such confidence in justice,—the flow—of which he believes will yet soften hard hearts. We have a wonderful example of a patience that defies discouragement; the "Souls of Black Folk"! When values are truly measured, some things will be different in this country."



CHAPTER XVI.

THROUGH HELL AND SUFFERING.

Negro Officers Make Good—Wonderful Record of the 8th Illinois—"Black Devils" Win Decorations Galore—Tribute of French Commander—His Farewell to Prairie Fighters—They Fought After War Was Over—Hard to Stop Them—Individual Deeds of Heroism—Their Dead, Their Wounded and Suffering—A Poem.

In the past when the subject of the Negro's fighting ability was under discussion, there were always found those whose grudging assent to his merits as a soldier was modified by the assertion that he had to be properly commanded; in other words must have white officers. Never having been given a conspicuous opportunity to demonstrate his capacity for leadership in battle, until the formation of the 8th Illinois infantry in the Spanish-American war, the Negro was forced to rest under the imputation that as a follower he did fairly well, but as a leader he was a failure.

Let anyone who still holds that view study the record of the 8th Illinois, or the 370th, as it was rechristened when entering the service of the general government in the recent war. Seventy-one War Crosses with special citations for valor and merit, and twenty-one Distinguished Service Crosses were awarded officers and men of the regiment. Many men in the 370th were veterans of the Spanish-American war as well as the campaign of 1916 on the Mexican border, which, while not an actual war, was for some months a locality of service and hard service at that; the regiment passing through it with great credit.

It was organized as a single battalion in 1891, increased to a regiment and sent to Cuba in 1898, every officer and man in the regiment being a Negro. Upon its return, over half of the city of Chicago turned out in greeting. Until July 12th, 1918, the regiment had never had a white officer. Then its Colonel, F.A. Denison, was relieved on account of illness and a white officer in the person of Colonel Thomas A. Roberts for the first time was placed in command. Shortly before the armistice two other white officers were attached to the regiment, in the persons of Major William H. Roberts, a brother of the colonel, and Captain John F. Prout; Second Lieutenant M.F. Stapleton, white, also served as adjutant of the First battalion.

The 370th received brief training at Camp Logan, Houston, Texas, and landed in France April 22, 1918; going within a few weeks into actual service. Like nearly all of the new regiments arriving at that time its operations were confined mainly to trench warfare.

Trench warfare continued until July 6, when the men got their real baptism of fire in a section of the Argonne and were in all the important engagements of their portion of the Champagne and other fronts, fighting almost continuously from the middle of July until the close of the war, covering themselves with a distinction and glory, as Knights in the warfare for Mankind, that will endure as long as the story of valorous deeds are recorded.

Like the other regiments of the 93rd Division, the 370th was brigaded with the French; first with the 73rd French Division and later under direct command of General Vincendon of the 59th Division, a part of the famous 10th French army under General Mangin. Shortly after the signing of the armistice, the division commander sent the regiment the following communication:

Officers, non-commissioned officers and men:

Your efforts have been rewarded. The armistice is signed. The troops of the Entente to whom the armies of the American Republic have nobly come to join themselves, have vanquished the most powerful instrument of conquest that a nation could forge—the haughty German Army acknowledges itself conquered. However hard our conditions are, the enemy government has accepted them all.

The 370th R.I.U.S. has contributed largely to the success of the 59th Division, and has taken in bitter strife both cannon and machine guns. Its units, fired by a noble ardor, got at times even beyond the objectives given them by the higher command; they have always wished to be in the front line, for the place of honor is the leading rank.

They have shown in our advance that they are worthy of being there.

VINCENDON.

"Black Devils" was the name the Prussian Guard who faced them gave to the men of the 370th. Their French comrades called them "The Partridges," probably on account of their cockiness in action (a cock partridge is very game), and their smart, prideful appearance on parade.

A general outline of the service of the Illinois men after coming out of the trenches, as well as an illustration of the affection and high appreciation in which they were held by the French, is contained in the following order issued by General Vincendon in December:

Officers and soldiers of the 370th R.I.U.S.:

You are leaving us. The impossibility at this time that the German Army can recover from its defeat, the necessity which is imposed on the people of the Entente of taking up again a normal life, leads the United States to diminish its effectiveness in France. You are chosen to be among the first to return to America. In the name of your comrades of the 59th Division I say to you, au revoir. In the name of France, I thank you.

The hard and brilliant battles of Chavigny, Leury and the Bois de Beaumont having reduced the effectiveness of the division, the American government generously put your regiment at the disposition of the French High Command. In order to reinforce us, you arrived from the trenches of the Argonne.

