The Germans reached the extreme point of their advance, culminating in the Battle of the Marne, September 6-10. Here the generalship of Joffre and the strategy of Foch overcame great odds. The Germans were driven back from the Marne to the River Aisne. The battle line then remained practically stationary for three years on a front of three hundred miles.

The Russians under General Rennenkampf were driven from East Prussia September 16. Three British armored cruisers were sunk by a submarine September 22. By September 27 General Botha had gained some successes for the Allies, and had under way an invasion of German Southwest Africa. By October 13 Belgium was so completely occupied by the Germans that the government withdrew entirely from the country and established itself at Le Havre in France. By the end of the year had occurred the Battle of Yser in Belgium (October 16-28); the first Battle of Ypres (decisive day October 31), in which the British, French and Belgians saved the French channel ports; De Wet's rebellion against the British in South Africa (October 28); German naval victory in the Pacific off the coast of Chile (November 1); fall of Tsingtau, German possession in China, to the Japanese (November 7); Austrian invasion of Serbia (Belgrade taken December 2, recaptured by the Serbians December 14); German commerce raider Emden caught and destroyed at Cocos Island (November 10); British naval victory off the Falkland Islands (December 8); South African rebellion collapsed (December 8); French government returned to Paris (December 9); German warships bombarded West Hartlepool, Scarborough and Whitby on the coast of England (December 16). On December 24 the Germans showed their Christian spirit in an inauguration of the birthday of Christ by the first air raid over England. The latter part of the year 1914 saw no important action by the United States excepting a proclamation by the president of the neutrality of the Panama canal zone.

The events of 1915 and succeeding years became of great importance to the United States and it is with a record of those having the greatest bearing on our country that this account principally will deal.

On January 20 Secretary of State Bryan found it necessary to explain and defend our policy of neutrality. January 28 the American merchantman William P. Frye was sunk by the German cruiser Prinz Eitel Friedrich. On February 10 the United States dispatched a note to the German government holding it to a "strict accountability if any merchant vessel of the United States is destroyed or any American citizens lose their lives." Germany replied February 16 stating that her "war zone" act was an act of self-defense against illegal methods employed by Great Britain in preventing commerce between Germany and neutral countries. Two days later the German official blockade of Great Britain commenced and the German submarines began their campaign of piracy and pillage.

The United States on February 20 sent an identic note to Germany and Great Britain suggesting an agreement between them respecting the conduct of naval warfare. The British steamship Falaba was sunk by a submarine March 28, with a loss of 111 lives, one of which was an American. April 8 the steamer Harpalyce, in the service of the American commission for the aid of Belgium, was torpedoed with a loss of 15 lives. On April 22 the German embassy in America sent out a warning against embarkation on vessels belonging to Great Britain. The American vessel Cushing was attacked by a German aeroplane April 28. On May 1 the American steamship Gullflight was sunk by a German submarine and two Americans were lost. That day the warning of the German embassy was published in the daily papers. The Lusitania sailed at 12:20 noon.

Five days later occurred the crime which almost brought America into the second year of the war. The Cunard line steamship Lusitania was sunk by a German submarine with a loss of 1,154 lives, of which 114 were Americans. After the policy of frightfulness put into effect by the Germans in Belgium and other invaded territories, the massacres of civilians, the violation of women and killing of children; burning, looting and pillage; the destruction of whole towns, acts for which no military necessity could be pleaded, civilization should have been prepared for the Lusitania crime. But it seems it was not. The burst of indignation throughout the United States was terrible. Here was where the terms German and Hun became synonomous, having in mind the methods and ravages of the barbaric scourge Attilla, king of the Huns, who in the fifth century sacked a considerable portion of Europe and introduced some refinements in cruelty which have never been excelled.

The Lusitania went down twenty-one minutes after the attack. The Berlin government pleaded in extenuation of the sinking that the ship was armed, and German agents in New York procured testimony which was subsequently proven in court to have been perjured, to bolster up the falsehood. In further justification, the German government adduced the fact that the ship was carrying ammunition which it said was "destined for the destruction of brave German soldiers." This contention our government rightly brushed aside as irrelevant.

The essence of the case was stated by our government in its note of June 9 as follows:

"Whatever be the other facts regarding the Lusitania, the principal fact is that a great steamer, primarily and chiefly a conveyance for passengers, and carrying more than a thousand souls who had no part or lot in the conduct of the war, was sunk without so much as a challenge or a warning, and that men, women and children were sent to their death in circumstances unparalleled in modern warfare."

Three notes were written to Germany regarding the Lusitania sinking. The first dated May 13 advanced the idea that it was impossible to conduct submarine warfare conformably with international law. In the second dated June 9 occurs the statement that "the government of the United States is contending for something much greater than mere rights of property or privileges of commerce. It is contending for nothing less high and sacred than the rights of humanity." In the third note dated July 21, it is asserted that "the events of the past two months have clearly indicated that it is possible and practicable to conduct submarine operations within the so-called war zone in substantial accord with the accepted practices of regulated warfare." The temper of the American people and the president's notes had succeeded in securing a modification of the submarine campaign.

It required cool statesmanship to prevent a rushing into war over the Lusitania incident and events which had preceeded it. There was a well developed movement in favor of it, but the people were not unanimous on the point. It would have lacked that cooperation necessary for effectiveness; besides our country was but poorly prepared for engaging in hostilities. It was our state of unpreparedness continuing for a long time afterwards, which contributed, no doubt, to German arrogance. They thought we would not fight.

But the United States had become thoroughly awakened and the authorities must have felt that if the conflict was to be unduly prolonged, we must eventually be drawn into it. This is reflected in the modified construction which the president and others began to place on the Monroe Doctrine. The great underlying idea of the doctrine remained vital, but in a message to congress delivered December 7, 1915, the president said:

"In the day in whose light we now stand there is no claim of guardianship, but a full and honorable association as of partners between ourselves and our neighbors in the interests of America." Speaking before the League to Enforce Peace at Washington, May 27, 1916, he said: "What affects mankind is inevitably our affair, as well as the affair of the nations of Europe and of Asia." In his address to the senate of January 22, 1917, he said: "I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should with one accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world—that no nation should seek to extend its policy over any other nation or people, but that every people should be left free to determine its own policy, its own way of development, unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid, the little along with the great and powerful." This was a modifying and enlarging of the doctrine, as well as a departure from Washington's warning against becoming entangled with the affairs of Europe.



CHAPTER V

HUNS SWEEPING WESTWARD

TOWARD SHORES OF ATLANTIC—SPREAD RUIN AND DEVASTATION—CAPITALS OF CIVILIZATION ALARMED—ACTIVITIES OF SPIES—APOLOGIES AND LIES—GERMAN ARMS WINNING—GAIN TIME TO FORGE NEW WEAPONS—FEW VICTORIES FOR ALLIES—ROUMANIA CRUSHED—INCIDENT OF U-53.

The powerful thrusts of the German armies toward the English channel and the Atlantic ocean, the pitiless submarine policy, and the fact that Germany and Austria had allied with them Bulgaria and Turkey, began to spread alarm in the non-belligerent nations of the world.

That Germany was playing a Machiavellian policy against the United States soon became evident. After each submarine outrage would come an apology, frequently a promise of reparation and an agreement not to repeat the offense, with no intention, however, of keeping faith in any respect. As a mask for their duplicity, the Germans even sent a message of sympathy for the loss of American lives through the sinking of the Lusitania; which but intensified the state of mind in this country.

Less than three weeks after the Lusitania outrage the American steamship Nebraskan was attacked (May 25) by a submarine. The American steamship Leelanaw was sunk by submarines July 25. The White Star liner Arabic was sunk by a submarine August 19; sixteen victims, two American.

Our government received August 24 a note from the German ambassador regarding the sinking of the Arabic. It stated that the loss of American lives was contrary to the intention of the German government and was deeply regretted. On September 1 Ambassador von Bernstorff supplemented the note with a letter to Secretary Lansing giving assurance that German submarines would sink no more liners.

The Allan liner Hesperian was sunk September 4 by a German submarine; 26 lives lost, one American.

On October 5 the German government sent a communication regretting again and disavowing the sinking of the Arabic, and stating its willingness to pay indemnities.

Meanwhile depression existed among the Allies and alarm among nations outside the war over the German conquest of Russian Poland. They captured Lublin, July 31; Warsaw, August 4; Ivangorod, August 5; Kovno, August 17; Novogeorgievsk, August 19; Brest-Litovsk, August 25, and Vilna, September 18.

