From Antigonus Phoenicia passed to his son Demetrius, who maintained his hold on it, with some vicissitudes of fortune, till B.C. 287, when it once more passed under the dominion of Ptolemy Lagi.[14441] From this time it was an Egyptian dependency for nearly seventy years, and flourished commercially, if it not distinguish itself by warlike exploits. The early Ptolemies were mild and wise rulers. They encouraged commerce, literature, and art. So far as was possible they protected their dominions from external attack, put down brigandage, and ruled with equity and moderation. It was not until the fourth prince of the house of Lagus, Philopator, mounted the throne (B.C. 222) that the character of their rule changed for the worse, and their subjects began to have reason to complain of them. The weakness and profligacy of Philopater[14442] tempted Antiochus III. to assume the aggressive, and to disturb the peace which had now for some time subsisted between Syria and Egypt, the Lagidae and the Seleucidae. In B.C. 219 he drove the Egyptians out of Seleucia, the port of Antioch,[14443] and being joined by Theodotus, the Egyptian governor of the Coelesyrian province, invaded that country and Phoenicia, took possession of Tyre and Accho, which was now called Ptolemais, and threatened Egypt with subjugation.[14444] Phoenicia once more became the battle-field between two great powers, and for the next twenty years the cities were frequently taken and re-taken. At last, in B.C. 198, by the victory of Antiochus over Scopas,[14445] and the surrender of Sidon, Phoenicia passed, with Coelesyria, into the permanent possession of the Seleucidae, and, though frequently reclaimed by Egypt, was never recovered.

The change of rulers was, on the whole, in consonance with the wishes and feelings of the Phoenicians. Though Alexandria may not have been founded with the definite intention of depressing Tyre, and raising up a commercial rival to her on the southern shore of the Mediterranean;[14446] yet the advantages of the situation, and the interests of the Lagid princes, constituted her in a short time an actual rival, and an object of Phoenician jealousy. Phoenicia had been from a remote antiquity[14447] down to the time of Alexander, the main, if not the sole, dispenser of Egyptian products to Syria, Asia Minor, and Europe. With the foundation of Alexandria this traffic passed out of her hands. It may be true that what she lost in this way was "more than compensated by the new channels of eastern traffic which Alexander's conquests opened to her, by the security given to commercial intercourse by the establishment of a Greek monarchy in the ancient dominions of the Persian kings, and by the closer union which now prevailed between all parts of the civilised world."[14448] But the balance of advantage and disadvantage does not even now always reconcile traders to a definite and tangible loss; and in the ruder times of which we are writing it was not to be expected that arguments of so refined and recondite a character should be very sensibly felt. Tyre and Sidon recognised in Alexandria a rival from the first, and grew more and more jealous of her as time went on. She monopolised the trade in Egyptian commodities from her foundation. In a short time she drew to herself, not only the direct Egyptian traffic, but that which her rulers diverted from other quarters, and drew to Egypt by the construction of harbours, and roads with stations and watering places.[14449] Much of the wealth that had previously flowed into Phoenicia was, in point of fact, diverted to Egypt, and especially to Alexandria, by the judicious arrangements of the earlier Lagid princes. Phoenicia, therefore, in attaching herself to the Seleucidae, felt that she was avenging a wrong, and though materially she might not be the gainer, was gratified by the change in her position.

The Seleucid princes on their part regarded the Phoenicians with favour, and made a point of conciliating their affections by personal intercourse with them, and by the grant of privileges. At the quinquennial festival instituted by Alexander ere he quitted Tyre, which was celebrated in the Greek fashion with gymnastic and musical contests, the Syrian kings were often present in person, and took part in the festivities.[14450] They seem also to have visited the principal cities at other times, and to have held their court in them for many days together.[14451] With their consent and permission, the towns severally issued their own coins, which bore commonly legends both in Greek and in Phoenician, and had sometimes Greek, sometimes Phoenician emblems.[14452] Both Aradus and Tyre were allowed the privilege of being asylums,[14453] from which political refugees could not be demanded by the sovereign.