We at first, at Mareuil Sur Ourcq, in September, admired your fine appearance under arms, the precision of your review and the suppleness of your evolutions that presented to the eye the appearance of silk unrolling in wavy folds. We advanced to the line. Fate placed you on the banks of the Ailette in front of the Bois Mortier. October 12 you occupied the enemy trenches at Acier and Brouze. On the 13th we reached the railroad of Laon le Fere; the forest of Saint Gobain, the principal center of resistance of the Hindenburg line was ours.

November 5th the Serre was at last crossed and the pursuit became active. Major Prout's battalion distinguished Itself at the Val St. Pierre, where it captured a German battery. Major Patton's battalion was first to cross the Hirson railroad at the heights of Aubenton, where the Germans tried to resist. Duncan's battalion took Logny and, carried away by their ardor, could not be stopped short of Gue d' Hossus on November 11th, after the armistice. We have hardly time to appreciate you and already you depart.

As Lieut. Colonel Duncan said November 28, in offering to me your regimental colors as proof of your love for France and as an expression of your loyalty to the 59th Division and our Army, you have given us of your best and you have given it out of the fullness of your hearts.

The blood of your comrades who fell on the soil of France mixed with the blood of our soldiers, renders indissoluble the bonds of affection that unite us. We have, besides, the pride of having worked together at a magnificent task, and the pride of bearing on our foreheads the ray of a common grandeur.

VINCENDON.



To the 370th belongs the honor of the absolutely last engagement of the war. An objective had been set for the regiment on the morning of November 11th. General Vincendon heard of the hour at which hostilities were to end and sent an order to the regiment to shorten its objective. The order failed to arrive in time and ten minutes after the fighting was over Lieut. Colonel Duncan led the third battalion over the German line and captured a train of fifty wagons. General Vincendon said:

"Colonel Duncan is the hardest man to stop fighting I ever saw. He doesn't know when to quit."

One of the most daring exploits by a member of the regiment was that performed by Sergeant Matthew Jenkins, a Chicago boy and member of Company F. On September 20, at Mont des Singes, he went ahead of his comrades and captured from the Boche a fortified tunnel which by aid of his platoon was held for thirty-six hours without food or ammunition, making use of the enemy machine gun and munitions until relieved. This gained for Sergeant Jenkins the Croix de Guerre with Palm and the Distinguished Service Cross.

A deed of remarkable bravery accompanied by clever strategy was performed by Captain Chester Sanders and twenty men mostly of Company F. It won decorations for three and the unbounded admiration of the French. Captain Sanders and his men offered themselves as sacrifices in an effort to draw the fire of about a dozen German machine guns which had been working havoc among the Americans and French. The Illinois men ran into the middle of a road knowing they were under German observation. Instantly the Germans, suspecting a raid on their lines, opened fire on the underbrush by the roadside, figuring the Americans would take refuge there. Instead they kept right in the center of the road and few were wounded. The ruse had revealed the whereabouts of the German guns, and a short time later they were wiped out by French artillery.

Another hero of Company F was Lieutenant Harvey J. Taylor, who found himself in a nest of machine guns on July 16 in the western part of the Argonne forest. He received wounds in both legs, a bullet through one arm, a bullet in his side, had a front tooth knocked out by a bullet and received a ruptured ear drum by another. After all this he was back in the lines October 24th at Soissons. The Germans were making a counter attack that day and when the battling colored men needed supplies, Lieutenant Taylor, who was regimental signal officer, proceeded to get the supplies to them, though he had to pass through a German barrage. He was badly gassed. He received the Croix de Guerre with a special citation.

Lieutenant Elmer D. Maxwell won his Cross in the Champagne, six miles northwest of Laon. He led a platoon of men against a nest of machine guns, taking four guns and eighteen prisoners, not to speak of leaving behind a number of Germans who were not in a condition to be taken prisoner.

Many of the officers of the regiment were wounded. The escape of many from death, considering the continuous fighting and unusual perils through which they passed, was miraculous. The only officer who made the supreme sacrifice was Lieutenant George L. Giles of 3833 Calumet Avenue, Chicago. He was the victim of a direct hit by a shell at Grandlut on November 1 while he was heroically getting his men into shelter. Lieut. Giles was very popular with the men and with his brother officers. He was popular among the members of the race section in which he lived in Chicago, and was regarded as a young man of great promise.

One of the engagements of the first battalion that received more than honorable mention was on the morning of November 6th, when the battalion crossed the Hindenburg line and after extremely hard fighting captured on St. Pierre Mont, three 77 guns and two machine guns. Captain James H. Smith of 3267 Vernon Avenue, Chicago, commanded the company, and Lieutenant Samuel S. Gordon of 3842 Prairie Avenue, Chicago, the assault forces making the capture. The battalion continued across the Serre river and when the armistice was signed was at a small place in Belgium.