Activities of spies and plottings within the United States began to divide attention with the war in Europe and the submarine situation. Dr. Constantin Dumba, who was Austro-Hungarian ambassador to the United States, in a letter to the Austrian minister of foreign affairs, dated August 20, recommended "most warmly" to the favorable consideration of the foreign office "proposals with respect to the preparation of disturbances in the Bethlehem steel and munitions factory, as well as in the middle west."

He felt that "we could, if not entirely prevent the production of war material in Bethlehem and in the middle west, at any rate strongly disorganize it and hold it up for months."

The letter was intrusted to an American newspaper correspondent named Archibald, who was just setting out for Europe under the protection of an American passport. Archibald's vessel was held up at Falmouth, England, his papers seized and their contents cabled to the United States. On September 8 Secretary Lansing instructed our ambassador at Vienna to demand Dr. Dumba's recall and the demand was soon acceded to by his government.

On December 4 Captain Karl Boy-Ed, naval attache of the German embassy in Washington, was dismissed by our government for "improper activity in naval affairs." At the same time Captain Franz von Papen, military attache of the embassy, was dismissed for "improper activity in military matters." In an intercepted letter to a friend in Germany he referred to our people as "those idiotic Yankees."

As a fitting wind-up of the year and as showing what the German promise to protect liners amounted to, the British passenger steamer Persia was sunk in the Mediterranean by a submarine December 30, 1915.

The opening of 1916 found the president struggling with the grave perplexities of the submarine problem, exchanging notes with the German government, taking fresh hope after each disappointment and endeavoring by every means to avert the impending strife and find a basis for the preservation of an honorable peace.

It was now evident to most thinking people that the apparent concessions of the Germans were granted merely to provide them time to complete a larger program of submarine construction. This must have been evident to the president; but he appears to have possessed an optimism that rose above his convictions.

Our government, January 18, put forth a declaration of principles regarding submarine attacks and inquired whether the governments of the allies would subscribe to such an agreement. This was one of the president's "forlorn hope" movements to try and bring about an agreement among the belligerents which would bring the submarine campaign within the restrictions of international law. Could such an agreement have been effected, it would have been of vast relief to this country and might have kept us out of the war. The Allies were willing to subscribe to any reasonable agreement provided there was assurance that it would be maintained. They pointed out, however, the futility of treating on the basis of promises alone with a nation which not only had shown a contempt for its ordinary promises, but had repudiated its sacred obligations.

A ray of hope gleamed across our national horizon when Germany, on February 16, sent a note acknowledging her liability in the Lusitania affair. But the whole matter was soon complicated again by the "armed ship" issue. Germany had sent a note to the neutral powers that an armed merchant ship would be treated as a warship and would be sunk on sight. Secretary Lansing made the statement for this government that by international law commercial ships have a right to arm themselves for self-defense. It was an additional emphasis on the position that the submarine campaign as conducted by Germany was simply piracy and had no standing in international law. President Wilson, in a letter to Senator Stone February 24, said that American citizens had a right to travel on armed merchant ships, and he refused to advise them against exercising the right.

March 24 the French steamer Sussex, engaged in passenger traffic across the English channel, was torpedoed and sunk without warning. About eighty passengers, including American citizens, were killed or wounded.

Several notes passed between our government and Germany on the sinking of the Sussex and other vessels. Our ambassador at Berlin was instructed to take energetic action and to insist upon adequate attention to our demands. April 18 our government delivered what was considered an ultimatum to the effect that unless Germany abandoned her methods of submarine warfare, the United States would sever diplomatic relations. The president addressed congress on the matter the following day.

Germany had not yet completed her program of submarine building and thought it wise to temporize with the American government for a while longer. May 4 she replied to the ultimatum of April 18, acknowledged the sinking of the Sussex and in the main acceded to all the demands of the United States. There were certain phases which indicated that Germany wished to use this country as a medium for securing certain agreements from the Allies. The president accepted the German conditions generally, but made it clear in his reply that the conditions could not depend upon any negotiations between this country and other belligerents. The intimation was plain enough that the United States would not be a catspaw for German aims.

Up to this time in the year 1916 the advantage in arms had been greatly on the side of Germany and her allies. In January the British had evacuated the entire Gallipoli peninsula and the campaign in Turkey soon came to grief. Cettinje, the capital of Montenegro, had also fallen to the Teutonic allies, and that country practically was put out of the war.

The British had made important gains in the German colonies in Africa and had conquered most of the Kamerun section there. Between February and July the Germans had been battling at the important French position of Verdun, with great losses and small results. Practically all the ground lost was slowly regained by the French in the autumn. The Russians had entered Persia in February, and April 17 had captured the important city of Trebizond in Armenia from the Turks. But on April 29 General Townshend surrendered his entire British force to the Turks at Kut el Amara, after being besieged for 143 days and finally starved into submission.

Throughout the balance of the year the advantage was greatly on the side of the Germans, for the latter part of the year saw the beginning of the crushing of Roumania, which had entered the war August 27 on the side of the Allies. Bucharest, the capital, fell to the Germans December 6; Dobrudja, January 2, and Focsani, January 8 of the ensuing year, 1917. The crushing of Roumania was accomplished almost entirely by treachery. The Germans knew the plans of all the principal fortifications; the strength and plans of the Roumanian forces, and every detail calculated to be of benefit. The country had been honeycombed with their spies prior to and during the war, very much as Russia had been. It is quite evident that men high in the councils of the Roumanian government and in full possession of the military secrets of the country were simply disguised German agents.

Between July and November had occurred the great battles of the Somme during which the Allies had failed to break the German lines. The Austrians in June had launched a great attack and made much progress against the Italians in the Trentino. The principal offsets to the German gains during the last seven months of the year 1916 were the Russian offensive in Volhynia and Bukovina, and the counter drive of the Italians against the Austrians. The Russians captured Czernovitz June 17, and by the end of the month had overrun the whole of Bukovina. The Italians drove out the Austrians between August 6 and September 1, winning August 9 the important city and fortress of Gorizia.

Submarine incidents important to this government were not lacking during the latter half of the year. The German submarine U-53 suddenly appeared October 8 in the harbor at Newport, R.I. The commander delivered letters for the German ambassador and immediately put to sea to begin ravages on British shipping off the Nantucket coast. Among the five or six vessels sunk was the steamer Stephano, which carried American passengers. The passengers and crews of all the vessels were picked up by American destroyers and no lives were lost. The episode, which was an eight-day wonder, and resulted in a temporary tie-up of shipping in eastern ports, started numerous rumors and several legal questions, none of which, however, turned out finally to have been of much importance, as U-53 vanished as suddenly as it had appeared, and its visit was not succeeded by any like craft. It is not improbable that the purpose of the German government in sending the boat to our shores was to convey a hint of what we might expect if we should become involved with Germany. October 28 the British steamer Marina was torpedoed with a loss of six American lives.

The straining of President Washington's advice and the Monroe Doctrine were again evident throughout the year. President Wilson in an address before the League to Enforce Peace, May 27, had said that the United States was ready to join any practical league for preserving peace and guaranteeing the political and territorial integrity of nations. November 29 our government sent a protest to Germany against the deportation of Belgians.

Almost immediately upon the invasion of Belgium the German authorities, in pursuance of their system of terrorization, shipped to Germany considerable groups of the population. On October 12,1915, a general order was issued by the German military government in Belgium providing that persons who should "refuse work suitable to their occupation and in the execution of which the military administration is interested," should be subject to one year's imprisonment or to deportation to Germany. Numerous sentences, both of men and women, were imposed under that order.

The wholesale deportation of Belgian workmen to Germany, which began October 3, 1916, proceeded on different grounds, for, having stripped large sections of the country of machinery and raw materials, the military authorities now came forward with the plea that it was necessary to send the labor after it. The number of workmen deported is variously estimated at between one and three hundred thousand.

"The rage, the terror, the despair" excited by this measure all over Belgium, our minister, Brand Whitlock, reported, "were beyond anything we had witnessed since the day the Germans poured into Brussels. I am constantly in receipt of reports from all over Belgium that bear out the stories of brutality and cruelty.

"In tearing away from nearly every humble home in the land a husband and a father or a son and brother, the Germans have lighted a fire of hatred that will never go out. It is one of those deeds that make one despair of the future of the human race, a deed coldly planned, studiously matured, and deliberately and systematically executed, a deed so cruel that German soldiers are said to have wept in its execution, and so monstrous that even German officers are now said to be ashamed." Poland and the occupied parts of France experienced similar treatment.



CHAPTER VI

THE HOUR AND THE MAN

A BEACON AMONG THE YEARS—TRYING PERIOD FOR PRESIDENT WILSON—GERMANY CONTINUES DILATORY TACTICS—PEACE EFFORTS FAIL—ALL HONORABLE MEANS EXHAUSTED—PATIENCE CEASES TO BE A VIRTUE—ENEMY ABANDONS ALL SUBTERFUGE—UNRESTRICTED SUBMARINE WARFARE—GERMAN INTRIGUES WITH MEXICO—THE ZIMMERMANN NOTE—AMERICA SEIZES THE SWORD—WAR IS DECLARED—PERSHING GOES ABROAD—FIRST TROOPS SAIL—WAR MEASURES—WAR OPERATIONS

An enormous beacon light in history will attach to the year 1917. The outstanding feature of course was the entry of the United States into the great war—the deciding factor in the struggle. It marked the departure of America from the traditional policy of political isolation from Europe. History will record that it was not a voluntary, but a forced, departure, due to the utter disregard by Germany of our rights on the seas, at home and elsewhere.

The first thirty days of the year found the man at the head of our government still hoping against hope, still struggling with all the odds against him, still courageously engaged in efforts for peace. It was a particularly trying time for President Wilson, as a large portion of his own party and most of the nation was arrayed against him. The people in general felt that the time for writing notes, for parleying had passed.

On December 12, 1916, Germany, in a formal note, had offered to enter into peace negotiations, but did not specify any terms. The note referred in boastful language to the victorious German armies. It was rejected by the Allies as empty and insincere. The president on December 18, 1916, had addressed all the beligerents asking them to indicate precisely the terms on which, they would make peace. Germany's reply to this note was no more satisfactory than before. The Allies replied demanding restorations, reparation and indemnities.

On the 22nd of January the president appeared before the senate in his famous "peace without victory" address, in which he advocated a world league for peace. His views were received sympathetically, though the Allies pointed out that no peace based on the condition of things before the war could be durable, and that as matters stood it would be a virtual victory for Germany. It was the president's last effort to bring peace to the world without resorting to armed force.

The most biased historian is bound to affirm that Woodrow Wilson exhausted every effort not only to keep the United States honorably at peace, but to bring about a pacific attitude and understanding among the belligerents. When finally he saw that no argument save that of the sword would avail, when finally the hour struck, he became the man of the hour courageously and nobly.

After President Wilson's failure to bring about even a pacific attitude among the warring nations, no peace appeal from any quarter calculated to receive respectful attention was made, excepting that issued by Pope Benedict August 15, four months after the United States had declared war. The President summarized the Pope's proposals as follows:

"His Holiness in substance proposes that we return to the status existing before the war, and that then there be a general condonation, disarmament, and a concert of nations based upon an acceptance of the principle of arbitration; that by a similar concert freedom of the seas be established; and that the territorial claims of France and Italy, the perplexing problems of the Balkan States and the restitution of Poland be left to such conciliatory adjustments as may be possible in the new temper of such a peace, due regard being paid to the aspirations of the peoples whose political fortunes and affiliations will be involved."

The president's reply to the Pope forcibly stated the aim of the United States to free the world from the menace of Prussian militarism controlled by an arrogant and faithless autocracy. Distinguishing between the German rulers and the people, President Wilson asserted that the United States would willingly negotiate with a government subject to the popular will. The note disavowed any intention to dismember countries or to impose unfair economic conditions. In part the President's language was:

"Responsible statesmen must now everywhere see, if they never saw before, that no peace can rest securely upon political or economic restrictions meant to benefit some nations and cripple or embarrass others, upon vindictive action of any sort, or any kind of revenge or deliberate injury. The American people have suffered intolerable wrongs at the hands of the Imperial German Government, but they desire no reprisal upon the German people, who have themselves suffered all things in this war, which they did not choose. They believe that peace should rest upon the rights of peoples, not the rights of governments—the rights of peoples great or small, weak or powerful—their equal right to freedom and security and self government and to a participation upon fair terms in the economic opportunities of the world, the German people, of course, included, if they will accept equality and not seek domination."

About five weeks prior to the Pope's proposition, the Germans had again put forth a peace feeler. On July 19, the German reichstag adopted resolutions in favor of peace on the basis of mutual understanding and lasting reconciliation among the nations. The resolutions sounded well but they were accompanied by expressions to the effect that Germany in the war was the victim of aggression and that it approved the acts of its government. They referred to the "men who are defending the Fatherland," to the necessity of assuring the freedom of the seas, and to the impossibility of conquering a united German nation. There was no doubt in the mind of any neutral or any belligerent opposing Germany that the German government was the real aggressor and that the freedom of the seas had never been restricted except by Germany herself, hence there was no tendency to accept this as a serious bid for peace. The resolutions figured largely in German internal politics but were without effect elsewhere.

Stockholm, Sweden was the scene of a number of peace conferences but as they were engineered by socialists of an extreme type and others holding views usually classed as anarchistic, no serious attention was paid to them. The "pacifists" in the Allied and neutral countries were more or less active, but received little encouragement. Their arguments did not appeal to patriotism.

Going back to the beginning of the year, within a week after the President's "peace without victory" speech before the senate, Germany replied to it by announcing that beginning February 1, it would begin unrestricted submarine warfare in certain extensive zones around the British Isles, France and Italy. It would, however, out of the kindness of its heart, permit the United States to use a narrow track across the sea with a landing at Falmouth, one ship a week, provided the American ships were painted red and white and carried various kinds of distinguishing marks.

This of course was a direct repudiation by Germany of all the promises she had made to the United States. The President saw the sword being forced into his hands but he was not yet ready to seize it with all his might. He preferred first to exhaust the expediency of an armed neutrality. On February 3, he went before a joint session of the house and senate and announced that Ambassador von Bernstorff had been given his passports and all diplomatic relations with the Teuton empire severed. On February 12, an attempt at negotiation came through the Swiss minister who had been placed in charge of German diplomatic interests in this country. The President promptly and emphatically replied that no negotiations could be even considered until the submarine order had been withdrawn.

On February 26, the lower house of congress voted formal permission for the arming of American merchant ships as a protection against submarine attacks, and appropriated one hundred million dollars for the arming and insuring of the ships. A similar measure in the senate was defeated by Senator Robert M. LaFollette of Wisconsin, acting under a loose rule of the senate which permitted filibustering and unlimited debate. The session of congress expired March 4, and the President immediately called an extra session of the senate which amended its rules so that the measure was passed.

Senator LaFollette's opposition to the war and some of his public utterances outside the senate led to a demand for his expulsion from that body. A committee of investigation was appointed which proceeded perfunctorilly for about a year. The senator was never expelled but any influence he may have had and any power to hamper the activities of the government, were effectually killed for the duration of the war. The suppression of the senator did not proceed so much from congress or the White House, as from the press of the country. Without regard to views or party, the newspapers of the nation voluntarily and patriotically entered what has been termed a "conspiracy of silence" regarding the activities of the Wisconsin senator. By refusing to print his name or give him any sort of publicity he was effectively sidetracked and in a short time the majority of the people of the country forgot his existence. It was a striking demonstration that propaganda depends for its effectiveness upon publicity, and has given rise to an order of thought which contends that the newspapers should censor their own columns and suppress movements that are detrimental or of evil tendency, by ignoring them. Opposed to this is the view that the more publicity a movement gets, and the fuller and franker the discussion it evokes, the more quickly will its merits or demerits become apparent.