Several of the officers passed through practically all of the fighting with hardly a scratch, only to be taken ill at the finish and invalided home. These men would have been greatly disappointed had the war continued after they were put out of action. Conspicuous among them was Lieutenant Robert A. Ward of 3728 South Wabash Avenue, Chicago, of the Trench Mortar platoon; Lieutenant Benjamin A. Browning of 4438 Prairie Avenue, Chicago, and Lieutenant Joseph R. Wheeler, 3013 Prairie Avenue, Chicago.

Major Rufus Stokes led the first battalion on the initial raid at Vauquois. They fired 300 shells from six trench mortars and scored a notable success. In that raid Private William Morris of Chicago, the only man in the regiment who was captured by the Germans, was taken. He was reported missing at the time, but weeks later his picture was found among a group of prisoners portrayed in a German illustrated newspaper found in a captured dugout.

Three men were killed and a large number of others had a miraculous escape while entering Laon a few days prior to November 1st. A German time mine exploded tearing up a section of railroad track, hurling the heavy rails into the air, where they spun around or flew like so many arrows.

First Lieutenant William J. Warfield, regimental supply officer, a Chicago man, won the Distinguished Service Cross for extraordinary heroism in action near Ferme de la Riviere, September 28th.

Sergeant Norman Henry of the Machine Gun company, whose home is in Chicago, won the Distinguished Service Cross for extraordinary heroism in action near Ferme de la Riviere, September 30th.

Other members of the regiment upon whom the D.S.C. was conferred by General Pershing were:

Captain William B. Crawford, home address, Denison, Texas; for extraordinary heroism in action at Ferme de la Riviere, September 30th.

Sergeant Ralph Gibson, Company H, a Chicago man; for extraordinary heroism at Beaume, November 8th.

Sergeant Charles T. Monroe, Headquarters Company; for extraordinary heroism in action at Mont de Singes, September 24th. His home is at Senrog, Va.

Sergeant Emmett Thompson, Company L, home in Quincy, Illinois; for extraordinary heroism at Mont de Singes, September 20th.

Supply Sergeant Lester Fossie, Company M, home at Metropolis, Illinois; for extraordinary heroism at Ferme de la Riviere, October 5th.

Private Tom Powell, deceased, Company H; for extraordinary heroism near Beaume, November 8th.

Private Spirley Irby, Company H, home at Blackstone, Va.; for extraordinary heroism in action at Beaume, November 8th.

Private Alfred Williamson, medical detachment, home at San Diego, California; for extraordinary heroism in action near Beaume, November 8th.

Private William G. Hurdle, Machine Gun Company No. 3, home at Drivers, Va.; for extraordinary heroism in action at Ferme la Folie, September 30th.

Private Harry Pearson, Machine Gun company No. 3, home at Portland, Oregon; for extraordinary heroism in action near Ferme la Folie, September 30th.

Private Alonzo Walton, Machine Gun Company No. 3, home at Normal, Illinois; for extraordinary heroism in action at Rue Lamcher and Pont D'Amy, November 7th and 9th.

Private Leroy Davis, Company L, home at Huntsville, Missouri; for extraordinary heroism in action at Mont de Singes, September 18th.



About fifty percent of the 370th met casualties of some sort during their service in France. Like the New York regiment heretofore mentioned, they were singularly free from disease. Only 65 men and one officer were killed in action and about thirty died from wounds. The total number wounded and missing was 483. Probably 1,000 men were gassed and incapacitated at times, as the regiment had three replacements, necessary to make up its losses. The regiment went to France with approximately 2,500 men from Chicago and Illinois, and came back with 1,260. Of course, many of the wounded, sick and severely gassed were invalided home or came back as parts of casual companies formed at hospital bases. The replacement troops which went into the regiment were mostly from the Southern states. A few of the colored officers assigned to the regiment after its arrival in France, were men from the officers training camps in this country and France.

The 370th boasted of the only race court martial in the army. There were thirteen members, Lieutenant Colonel Duncan presiding. Captain Louis E. Johnson was the judge advocate, and Lieutenant Washington was his assistant. It is not of record that the findings of the court martial were criticized. At least there was no scandal as there was concerning court martial proceedings in other divisions of the army. The fact is that there was very little occasion for court martialing among the men of the 370th. The behavior of the men was uniformly good, as is attested by the fact that every town mayor in France where the men passed through or were billeted, complimented the officers on the splendid discipline and good behavior shown.

Colonel Roberts, a veteran cavalryman, was very fond of his men. He has repeatedly paid them the highest compliments, not only for their valor and soldierly qualities, but for their quick intelligence, amenity to discipline, and for the clean living which made them so remarkably free from disease. He has stated that he would not know where to select a better group of men for everything that goes to make up efficient, dependable soldiers. Colonel Roberts received the Croix de Guerre, with the following citation:

"A commander entirely devoted to duty, he succeeded by dint of working day and night in holding with his regiment a difficult sector, though the officers and men were without experience, under heavy shelling. He personally took charge of a battalion on the front line on October 12 and led it to the objectives assigned by the crossing of the Ailette canal."

American historians may not give the Negro fighters the place to which their records entitle them; that remains to be seen. From the testimony of French commanders, however, it is evident that the pages of French history will not be printed unless they contain the valiant, patriotic, heroic deeds of the Illinois and New York regiments with their comrades of the 93rd and 92nd Divisions.

In the various sectors to which they were assigned, they were in virtually every important fight. They met the flower of the Kaiser's forces, held them and on more than one occasion made them retreat. The Hun had misjudged them and it was fortunate that he had. They endured their share of hardship, marching many weary miles, day after day, without sufficient food. Nothing could affect their spirit and dash. When the call came, they went over the top, that the world might be made safe for democracy.

Among the officers and men of the 370th were represented about every calling in which the Negro of this day engages. There were men of professional pursuits; lawyers, doctors and teachers; students, mechanics, business men, farmers and laborers. The poet of the regiment was Lieutenant Blaine G. Alston. The following little poem, if properly digested and understood, tells volumes within itself:

"OVER THERE"

Did you ever hear a bullet whiz, Or dodge a hand grenade? Have you watched long lines of trenches dug By doughboys with a spade? Have you seen the landscape lighted up At midnight by a shell? Have you seen a hillside blazing forth Like a furnace room in hell?

Have you stayed all night in a ruined town With a rafter for a bed? With horses stamping underneath In the morning when they are fed? Have you heard the crump-crump whistle? Do you know the dud shell's grunt? Have you played rat in a dugout?— Then you have surely seen the front.

—Lieut. Blaine G. Alston, 370th U.8. Troops.



CHAPTER XVII

NARRATIVE OF AN OFFICER

Special Article by Captain John H. Patton, Adjutant of 8th Illinois—Summarizes Operations of the Regiment—From First Call to Mustering Out—An Eye Witness Account—In Training Camps, at Sea, in France—Service in Argonne Forest—Many Other Engagements—A Thrilling Record—Battalion Operations in Detail—Special Mention of Companies and Individuals.

Captain John H. Patton, regimental adjutant of the 370th, who commanded the second battalion through most of its service, presents a summary of the operations of the regiment from the first call to the mustering out. Being in charge of the organization's records, his account is detailed, authentic and highly valuable as supplementing the data of the previous chapter; gleaned from departmental records and other sources. It carries additional interest as being the testimony of an eye-witness, one who participated in the stirring events in a marked and valorous degree. The recital in Captain Patton's own words, the phrase of a highly trained and efficient military man, follows:

Pursuant to the call of the President, under date of July 3, 1917, the 8th Illinois Infantry reported at the various rendezvous on July 25, 1917, as follows: At Chicago, Illinois regimental headquarters; Headquarters company, Machine Gun company, Supply company, Detachment Medical Department, and Companies A, B, C, D, E, F, G and H; at Springfield, Illinois, Company I; at Peoria, Illinois, Company K; at Danville, Illinois, Company L; at Metropolis, Illinois, Company M.

On the date the regiment responded to the call Colonel Franklin A. Denison commanded the regiment, the other Field Officers being Lieutenant Colonel James H. Johnson, Major Rufus M. Stokes, Major Charles L. Hunt, Major Otis B. Duncan and Captain John H. Patton, regimental adjutant.

The strength of the regiment a short time before responding to the call was approximately one thousand officers and enlisted men, and orders having been received to recruit to maximum strength, 3604 enlisted men, an active recruiting campaign was begun. On July 25, 1917, the strength was approximately 2,500. Soon afterwards orders were received that the regiment would be organized according to Minimum Strength Tables of Organization, which gave it an authorized strength of 2,138 enlisted men. After reporting that the regiment already had several hundred men in excess of that strength, authority was granted to retain the excess men. From this time until demobilized at Camp Grant in March, 1919, the regiment had from 600 to 1,300 men in excess of its authorized strength, and upon arrival in France in April, 1918, the entire personnel consisted of men who had voluntarily enlisted.

Intensive training was begun immediately after the regiment reported at the various armories and the public streets in the vicinity were utilized for this purpose until October 12, 1917, on which date the various organizations entrained for Camp Logan, Houston, Texas, arriving a few days later.

While stationed at Camp Logan, the regiment was engaged in intensive training. Officers and enlisted men attended the various schools established by the 33rd Division to which the regiment had been attached and acquitted themselves with credit.