If any evidence was lacking of German duplicity, violation of promises and general double-dealing, it came to light in the famous document known as the "Zimmermann Note" which came into the hands of the American state department and was revealed February 28. It was a confidential communication from Dr. Alfred Zimmermann, German Foreign Minister, addressed to the German Minister in Mexico and proposed an alliance of Germany, Mexico and Japan against the United States. Its text follows:

"On the 1st of February we intend to begin submarine warfare unrestricted. In spite of this it is our intention to endeavor to keep neutral the United States of America. If this attempt is not successful, we propose an alliance on the following basis with Mexico: That we shall make war together and together make peace. We shall give general financial support, and it is understood that Mexico is to reconquer the lost territory in New Mexico, Texas and Arizona. The details are left to you for settlement. You are instructed to inform the president of Mexico of the above in the greatest confidence as soon as it is certain there will be an outbreak of war with the United States, and suggest that the president of Mexico on his own initiative, should communicate with Japan suggesting adherence at once to this plan; at the same time offer to mediate between Germany and Japan. Please call to the attention of the President of Mexico that the employment of ruthless submarine warfare now promises to compel England to make peace in a few months."

The American steamers City of Memphis, Vigilancia and Illinois had been sunk and fifteen lives lost in pursuance of the German submarine policy to torpedo without warning and without any regard to the safety of crews or passengers, all ships found within the barred zones. The President could no longer postpone drawing the sword. Being convinced that the inevitable hour had struck, he proved himself the man of the hour and acted with energy. A special session of congress was called for April 2. The day is bound to stand out in history for in the afternoon the President delivered his famous message asking that war be declared against Germany. He said that armed neutrality had been found wanting and in the end would only draw the country into war without its having the status of a belligerent. One of the striking paragraphs of the message follows:

"With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the step I am taking, and of the grave responsibility which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, I advise that the congress declare the recent course of the imperial German government to be in fact nothing less than war against the government and people of the United States; that it formally accept the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defence, but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the government of the German empire to terms and end the war."

Congress voted a declaration of war April 6. Only six senators out of a total of 96, and fifty representatives out of a total of 435, voted against it. Congress also, at the request of the President, voted for the creation of a national army and the raising to war strength of the National Guard, the Marine corps and the Navy. Laws were passed dealing with espionage, trading with the enemy and the unlawful manufacture and use of explosives. Provision was made for the insurance of soldiers and sailors, for priority of shipments, for the seizure and use of enemy ships in American harbors, for conserving and controlling the food and fuel supply of the country, for stimulating agriculture, for enlarging the aviation branch of the service, for extending credit to foreign governments, for issuing bonds and for providing additional revenues by increasing old and creating new taxes.

The extra session of congress lasted a few days over six months. In that time it passed all the above measures and others of less importance. It authorized the expenditure of over nineteen billions of dollars ($19,321,225,208). Including the amount appropriated at the second session of the preceeding congress, the amount reached the unheard of total of over twenty-one billions of dollars ($21,390,730,940).

German intrigues and German ruthlessness created an additional stench in the nostrils of civilization when on September 8, the United States made public the celebrated "Spurlos Versenkt" telegram which had come into its possession. It is a German phrase meaning "sunk without leaving a trace" and was contained in a telegram from Luxburg, the German minister at Buenos Aires. The telegram (of May 19, 1917) advised that Argentine steamers "be spared if possible or else sunk without a trace being left." The advice was repeated July 9. The Swedish minister at Buenos Aires sent these messages in code as though they were his own private dispatches.

On August 26, the British Admiralty had communicated to the International Conference of Merchant Seaman, a statement of the facts in twelve cases of sinkings during the previous seven months in which it was shown how "spurlos versenkt" was applied. It was shown that in these cases the submarine commanders had deliberately opened fire on the crews of the vessels after they had taken to their small boats or had attempted to dispose of them in some other way.

Within six weeks after the declaration of war our government was preparing to send troops to France. An expeditionary force comprising about one division of Regulars was announced May 14. General Pershing who was to command arrived in England June 8, and in France June 13. The first body of our troops reached France June 27 and the second a little later. The safe passage of these troops was remarkable, as their departure had been made known to Germany through her spies, and submarines laid in wait for the transports. The vigilance of our convoying agencies continued throughout the war and was one of the high spots of excellence reached in our part of the struggle. Of a total of over 2,000,000 soldiers transported to France and many thousands returned on account of sickness and furloughs, only 661 were lost as a direct result of German submarine operations.

On December 7, the United States declared war against Austria-Hungary. This was largely on the insistence of Italy and was valuable and gratifying to that ally.

President Wilson on December 26, issued a proclamation taking over the railroads of the country, W.G. McAdoo was appointed director general. The proclamation went into effect two days later and the entire rail transportation system, for the first time in the history of the nation, passed under the control and management of the government.

Excepting the revolution in Russia which led to the abdication of Czar Nicholas II (March 11-15) and so disorganized the country that it never figured effectively in the war afterwards, the year was one of distinct advantage to the Allies.

Kut el Amara was retaken by the British February 24. Bagdad fell to the same forces March 11. From March 17th to 19th the Germans retired to the "Hindenburg Line" evacuating a strip of territory in France 100 miles long and averaging 13 miles in width, from Arras to Soissons. Between April 9 and May 14, the British had important successes in the Battle of Arras, capturing Vimy Ridge April 9. Between April 16 and May 6 the French made gains in the Battle of the Aisne, between Soissons and Reims. Between May 15 and September 15 occurred an Italian offensive in which General Cadorna inflicted severe defeats on the Austrians on the Carso and Bainsizza plateaus.

The British blew up Messines Ridge, south of Ypres, June 7 and captured 7,500 German prisoners. June 12 King Constantine of Greece was forced to abdicate and on June 29, Greece entered the war on the side of the Allies. A mutiny in the German fleet at Wilhelmshaven and Kiel occurred July 30 and a second mutiny September 2.

August 20-24 the French recaptured high ground at Verdun, lost in 1916. October 23-26 a French drive north of the Aisne won important positions including Malmaison fort. The Germans retreated from the Chemin de Dames, north of the Aisne, November 2. Between November 22 and December 13 occurred the Battle of Cambrai in which the British employed "tanks" to break down the wire entanglements instead of the usual artillery preparations. Bourlon Wood dominating Cambrai was taken November 26. A surprise counterattack by the Germans December 2, compelled the British to give up one-fourth of the ground gained. Jerusalem was captured by the British December 9.

The British national labor conference on December 29, approved a continuation of the war for aims similar to those defined by President Wilson.

Aside from the collapse of Russia, culminating in an armistice between Germany and the Bolsheviki government of Russia at Brest-Litovsk, December 15, the most important Teutonic success was in the big German-Austrian counterdrive in Italy, October 24 to December 1. The Italians suffered a loss of territory gained during the summer and their line was shifted to the Piave river, Asiago plateau and Brenta river.

Brazil declared war on Germany October 26.



CHAPTER VII.

NEGROES RESPOND TO THE CALL.

SWIFT AND UNHALTING ARRAY—FEW PERMITTED TO VOLUNTEER—ONLY NATIONAL GUARD ACCEPTED—NO NEW UNITS FORMED—SELECTIVE DRAFT THEIR OPPORTUNITY—PARTIAL DIVISION OF GUARDSMEN—COMPLETE DIVISION OF SELECTIVES—MANY IN TRAINING—ENTER MANY BRANCHES OF SERVICE—NEGRO NURSES AUTHORIZED—NEGRO Y.M.C.A. WORKERS—NEGRO WAR CORRESPONDENT—NEGRO ASSISTANT TO SECRETARY OF WAR—TRAINING CAMP FOR NEGRO OFFICERS—FIRST TIME IN ARTILLERY—COMPLETE RACIAL SEGREGATION.

When the call to war was sounded by President Wilson, no response was more swift and unhalting than that of the Negro in America. Before our country was embroiled the black men of Africa had already contributed their share in pushing back the Hun. When civilization was tottering and all but overthrown, France and England were glad to avail themselves of the aid of their Senegalese, Algerian, Soudanese and other troops from the tribes of Africa. The story of their valor is written on the battlefields of France in imperishable glory.

Considering the splendid service of the—in many cases—half wild blacks from the region of the equator, it seems strange that our government did not hasten sooner and without demur to enlist the loyal Blacks of this country with their glowing record in former wars, their unquestioned mental attainments, their industry, stamina and self reliance. Yet at the beginning of America's participation in the war, it was plain that the old feeling of intolerance; the disposition to treat the Negro unfairly, was yet abroad in the land.

He was willing; anxious to volunteer and offered himself in large numbers at every recruiting station, without avail. True, he was accepted in numerous instances, but the condition precedent, that of filling up and rounding out the few Negro Regular and National Guard organizations below war strength, was chafing and humiliating. Had the response to the call for volunteers been as ardent among all classes of our people; especially the foreign born, as it was from the American Negro, it is fair to say that the selective draft would not necessarily have been so extensive.