At the end of October, 1917, on the date of the closing of the Second Liberty Loan Campaign, out of a total of 2,166 officers and enlisted men belonging to the regiment at that time, 1,482 officers and men subscribed $151,400.00.

While at Camp Logan, approximately 96 percent of the regiment took out $10,000.00 War Risk Insurance per man.

On December 1, 1917, the official designation of the regiment was changed from the 8th Illinois Infantry to the 370th Infantry.

On March 6, 1918, the regiment left Camp Logan enroute to Camp Stuart, Newport News, Va., arriving on March 10, 1918, and immediately taking up its interrupted intensive training.

While at Camp Stuart, Va., Lieutenant Colonel James H. Johnson was discharged from the service, and Major Otis B. Duncan, who had commanded the 3rd battalion, was promoted to the grade of lieutenant-colonel and Captain Arthur Williams was promoted to the grade of major and placed in command of the 3rd battalion.

On April 6, 1918, the regiment embarked on the S.S. President Grant en route overseas. In attempting to get out to sea, the vessel ran aground in Hampton Roads and three days later having been refloated, the journey overseas was resumed. On account of this delay the journey was begun without convoy, the warships assigned to this duty having departed as scheduled on or about April 6, 1918. On April 20, 1918, the steamer was met by a convoy of torpedo boats which accompanied us to Brest, France, at which place the regiment arrived on April 22, 1918.

The following day, April 23, 1918, the regiment debarked and marched to camp at Pontanezen Barracks, near Brest, and two days later entrained for Grandvillers (Haut-Rhin), arriving on April 27, 1918, and taking station.

The regiment, upon arrival at Grandvillers, was attached to the 73rd Division, French Army, and orders were given for the reorganization and equipping of the regiment to conform to that of a French regiment. All American arms, ammunition and equipment were salvaged and French rifles, machine guns, ammunition, wheel transportation, packs, helmets and other necessary equipment furnished. Except for the uniform the regiment was outfitted exactly as were the French regiments of that division. French rations were issued with the exception of the wine component, for which an extra allowance of sugar was substituted.

The Division sent officers to take charge of the instruction of the regiment in every phase of the work to be later undertaken and another period of intensive training was begun. Even French cooks were present to instruct our cooks in the preparation and conservation of the French rations.

After six weeks training at this place, the regiment entrained enroute to the front, arrived at Ligny-en-Barrios (Meuse) on June 13, 1918, and moved up toward the lines by easy stages.

On June 21, 1918, the regiment began occupying positions in the Saint Mihiel Sector, completing the occupation on June 24, 1918. This being the first time the regiment had been actually in the lines, the division commander deemed it advisable to intermingle our troops with French troops in order that officers and men might observe and profit by close association with the veteran French troops. Thus the units of the 1st and 2nd battalions, which had been assigned to the front lines were intermingled with platoons and companies of the 325th regiment of infantry.

Many valuable lessons were learned while in this sector, which was exceptionally quiet at the time. Except for occasional shelling and some scattered machine gun and rifle fire, nothing of interest occurred while in the sector, and there were no casualties.

On the night of June 30-July 1, 1918, the regiment, having been relieved in the sector, began withdrawing, and on July 3, 1918, the withdrawal had been completed without any losses.

After resting a few days in the region of Lignieres (Meuse), the regiment entrained en route to the Argonne Forest, arriving behind the lines on July 6, 1918, the 1st Battalion, under command of Major Stokes, moving up immediately into the reserve positions at Brabant (S. Groupement Courcelles) and later into the front lines in the Center of Resistance de la Foret, Sub-Sector Hermont.

The 2nd Battalion under command of Major Hunt took station at Rarecourt, the latter moved up to Locheres (Plateau of Gorgia) at which place the Major located his Commanding Post. From this position companies of the 2nd Battalion were sent into the lines alternately, the companies being relieved after a five days' tour of duty.

On July 12, 1918, Colonel Franklin A. Denison, who had commanded the regiment up to this time and had become incapacitated through illness contracted during the strenuous days incident to the preparation of the regiment for service in the lines, was relieved from command on this account and Colonel T.A. Roberts, cavalry, assumed command of the regiment.

The 3rd battalion under command of Major Williams, was held in reserve at Vraincourt, and only Company M of that battalion was sent into the front lines. This company took up positions in the supporting point at Buzemont on August 7, 1918, and remained until August 14, 1918.

On August 1, 1918, the Stokes Mortar platoon under command of Lieutenant Robert A. Ward took position in the lines in the sub-sector Vaquois, and on August 4, 1918, took an active part in a coup-de-main arranged by the French. His mission, filling in the gaps in the French artillery barrage, was so successfully accomplished that his entire platoon was highly commended for their work by the commanding general of the division.

Although patrols were operating between the lines nightly and the positions occupied were under artillery, machine gun and rifle fire a number of times, the only losses sustained during the six weeks in the Argonne Forest were 1 killed, 1 captured and 4 wounded.

On the night of August 15-16, 1918, the regiment was relieved from its positions in the Forest and marched to Rampont and entrained for villages in the vicinity of Fains (Meuse) for a period of rest, arriving on August 18, 1918.

Upon arrival at the new stations, instruction was begun again, more attention being paid to open warfare than to work incident to trench warfare. This training proved of great value to the officers and men in the latter days of the war, when the regiment was actively engaged in the pursuit of the enemy to the Belgian border.

On September 11, 1918, the regiment left its various stations and proceeded by train to Betz, where it detrained and marched to stations in villages in the vicinity of Mareuil-sur-Ourcq (Meuse).

On September 11, 1918, Majors Hunt and Williams having become incapacitated through illness and injury, were relieved from command of the 2nd and 3rd Battalions, respectively, and Lieutenant Colonel Otis B. Duncan and Captain John H. Patton were assigned to the command of those battalions.

The battles of Chavigny, Leury and the Bois de Beaumont having reduced the effectives of the 59th French Division, the regiment was placed at the disposition of the division and was assigned as one of the three infantry regiments thereof. Upon joining this division the effective strength of the regiment was approximately double that of either of the two French regiments; and in future operations a large share of the work of the division fell to our lot.

On September 15, 1918, the regiment received orders to move again toward the front. From Mareuil-sur-Ourcq to the region of St. Bandry (Meuse) the movement was made in motor trucks. On September 16, 1918, the journey was resumed, the regiment proceeding by marching. Upon arrival at Tartier, Companies F and G were sent to Monte Couve (Aisne) to join the 232nd Regiment of Infantry, and Companies I and L pushed forward to Bagneux (Aisne) to join the 325th Regiment. The 1st battalion proceeded the next day to the caves in the vicinity of Les Tueries, the 3rd battalion moved up into the reserve in the region of Antioch Farm with the remainder of the 2nd battalion.

As soon as Companies F, G, I and L had moved up and taken position in the lines opposite Mont des Signes an attack was ordered. Attacks on the enemy positions on the plateau of Mont des Signes were almost continuous from the date of arrival of these companies until about September 21, 1918, when they were withdrawn and joined their battalions. These companies acquitted themselves with credit. One platoon under command of Sergeant Matthew Jenkins, Company F, took a large section of the enemy works for which the sergeant was awarded both the French Croix de Guerre and the American Distinguished Service Cross.

About the 22nd of September, the regiment for the first time took over a full regimental sector, the Battalion Stokes relieving the Battalion Garnier in the positions outlined by La Folie-l'Ecluse on the Canal l'Oise-l'Aisne and the Farm Gulliminet, the Battalion Patton going into the support positions at Mont des Tombes and the Battalion Duncan going into reserve at Tincelle Farm. Colonel Roberts located his commanding post at Antioch Farm. From the date of arrival in these positions until the enemy began to retreat on October 12, 1918, the entire area occupied by the regiment was almost constantly shelled, gas being used frequently. The front lines were almost constantly under the fire of enemy minnenwurfers and numerous machine guns located in the Bois de Mortier, a very dense wood north of the canal.

On the night of September 26-27, 1918, the Battalion Patton was ordered to relieve with like units one-half of each of the companies of the Battalion Stokes in the front lines and soon after the relief was completed an attack along the l'Oise-l'Aisne Canal was ordered. By the extreme of effort the remainder of the Battalion Patton was brought up and having completed the relief of the Battalion Stokes, the attack began as ordered. The attack continued until October 4th, on which date all objectives had been gained and the enemy pushed back across the canal. On September 30th the Battalion Duncan was thrown into the fight and two companies of the Battalion Patton withdrawn to the support. The Battalion Duncan was ordered to make a frontal attack which necessitated an advance across the open fields. This was successfully accomplished, the battalion being subjected to intense artillery, machine gun and rifle fire continuously. The Battalion Duncan, having gained its objectives, the Farm de la Riviere and the railroad south of the canal, held on tenaciously in spite of the intense fire of the enemy and held the positions gained until the pursuit began on October 12, 1918, when it passed into the reserve of the division.