It was not until the selective draft was authorized and the organization of the National Army began, that the Negro was given his full opportunity. His willingness and eagerness to serve were again demonstrated. Some figures dealing with the matter, taken from the official report of the Provost Marshall General (General E.H. Crowder) will be cited later on.

Of the four colored regiments in the Regular Army, the 24th infantry had been on the Mexican border since 1916; the 25th infantry in Hawaii all the years of the war; the Ninth cavalry in the Philippines since 1916, and the 10th cavalry had been doing patrol and garrison duty on the Mexican border and elsewhere in the west since early in 1917. These four regiments were all sterling organizations dating their foundation back to the days immediately following the Civil war. Their record was and is an enviable one. It is no reflection on them that they were not chosen for overseas duty. The country needed a dependable force on the Mexican border, in Hawaii, the Philippines, and in different garrisons at home.

A number of good white Regular Army regiments were kept on this side for the same reasons; not however, overlooking or minimizing the fact not to the honor of the nation in its final resolve, that there has always been fostered a spirit in the counsels and orders of the Department of War, as in all the other great government departments, to restrain rather than to encourage the patriotic and civic zeal of their faithful and qualified Negro aids and servants. That is to say, to draw before them a certain imaginary line; beyond and over which the personal ambitions of members of the race; smarting for honorable renown and promotion; predicated on service and achievement, they were not permitted to go. A virtual "Dead Line"; its parent and wet nurse being that strange thing known as American Prejudice, unknown of anywhere else on earth, which was at once a crime against its marked and selected victims, and a burden of shame which still clings to it; upon the otherwise great nation, that it has condoned and still remains silent in its presence.

Negro National Guard organizations had grown since the Spanish-American war, but they still were far from being numerous in 1917. The ones accepted by the war department were the Eighth Illinois Infantry, a regiment manned and officered entirely by Negroes, the 15th New York Infantry all Negroes with five Negro officers, all the senior officers being white; the Ninth Ohio, a battalion manned and officered by Negroes; the 1st Separate Battalion of the District of Columbia, an infantry organization manned and officered by Negroes; and Negro companies from the states of Connecticut, Maryland, Massachusetts and Tennessee. Massachusetts also had a company known as the 101st Headquarters company and Military Police. The Eighth Illinois became the 370th Infantry in the United States army; the 15th New York became the 369th Infantry; the Ninth Ohio battalion and the companies from Connecticut, Maryland, Massachusetts and Tennessee, as well as the District of Columbia battalion, were all consolidated into the 372nd Infantry.

When the above organizations had been recruited up to war strength there were between 12,000 and 14,000 colored men representing the National Guard of the country. With a population of 12,000,000 Negroes to draw from; the majority of those suitable for military service anxious to enlist, it readily can be seen what a force could have been added to this branch of the service had there been any encouragement of it. There was not lacking a great number of the race, many of them college graduates, competent to act as officers of National Guard units. Many of those commissioned during the Spanish-American war had the experience and age to fit them for senior regimental commands. The 8th Illinois was commanded by Colonel Franklin A. Denison, a prominent colored attorney of Chicago and a seasoned military man. He was the only colored man of the rank of Colonel who was permitted to go to France in the combatant or any other branch of the service. After a brief period in the earlier campaigns he was invalided home very much against his will.

The 15th New York was commanded by Colonel William Hayward, a white man. He was devoted to his black soldiers and they were very fond of him. Officers immediately subordinate to him were white men. The District of Columbia battalion might have retained its colored commander, Major James E. Walker, as he was a fine soldierly figure and possessed of the requisite ability, but he was removed by death while his unit was still training near Washington. Some of the Negro officers of National Guard organizations retained their commands, but the majority were superseded or transferred before sailing or soon after arrival in France.

The 369th, the 370th and the 372nd infantry regiments in the United States army, mentioned as having been formed from the colored National Guard units, became a part of the 93rd division. Another regiment, the 371st, formed from the draft forces was also part of the same division. This division was brigaded with the French from the start and saw service through the war alongside the French poilus with whom they became great friends. There grew up a spirit of which, side by side, they faced and smashed the savage Hun, never wavered or changed. Besides the soldiers from Illinois, New York, Ohio, District of Columbia, Connecticut, Maryland and Tennessee, there were Negro contingents from Mississippi and South Carolina in the 93rd division. One of the regiments of this division, the 369th (15th New York) was of the first of the American forces to reach France, following mutual admiration between these two widely different representatives of the human family, that during the period in the expeditionary force of Regulars which reached France June 13, 1917; being among the first 100,000 that went abroad. However, the 93rd division, exclusively Negro, had not been fully formed then and the regiment did not see much real fighting until the spring and summer of 1918.



The 92nd division was another exclusively Negro division. There were many more Negro troops in training in France and large numbers at training camps in this country, but the 92nd and 93rd, being the earlier formed and trained divisions, saw practically all the fighting. Units belonging to one or both divisions fought with special distinction in the Forest of Argonne, near Chateau Thierry, Belleau Wood, St. Mihiel district, Champagne sector, at Metz and in the Vosges mountains.

In the 92nd division was the 325th Field Signal battalion, the only Negro signal unit in the American army. The division also contained the 349th, 350th and 351st Artillery regiments, each containing a machine gun battalion; the 317th Trench Mortar battery; the balance being made up of Negro engineers, hospital units, etc., and the 365th, 366th, 367th and 368th Infantry regiments.

Enlisted, drafted and assigned to active service, upwards of 400,000 Negroes participated in the war. The number serving abroad amounted to about 200,000. They were inducted into the cavalry, infantry, field and coast artillery, radio (wireless telegraphy, etc.), medical corps, ambulance and hospital corps, sanitary and ammunition trains, stevedore regiments, labor battalions, depot brigades and engineers. They also served as regimental clerks, surveyors and draftsmen.

Sixty served as chaplains and over 350 as Y.M.C.A. secretaries, there being a special and highly efficient Negro branch of the Y.M.C.A. Numerous others were attached to the War Camp Community Service in cities adjacent to the army camps.

Negro nurses were authorized by the war department for service in base hospitals at six army camps—Funston, Sherman, Grant, Dix, Taylor and Dodge. Race women also served as canteen workers in France and in charge of hostess houses in this country.

One Negro, Ralph W. Tyler, served as an accredited war correspondent, attached to the staff of General Pershing, Dr. R.R. Moton, who succeeded the late Booker T. Washington as head of the Tuskegee Institute, was sent on a special mission to France by President Wilson and Secretary Baker.

A race woman, Mrs. Alice Dunbar Nelson of Wilmington, Delaware, was named as a field worker to mobilize the Negro women of the country for war work. Her activities were conducted in connection with the Women's Committee of the Council of National Defense.

The most conspicuous honor paid to a Negro by the administration and the war department, was in the appointment, October 1, 1917, of Emmett J. Scott as special assistant to the Secretary of War. This was done that the administration might not be accused of failing to grant full protection to the Negroes, and that a thorough examination might be made into all matters affecting their relation to the war and its many agencies.

Having been for 18 years confidential secretary to Booker T. Washington, and being at the time of his appointment secretary of the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute for Negroes, Mr. Scott was peculiarly fitted to render necessary advice to the war department with respect to the Negroes of the various states, to look after all matters affecting the interests of Negro selectives and enlisted men, and to inquire into the treatment accorded them by the various officials connected with the war department. In the position occupied by him, he was thus enabled to obtain a proper perspective both of the attitude of selective service officials to the Negro, and of the Negro to the war, especially to the draft. In a memorandum on the subject addressed to the Provost Marshall General, December 12, 1918, he wrote:

"The attitude of the Negro was one of complete acceptance of the draft, in fact of an eagerness to accept its terms. There was a deep resentment in many quarters that he was not permitted to volunteer, as white men by the thousands were permitted to do in connection with National Guard units and other branches of military service which were closed to colored men. One of the brightest chapters in the whole history of the war is the Negro's eager acceptance of the draft and his splendid willingness to fight. His only resentment was due to the limited extent to which he was allowed to join and participate in combatant or 'fighting' units. The number of colored draftees accepted for military duty, and the comparatively small number of them claiming exemptions, as compared with the total number of white and colored men called and drafted, presents an interesting study and reflects much credit upon this racial group."