During the occupancy of the sector, from September 22, 1918, to October 12, 1918, patrols from the three battalions were out night and day between the lines making necessary reconnaissances. On October 4, 1918, a volunteer patrol of twenty men under command of Captain Chester Sanders in an effort to discover whether the enemy had abandoned the woods, penetrated the Bois de Mortier to a point about 100 yards behind the enemy positions and having been discovered were fired on from all sides by numerous machine guns. The patrol returned to our lines intact. For this exploit Captain Sanders was awarded the French Croix de Guerre and the patrol received the commendation of the commanding general of the division. On October 7, 1918, after 5 minutes violent bombardment by our artillery, three raiding parties from Company F made a dash for the triangle formed by the railroad, the L'Oise-l'Aisne canal and the Vauxaillon road. One of these parties gained the enemy trenches along the canal, ejecting the enemy after a hand grenade fight. All parties returned to our lines intact though several were wounded. Lieutenant William Warfield of the Battalion Duncan single-handed took an enemy machine gun nest which had been harassing his company, and after disposing of the enemy machine gunners returned to our lines with the gun. Numerous other acts of gallantry were performed in this sector for which officers and men received both French and American decorations.

At 9:20 a.m. on October 12, 1918, the alert was given for a general advance by the entire division and the battalions assembled at the zones of assembly previously designated. The Battalion Stokes was given the mission of clearing the Bois de Mortier and the Battalion Patton was placed at the disposition of Lieutenant Colonel Lugand of the 232nd Infantry, and the 3rd battalion was placed in the divisional reserve. At about 11:00 a.m. the pursuit began, the 1st battalion clearing the Bois de Mortier and successfully reaching its first objective, Penancourt, the same date, and continuing the pursuit the next day to a point west of Molinchart.

The Battalion Patton, having been assigned as the support battalion of the 232nd Regiment of Infantry, took up the pursuit via Anizy le Chateau, Cessieres and the Bois de Oiry, bivouacing the night of October 13th in the vicinity of the Bois.

These battalions were commended by the commanding general. The Battalion Stokes for its passage of the exceedingly strong position in the Bois de Mortier and the 2nd for its well conducted march in pursuit via Anizy le Chateau.

On account of the straightening out of the lines due to the retreat of the enemy, the 59th Division was withdrawn on October 14th and sent back for rest, the regiment being sent into the St. Gobain Forest and vicinity for this purpose. Ten of the twelve days in this locality were spent in hard work on the roads and the last two were given over to the re-equipping of the regiment.

On October 22, 1918, Major Rufus M. Stokes was relieved from command of the 1st battalion and assigned to duty as administrative officer of the Regimental Combat and Supply Trains. Captain John T. Prout was assigned to the command of the 1st battalion.

On October 27th, 1918, the regiment was again ordered into the lines and at midnight on that date the 2nd battalion moved up into support positions in the vicinity of Grandlup.

The 1st battalion on October 29, 1918, moved up into support positions in the vicinity of the same village. During this time the 3rd battalion was located at Manneaux Farm in reserve. The battalions remained in various positions in the vicinity of Grandlup until November 5, 1918, on which date the enemy again began to retreat, and while thus occupied were subjected to severe shelling and those units occupying front line positions to much machine gun and rifle fire; casualties were few except in Company A stationed in the vicinity of Chantrud Farm, where an enemy shell fell in the midst of the company at mess, killing thirty-five men and wounding fifty, thus causing the company to be withdrawn from the lines.

On the morning of November 5th, a general advance was ordered and the enemy retreated before it. The retreat of the enemy was so rapid that our troops did not catch up with them until about November 8th, on which date a general attack by the division was ordered. The 2nd battalion on the left of the division was given the task of clearing out the enemy from positions along the Hirshon railroad and the Heights of Aubenton. After an all day fight the battalion reached its objective about nightfall. The French division on the left did not advance as anticipated, owing to enemy resistance on their front, and the 2nd battalion having advanced about two kilometers to the front suffered severely on account of the exposed flank, three men being killed and two officers and thirty-three enlisted men being wounded. On the morning of the 9th the enemy again retreated and the 2nd battalion continued the pursuit to Goncelin, resting there for the night and on the morning of the both was ordered to cantonment at Pont d'Any, where it was located at the taking effect of the armistice.

On November 6th the 1st battalion took up the pursuit in support of the Battalion Michel of the 325th Regiment of Infantry, advancing via Brazicourt and Rapeire to Hill 150 near St. Pierremont. Company C having passed on into the front lines at the Brazicourt Farm, upon arrival near St. Pierremont were ordered on the morning of November 6, 1918, to attack and occupy St. Pierremont, cross the Serre River and take up a position along the railroad track. The mission of the company was successfully accomplished in spite of the strong resistance of the enemy, St. Pierremont being occupied, the river crossed and three pieces of enemy artillery as well as several machine guns taken. For this operation Company C was cited and awarded the French Croix de Guerre with a Palm, the highest French citation received in the regiment. The battalion continued the pursuit until arrival at Mont Plaisir, when it was ordered back to Fligny, where it was in cantonment at the taking effect of the armistice.

The 3rd Battalion took up the pursuit on November 5th, resting in the open fields the nights of the 5th and 6th. The battalion in moving up advanced via Bosmont and Mont Plaisir and passed on into the front lines at the Rue Larcher on November 7, 1918. In the afternoon of the 8th orders were received to deliver a cover fire for French units which were to make an attack on the village of Logny, which was strongly held by the enemy. Company M, having been assigned for this work, moved out from Hurtebise and advanced to a position where the cover fire could be effectively delivered, and opened fire. About this time word was received from the French commander that his troops could not advance on account of the severe shell and machine gun fire, and Company M having arrived at a position where it was safer to go ahead than to retreat, attacked the town and drove the enemy therefrom. For this action Lieutenant Osceola A. Browning, commanding Company M, and several others received the French Croix de Guerre and Sergeant Lester Fossie both the Croix de Guerre and the American Distinguished Service Cross. On November 10, 1918, the advance and pursuit was continued. At Etignieres the battalion was temporarily stopped by intense shell fire. On November 11, 1918, the pursuit was again taken up with Resinowez as the principal objective. Later the objective was changed to Gue d'Hossus, Belgium, which objective was reached a few minutes before the taking effect of the armistice, an enemy combat train of about 50 vehicles being captured about this time.

A few days after the armistice, the regiment began to move southward, taking station in villages in the vicinity of Verneuil-sur-Serre.



On December 12, 1918, the regiment formally passed from the French command and to Brest via Soissons and Le Mans, arriving at the latter place on January 10, 1919.

On February 2, 1919, the regiment embarked on the S.S. La France IV, en route to the U.S., arriving on February 9, 1919, and taking station at Camp Upton, Long Island, N.Y.

On February 17, 1919, the regiment left Camp Upton for Camp Grant, Illinois, via Chicago, where it was accorded a wonderful and never-to-be-forgotten reception by the citizens of Chicago.

After arrival at Camp Grant, work incident to the demobilization of the regiment was commenced. The majority of officers and enlisted men were discharged from the service during the latter part of February, and finally on March 12, 1919, orders were issued declaring that the regiment had ceased to exist.

The health of the regiment while in the service was exceptional. The Medical Detachment, under command of Major James R. White, worked incessantly to protect the health of the command. Before departure for France a number of cases of pneumonia of a very severe type developed, but only two deaths resulted. The Medical Detachment was divided among the various units, Captain Spencer C. Dickerson having charge of the detachment attached to the 1st battalion, Lieutenant James F. Lawson that of the 2nd battalion, and Lieutenant Claudius Ballard that of the 3rd battalion. The work of these detachments was at all times of a high order of excellence, and during engagements both officers and men in numerous instances went out into the open and rendered first aid to the wounded after terrific fire. Each man wounded, however slightly, was given an injection of anti-tetanic serum and as a result no cases of tetanus were reported, nor were any cases of gas baccilus infection reported. During the severe fighting around the Guilliminet and de la Riviere Farms, more help was needed and Lieutenant Park Tancil, dental surgeon, volunteered to take charge of one of the first aid stations which was daily receiving showers of shells from the enemy batteries. Lieutenant Claudius Ballard, though wounded during the fighting, refused to be evacuated and continued his duties administering to the wounded. Major James R. White made daily rounds of the first aid stations in the lines, disregarding the intense fire of the enemy and personally dressing numbers of wounded. For their heroic conduct in administering to the wounded under fire, Major White and Lieutenants Tancil and Ballard as well as several enlisted men of the Medical Detachment, were awarded the French Croix de Guerre, and Private Alfred Williamson of the detachment was awarded both the French Croix de Guerre and the American Distinguished Service Cross.

* * * * *

ROSTER OF OFFICERS OLD 8TH ILLINOIS (370th Infantry)

(All Negroes unless otherwise designated.)

Field and Staff—F.A. Denison, commanding until July 12, 1918, invalided home; Col. T.A. Roberts (white), commanding after July 12, 1918; Major James R. White, surgeon; Major W.H. Roberts (white), operation officer; Capt. Charles W. Fillmore, personnel officer; Capt. John H. Patton, commanding 2nd battalion; Capt. James E. Dunjil, assistant to adjutant; 1st Lieut. George Murphy, assistant to adjutant; 1st Lieut. Louis C. Washington, administrative officer; 2nd Lieut. Noble Sissle, assistant to administrative officer; 1st Lieut. Park Tancil, dentist; 1st Lieut. John T. Clemons, chaplain.

First Battalion—Major Rufus M. Stokes, commanding; 2nd Lieut. M.F. Stapleton (white), battalion adjutant; Capt. Spencer C. Dickerson, medical officer; 1st Lieut. Harry W. Jones, battalion supply officer.