Over 1,200 Negro officers, many of them college graduates, were commissioned during the war. The only training camp exclusively for Negro officers was at Fort Des Moines, Iowa. This camp ran from June 15, 1917, to October 15, 1917. A total of 638 officers was graduated and commissioned from the camp. Negro Regulars and Negro National Army men who had passed the tests for admission to officers training camps were sent mainly to the training schools for machine gun officers at Camp Hancock, Augusta, Georgia; the infantry officers training school at Camp Pike, Little Rock, Arkansas, and the artillery officers training school at Camp Taylor, Louisville, Kentucky. They were trained along with the white officers. The graduates from these camps along with a few National Guardsmen who had taken the officers' examinations, and others trained in France, made up the balance of the 1,200 commissioned.

In connection with the artillery training an interesting fact developed. It had been charged that Negroes could not develop into artilleryman. A strong prejudice against inducting them into that branch of the service had always existed in the army. It was especially affirmed that the Negro did not possess the mathematical ability necessary to qualify as an expert artillery officer. Nevertheless, out of a number of Negro aspirants, very small in comparison with the white men in training for officers' commissions at the camp, five of the Negroes stood alongside their white brothers at the head of the class. The remainder were sprinkled down the line about in the same proportion and occupying the same relative positions as the whites. The prejudice against the Negro as an artilleryman was further and effectually dispelled in the record made by the 349th, 350th and 351st artillery regiments and their machine gun battalions in the 92nd division.

With the exception of the training camp for officers at Des Moines, Iowa, no important attempt was made to establish separate Negro training camps. In the draft quotas from each state were whites and blacks and all with few exceptions, were sent to the most convenient camp. Arrangements existed, however, at the different camps for the separate housing and training of the Negro troops. This was in line with the military policy of the Government, as well as in deference to the judgment of both white and black officers. It undoubtedly was necessary to separate the two races. Furthermore, as the military policy called for regiments, battalions and, divisions made up entirely of Negroes, it was proper to commence the organization at the training camps. Companies formed in this manner thus became homogeneous, accustomed to one another individually and to their officers.

The situation was different from the Spanish-American war, where Negro units, at least in one case, served in white regiments. Racial strife and rivalry were eliminated. The only rivalry that existed was the good-natured and healthy one of emulation between members of the same race. On the field of battle there was rivalry and emulation between the whites and blacks, but it was the rivalry of organizations and not of races. The whole was tempered by that splendid admiration and fellow-feeling which comes to men of all races when engaged as partners in danger or near death; in the defense and promotion of a great cause; the eternal verities of Justice and Humanity.



CHAPTER VIII

RECRUDESCENCE OF SOUTH'S INTOLERANCE

CONFRONTED BY RACIAL PEEJUDICE—- SPLENDID ATTITUDE OF NEGRO SHAMED IT—KEPT OUT OF NAVY—ONLY ONE PER CENT OF NAVY PERSONNEL NEGROES—MODIFIED MARINES CONTEMPLATED—FEW HAVE PETTY OFFICERS' GRADES—SEPARATE SHIPS PROPOSED—NEGRO EFFICIENCY IN NAVY—MATERIAL FOR "BLACK SHIPS"—NAVY OPENS DOOR TO NEGRO MECHANICS.

Old feelings of race prejudice and intolerance, appearing mainly in the South, confronted the Negro at the beginning of the war. The splendid attitude of the Negro shamed and overcame this feeling in other sections of the country, and was beginning to have its effect even in the South. It is true that men of the race were not accepted for voluntary enlistment in numbers of consequence in any section, but had the voluntary system continued in vogue, the willingness and desire of the race to serve, coupled with the very necessities of the case, would have altered the condition.

No new Negro volunteer units were authorized, but the demand for men would soon have made it imperative. It would have been combatted by a certain element in the South, but the friends of the few volunteer units which did exist in that section were firm in their championship and were winning adherents to their view that the number should be increased. The selective draft with its firm dictum that all men within certain ages should be called and the fit ones chosen, put an end to all contention. The act was not passed without bitter opposition which developed in its greatest intensity among the Southern senators and representatives; feelings that were inspired entirely by opposition to the Negro.

It would have been a bad thing for the country and would have prolonged the war, and possibly might have lost it, if the selective draft had been delayed. But it would have been interesting to see how far the country, especially the South, would have progressed in the matter of raising a volunteer army without accepting Negroes. Undoubtedly they soon would have been glad to recruit them, even in the South.

Unfortunately for the Negro, the draft was not able to prevent their being kept out of the Navy. It is a very desirable branch of the service vitiated and clouded, however, with many disgusting and aristocratic traditions. When the Navy was young and the service more arduous; when its vessels were merely armed merchantmen, many of them simply tubs and death traps and not the floating castles of today, the services of Negroes were not disdained; but times and national ideals had changed, and, the shame of it, not to the credit of a Commonwealth, for whose birth a Negro had shed the first blood, and a Washington had faced the rigors of a Valley Forge, a Lincoln the bullet of an assassin.

The annual report of the Chief of the Bureau of Navigation, rendered to the Secretary of the Navy and covering the fiscal year ending June 30, 1918, showed that in the United States Navy, the United States Naval Reserve Force and the National Naval Volunteers, there was a total of 435,398 men. Of that great number only 5,328 were Negroes, a trifle over one percent. Between June and November 1918, the Navy was recruited to a total force somewhat in excess of 500,000 men. Carrying out the same percentage, it is apparent that the aggregate number of Negroes serving, in the Navy at the close of the war, could not have been much in excess of 6,000.

Some extra enlistments of Negroes were contemplated, as the Navy had in process of establishment just prior to the armistice, a new service for Negro recruits. It was to be somewhat similar to the Pioneer units of the army, partaking in some degree of the character of Marines, just as the Pioneers partake of the character of infantry, but in general respects resembling more the engineer and stevedore units. About 600 men had been selected for this service when the project was abandoned on account of the ending of the war.

With the exception of a very limited number who have been permitted to attain the rank of petty officer, Negroes in the Navy were confined to menial occupations. They were attached to the firing forces as coal passers, while others served as cooks assistants, mess attendants and in similar duties. Quite a number were full rated cooks. A few were water tenders, electricians and gunners' mates, each of which occupations entitled them to the aforesaid rank of petty officer. Among the petty officers some had by sheer merit attained the rank of chief petty officer, which is about equal to the rank of sergeant in the army.

The idea of separate ships for the Negro might to some degree ameliorate the sting incident to race prohibition in that arm of government service. The query is advanced that if we can have black colonels, majors, captains and lieutenants in the army, why cannot we have black commanders, lieutenants, ensigns and such in the Navy?

Negroes have often and in divers ways displayed their intelligence and efficiency in the Navy. Take, for instance, the case of John Jordan, a Negro of Virginia, who was chief gunner's mate on Admiral Dewey's flagship the "Olympia" during the Spanish-American war, and was the man who fired the first shot at the enemy at Manila Bay. A Negro chief electrician, Salisbury Brooks, was the originator of inventions which were adopted without reservation by the Navy designers and changed the construction of modern battle ships.

One of the principal instructors on the U.S.S. Essex, the government training ship at Norfolk, is Matthew Anderson, a Negro. He has trained thousands of men, many of them now officers, in the art and duties of seamanship. Scores of Negroes; men of the type of these in the Navy, would furnish the nucleus for officers and crews of separate Negro ships.

In a recent issue of "Our Navy" a magazine devoted entirely to naval affairs, especially as regards the enlisted man, a writer reflects the opinion of these men in the following article:

"Whether you like the black man or not, whether you believe in a square deal for him or not, you can't point an accusing finger at his patriotism, his Americanism or his fighting ability. It is fair to neither the white man nor the black man to have the black man compete with the white man in the Navy. True, we have black petty officers here and there in the Navy, and in some cases black chief petty officers. It stands to reason that they must have been mighty good men to advance. They surely must know their business—every inch of it—to advance to these ratings. Yet they are not wanted in these ratings because they involve the black man having charge of white men under him. Outside of the messman branch you will find comparatively few Negroes in the Navy today.

"There should be 'black ships' assigned to be manned by American Negroes. These are days of democracy, equality and freedom," continues the writer. "If a man is good enough to go over the top and die for these principles, he is good enough to promote in the Navy. Why not try it? Put the black men on their own ships. Promote them, rate them, just the same as the white man. But above all keep them on their own ships. It is fair to them and fair to the white men. The Brazilian and Argentine navies have 'black ships.'"

Recruiting officers of the Navy have recently opened the doors to discharged Negro soldiers, and some civilians. If physically fit they are permitted to enlist as machinists and electricians. The Navy has opened a school for machinists at Charleston, S.C., and a school for electricians at Hampton Roads, Va.

Men for the machinists' school are enlisted as firemen 3rd class. While in training they are paid $30 a month. They also receive their clothing allotment, their food, dry comfortable quarters in which to live, and all text books and practical working tools. In return for this chance to become proficient in a very necessary trade, all that is required of those enlisting is a knowledge of common fractions, ambition to learn the trade, energy and a strict attention to the instruction given them.

Subjects taught in the course are arithmetic, note book sketching, practical engineering, theoretical engineering, clipping and filing, drilling, pipe fitting, repair work, rebabbiting, brazing, tin smithing, lathes, shapers, milling machines and grinders. It will be seen that they get a vast amount of mechanical knowledge and practically two trades, machinists and engineering.

In the electrical school the course is equally thorough. The men get a high grade of instruction, regardless of cost of material and tools. The best text books that can be had are available for their use.

This liberality in order to get machinists and electricians in the Navy, argues that some change of attitude towards the Negro is contemplated.

It may evolve into the establishment of "black ships." The Negro sailor has been pleading for years that his color has been a bar to him. With a ship of his own, would come his chance. He would strive; do all within his power to make it a success and would succeed.



CHAPTER IX.

PREVIOUS WARS IN WHICH THE NEGRO FIGURED.

SHOT HEARD AROUND THE WORLD—CRISPUS ATTTUCKS—SLAVE LEADS SONS OF FREEDOM—THE BOSTON MASSACRE—ANNIVERSARY KEPT FOR YEARS—WILLIAM NELL, HISTORIAN—3,000 NEGROES IN WASHINGTON'S FORCES—A STIRRING HISTORY—NEGRO WOMAN SOLDIER—BORDER INDIAN WARS—NEGRO HEROES

Our American school histories teach us that the "shot which was heard around the world",—the opening gun of the Revolutionary war, was fired at Lexington in 1775. The phrase embodies a precious sentiment; time has molded many leaders, the inspiration for almost a century and a half of the patriotic youth of our land. This is as it should be. All honor and all praise to the deathless heroes of that time and occasion.

But why has not history been more just; at least, more explicit? Why not say that the shot which started the Revolution—that first great movement for human liberty and the emancipation of nations—was fired five years earlier; was fired not by, but at, a Negro, Crispus Attucks? The leader of the citizens in that event of March 5, 1770, known as the Boston Massacre, he was the first man upon whom the British soldiers fired and the first to fall; the pioneer martyr for American independence.

It is perhaps fitting; a manifestation of the inscrutable ways of Providence, that the first life given in behalf of a nation about to throw off a yoke of bondage, was that of a representative of a race; despised, oppressed and enslaved.

Botta the historian, in speaking of the scenes of the 5th of March says:

"The people were greatly exasperated. The multitude ran towards King street, crying, 'Let us drive out these ribalds; they have no business here.' The rioters rushed furiously towards the Custom House; they approached the sentinel, crying 'Kill him, kill him!' They assaulted him with snowballs, pieces of ice, and whatever they could lay their hands upon.

"The guard were then called, and in marching to the Custom House, they encountered a band of the populace, led by a mulatto named Attucks, who brandished their clubs and pelted them with snowballs. The maledictions, the imprecations, the execrations of the multitude, were horrible. In the midst of a torrent of invective from every quarter, the military were challenged to fire. The populace advanced to the points of their bayonets.

"The soldiers appeared like statues; the cries, the howlings, the menaces, the violent din of bells still sounding the alarm, increased the confusion and the horrors of these moments; at length the mulatto Attucks and twelve of his companions, pressing forward, environed the soldiers and striking their muskets with their clubs, cried to the multitude: 'Be not afraid, they dare not fire; why do you hesitate, why do you not kill them, why not crush them at once?'

"The mulatto lifted his arms against Captain Preston, and having turned one of the muskets, he seized the bayonet with his left hand, as if he intended to execute his threat At this moment, confused cries were heard: 'The wretches dare not fire!' Firing succeeds. Attucks is slain. Other discharges follow. Three were killed, five severely wounded and several others slightly."

Attucks was killed by Montgomery, one of Captain Preston's soldiers. He had been foremost in resisting and was first slain. As proof of a front engagement, he received two balls, one in each breast. The white men killed with Attucks were Samuel Maverick, Samuel Gray and Jonas Caldwell.

John Adams, afterwards President of the United States, was counsel for the soldiers in the investigation which followed. He admitted that Attucks appeared to have been the hero of the occasion and the leader of the people. Attucks and Caldwell, not being residents of Boston, were buried from Faneuil Hall, the cradle of liberty. The citizens generally participated in the solemnities.

If the outrages against the American colonists had not been so flagrant, and so well imbedded as indisputable records of our history; if the action of the military authorities had not been so arbitrary, the uprising of Attucks and his followers might be looked upon as a common, reprehensible riot and the participants as a band of misguided incendiaries. Subsequent reverence for the occasion, disproves any such view. Judge Dawes, a prominent jurist of the time, as well as a brilliant exponent of the people, alluding in 1775 to the event, said:

"The provocation of that night must be numbered among the master-springs which gave the first motion to a vast machinery—a noble and comprehensive system of national independence."

Ramsey's History of the American Revolution, says:

"The anniversary of the 5th of March was observed with great solemnity; eloquent orators were successively employed to preserve the remembrance of it fresh in the mind. On these occasions the blessings of liberty, the horrors of slavery, and the danger of a standing army, were presented to the public view. These annual orations administered fuel to the fire of liberty and kept it burning with an irresistible flame."

The 5th of March continued to be celebrated for the above reasons until the anniversary of the Declaration of American Independence was substituted in its place; and its orators were expected to honor the feelings and principles of the former as having given birth to the latter. On the 5th of March 1776, Washington repaired to the intrenchments. "Remember" said he, "It is the 5th of March, and avenge the death of your brethren."

In the introduction to a book entitled "The Colored Patriots of the American Revolution" by William C. Nell, a Negro historian, Harriet Beecher Stowe said in 1855:

"The colored race have been generally considered by their enemies, and sometimes even by their friends, as deficient in energy and courage. Their virtues have been supposed to be principally negative ones." Speaking of the incidents in Mr. Nell's collection she says: "They will redeem the character of the race from this misconception and show how much injustice there may often be in a generally accepted idea". Continuing, she says:

"In considering the services of the colored patriots of the Revolution, we are to reflect upon them as far more magnanimous, because rendered to a nation which did not acknowledge them as citizens and equals, and in whose interests and prosperity they had less at stake. It was not for their own land they fought, not even for a land which had adopted them, but for a land which had enslaved them, and whose laws, even in freedom, oftener oppressed than protected. Bravery, under such circumstances, has a peculiar beauty and merit.

"And their white brothers—may remember that generosity, disinterested courage and bravery, are of no particular race and complexion, and that the image of the Heavenly Father may be reflected alike by all. Each record of worth in this oppressed and despised people should be pondered, for it is by many such that the cruel and unjust public sentiment, which has so long proscribed them, may be reversed, and full opportunities given them to take rank among the nations of the earth."

Estimates from competent sources state that not less than 3,000 Negro soldiers did service in the American army during the Revolution. Rhode Island first made her slaves free men and then called on them to fight. A black regiment was raised there, of which Colonel Christopher Green was made commander. Connecticut furnished a black battalion under command of Colonel David Humphrey.

Prior to the Revolution, two Virginia Negroes, Israel Titus and Samuel Jenkins, had fought under Braddock and Washington in the French and Indian war.

It has been said that one of the men killed when Major Pitcairn commanding the British advance on Concord and Lexington, April 19, 1775, ordered his troops to fire on the Americans, was a Negro bearing arms. Peter Salem a Negro did service during the Revolution, and is said to have killed this same Major Pitcairn, at the battle of Bunker Hill. In some old engravings of the battle, Salem is pictured as occupying a prominent position. These pictures were carried on some of the currency of the Monumental bank of Charlestown, Massachusetts and the Freeman's bank of Boston. Other black men fought at Bunker Hill, of whom we have the names of Salem Poor, Titus Coburn, Alexander Ames, Barzillai Lew and Gato Howe. After the war these men were pensioned.

Prince, a Negro soldier, was Colonel Barton's chief assistant in capturing the British officer, Major General Prescott at Newport, R.I. Primus Babcock received an honorable discharge from the army signed by General Washington. Lambo Latham and Jordan Freeman fell with Ledyard at the storming of Fort Griswold. Freeman is said to have killed Major Montgomery, a British officer who was leading an attack on Americans in a previous fight. History does not record whether or not this was the same or a related Montgomery to the one who killed Crispus Attucks at Boston.

Hamet, one of General Washington's Negroes, was drawing a pension as a revolutionary soldier as late as 1839, Oliver Cromwell served six years and nine months in Col. Israel Shreve's regiment of New Jersey troops under Washington's immediate command. Charles Bowles became an American soldier at the age of sixteen years and served to the end of the Revolution. Seymour Burr and Jeremy Jonah were Negro soldiers in a Connecticut regiment.

A Negro whose name is not known obtained the countersign by which Mad Anthony Wayne was enabled to take Stony Point, and guided and helped him to do so.

Jack Grove was a Negro steward on board an American vessel which the British captured. He figured out that the vessel could be retaken if sufficient courage were shown. He insisted and at length prevailed upon his captain to make the attempt, which was successful.

There was in Massachusetts during those Revolutionary days one company of Negro men bearing a special designation, "The Bucks." It was a notable body of men. At the close of the war its fame and services were recognized by John Hancock presenting to it a beautiful banner.

The European struggle recently ended furnished a remarkable example of female heroism and devotion to country in the case of the Russian woman who enlisted as a common soldier in the army of the Czar, served with distinction and finally organized an effective unit of female soldiers known as the "Battalion of Death." More resourceful and no less remarkable and heroic, is the case of Deborah Gannet, a Negro woman soldier of the Revolution, which may be summed up in the following resolution passed by the General Court of Massachusetts during the session of 1791:—

"XXIII—Whereas, it appears to this court that the said Deborah Gannett enlisted, under the name of Robert Shurtliff, in Capt Webb's company, in the Fourth Massachusetts regiment, on May 20, 1782, and did actually perform the duties of a soldier, in the late army of the United States to the 23rd day of October, 1783, for which she has received no compensation; and, whereas, it further appears that the said Deborah exhibited an extraordinary instance of female heroism by discharging the duties of a faithful, gallant soldier, and at the same time preserving the virtue and chastity of her sex unsuspected and unblemished, and was discharged from the service with a fair and honorable character, therefore,

"Resolved, that the Treasurer of this Commonwealth be, and he hereby is, directed to issue his note to the said Deborah for the sum of thirty-four pounds, bearing interest from October 23, 1783."

There is not lacking evidence that Negroes distinguished themselves in the struggles of the pioneer settlers against the Indians. This was particularly true of the early history of Kentucky. The following incidents are recorded in Thompson's "Young People's History of Kentucky:"

"Ben Stockton was a slave in the family of Major George Stockton of Fleming county. He was a regular Negro, and though a slave, was devoted to his master. He hated an Indian and loved to moralize over a dead one; getting into a towering rage and swearing magnificently when a horse was stolen; handled his rifle well, though somewhat foppishly, and hopped, danced and showed his teeth when a prospect offered to chase 'the yaller varmints'. His master had confidence in his resolution and prudence, while he was a great favorite with all the hunters, and added much to their fun on dull expeditions. On one occasion, when a party of white men in pursuit of Indians who had stolen their horses called at Stockton's station for reinforcements, Ben, among others, volunteered. They overtook the savages at Kirk's Springs in Lewis county, and dismounted to fight; but as they advanced, they could see only eight or ten, who disappeared over the mountain. Pressing on, they discovered on descending the mountain such indications as convinced them that the few they had seen were but decoys to lead them into an ambuscade at the base, and a retreat was ordered. Ben was told of it by a man near him; but he was so intent on getting a shot that he did not hear, and the order was repeated in a louder tone, whereupon he turned upon his monitor a reproving look, grimaced and gesticulated ludicrously, and motioned to the man to be silent. He then set off rapidly down the mountain. His white comrade, unwilling to leave him, ran after him, and reached his side just as he leveled his gun at a big Indian standing tiptoe on a log and peering into the thick woods. At the crack of Ben's rifle the savage bounded into the air and fell. The others set up a fierce yell, and, as the fearless Negro said, 'skipped from tree to tree like grasshoppers.' He bawled out: 'Take dat to 'member Ben—de black white man!' and the two beat a hasty retreat.

"In the family of Capt. James Estill, who established a station about fifteen miles south of Boonesborough, was a Negro slave, Monk, who was intelligent, bold as a lion, and as faithful to his pioneer friends as though he were a free white settler defending his own rights. About daylight, March 20, 1782, when all the men of the fort except four were absent on an Indian trail, a body of the savages came upon Miss Jennie Glass, who was outside, but near the station, milking—Monk being with her. They killed and scalped Miss Glass and captured Monk. When questioned as to the force inside the walls, the shrewd and self-possessed Negro represented it as much greater than it was and told of preparations for defense. The Indians were deceived, and after killing the cattle, they retreated across the river. When the battle of Little Mountain opened two days later, Monk, who was still a prisoner with the Indians cried out: 'Don't give way, Mas' Jim! There's only about twenty-five redskins and you can whip 'em!' This was valuable and encouraging information to the whites. When the Indians began to advance on Lieutenant Miller, when he was sent to prevent a flank movement and guard the horse-holders, Monk called also to him to hold his ground and the white men would win. Instead of being instantly killed as was to be apprehended, even though the savages might not understand his English, he made his escape before the fight closed and got back to his friends. On their return to the station, twenty-five miles, without sufficient horses for the wounded, he carried on his back, most of the way, James Berry, whose thigh was broken. He had learned to make gunpowder, and obtaining saltpetre from Peyton's Cave, in Madison county, he frequently furnished this indispensable article to Estill's Station and Boonesborough. He has been described as being five feet five inches high and weighing two hundred pounds. He was a respected member of the Baptist church, when whites and blacks worshipped together. He was held in high esteem by the settlers and his young master, Wallace Estill, gave him his freedom and clothed and fed him as long as he lived thereafter—till about 1835.

"A year or two after the close of the Revolutionary war, a Mr. Woods was living near Crab Orchard, Kentucky, with his wife, one daughter (said to be ten years old), and a lame Negro man. Early one morning, her husband being away, Mrs. Woods when a short distance from the house, discovered seven or eight Indians in ambush. She ran back into the house, so closely pursued that before she could fasten the door one of the savages forced his way in. The Negro instantly seized him. In the scuffle the Indian threw him, falling on top. The Negro held him in a strong grasp and called to the girl to take an axe which was in the room and kill him. This she did by two well-aimed blows; and the Negro then asked Mrs. Woods to let in another that he with the axe might dispatch him as he came and so, one by one, kill them all. By this time, however, some men from the station nearby, having discovered that the house was attacked, had come up and opened fire on the savages, by which one was killed and the others put to flight."



CHAPTER X.

FROM LEXINGTON TO CARRIZAL.

NEGRO IN WAR OF 1812—INCIDENT OF THE CHESAPEAKE—BATTLE OF LAKE ERIE—PERRY'S FIGHTERS 10 PERCENT NEGROES—INCIDENT OF THE "GOVERNOR TOMPKINS"—COLONISTS FORM NEGRO REGIMENTS—DEFENSE OF NEW ORLEANS—ANDREW JACKSON'S TRIBUTE—NEGROES IN MEXICAN AND CIVIL WARS—IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR—NEGROES IN THE PHILIPPINES—HEROES OF CARRIZAL—GENERAL BUTLER'S TRIBUTE TO NEGROES—WENDELL PHILLIPS ON TOUSSAINT L'OUVERTURE.

Prior to the actual war of 1812 and one of the most conspicuous causes leading to it, was the attack on the Chesapeake, an American war vessel. Here the Negro in the Navy figured in a most remarkable degree. The vessel was hailed, fired upon and forced to strike her colors by the British. She was boarded, searched and four persons taken from the crew charged with desertion from the English navy. Three of these were Negroes and one white. The charge against the Negroes could not have been very strong, for they were dismissed, while the white man was hanged.