The Phoenicians in return served zealously on board the Syro-Macedonian fleet, and showed their masters all due respect and honour.[14454] They were not afraid, however, of asserting an independence of thought and judgment, even in matters where the kings were personally concerned. On one occasion, when Antiochus Epiphanes was holding his court at Tyre, a cause of the greatest importance was brought before him for decision by the authorities at Jerusalem. The high-priest of the time, Menelaus, who had bought the office from the Syrian king, was accused of having plundered the Temple of a number of its holy vessels, and of having sold them for his own private advantage. The Sanhedrim, who prosecuted Menelaus, sent three representatives to Tyre, to conduct the case, and press the charges against him. The evidence was so clear that the High Priest saw no chance of an acquittal, except by private interest. He therefore bribed an influential courtier, named Ptolemy, the son of a certain Dorymenes, to intercede with Antiochus on his behalf, and, if possible, obtain his acquittal. The affair was not one of much difficulty. Justice was commonly bought and sold at the Syro-Macedonian Court, and Antiochus readily came into the views of Ptolemy, and pronounced the High Priest innocent. He thought, however, that in so grave a matter some one must be punished, and, as he had acquitted Menelaus, he could only condemn his accusers. These unfortunates suffered death at his hands, whereon the Tyrians, compassionating their fate, and to mark their sense of the iniquity of the sentence, decreed to give them an honourable burial. The historian who relates the circumstance evidently feels that it was a bold and courageous act, very creditable to the Tyrian people.[14455]

It is not always, however, that we can justly praise the conduct of the Phoenicians at this period. Within six years of the time when the Tyrians showed themselves at once so courageous and so compassionate, the nation generally was guilty of complicity in a most unjust and iniquitous design. Epiphanes, having driven the Jews into rebellion by a most cruel religious persecution, and having more than once suffered defeat at their hands, resolved to revenge himself by utterly destroying the people which had provoked his resentment.[14456] Called away to the eastern provinces by a pressing need, he left instructions with his general, Lysias, to invade Judaea with an overwhelming force, and, after crushing all resistance, to sell the surviving population—men, women, and children—for slaves. Lysias, in B.C. 165, marched into Judaea, accompanied by a large army, with the full intention of carrying out to the letter his master's commands. In order to attract purchasers for the multitude whom he would have to sell, he made proclamation that the rate of sale should be a talent for ninety, or less than 3l. a head,[14457] while at the same he invited the attendance of the merchants from all "the cities of the sea-coast," who must have been mainly, if not wholly, Phoenicians. The temptation was greater than Phoenician virtue could resist. The historian tells us that "the merchants of the country, hearing the fame of the Syrians, took silver and gold very much, with servants, and came into the Syrian camp to buy the children of Israel for money."[14458] The result was a well-deserved disappointment. The Syrian army suffered complete defeat at the hands of the Jews, and had to beat a hasty retreat; the merchants barely escaped with their lives. As for the money which they had brought with them for the purchase of the captives, it fell into the hands of the victorious Jews, and formed no inconsiderable part of the booty which rewarded their valour.[14459]

After this, we hear but little of any separate action on the part of the Phoenicians, or of any Phoenician city, during the Seleucid period. Phoenicia became rapidly Hellenised; and except that they still remained devoted to commercial pursuits, the cities had scarcely any distinctive character, or anything that marked them out as belonging to a separate nationality. Greek legends became more frequent upon the coins; Greek names were more and more affected, especially by the upper classes; the men of letters discarded Phoenician as a literary language, and composed the works, whereby they sought to immortalize their names, in Greek. Greek philosophy was studied in the schools of Sidon;[14460] and at Byblus Phoenician mythology was recast upon a Greek type. At the same time Phoenician art conformed itself more and more closely to Greek models, until all that was rude in it, or archaic, or peculiar, died out, and the productions of Phoenician artists became mere feeble imitations of second-rate Greek patterns.

The nation gave itself mainly to the pursuit of wealth. The old trades were diligently plied. Tyre retained its pre-eminence in the manufacture of the purple dye; and Sidon was still unrivalled in the production of glass. Commerce continued to enrich the merchant princes, while at the same time it provided a fairly lucrative employment for the mass of the people. A new source of profit arose from the custom, introduced by the Syro-Macedonians, of farming the revenue. In Phoenicia, as in Syria generally, the taxes of each city were let out year by year to some of the wealthiest men of the place,[14461] who collected them with extreme strictness, and made over but a small proportion of the amount to the Crown. Large fortunes were made in this way, though occasionally foreigners would step in, and outbid the Phoenician speculators,[14462] who were not content unless they gained above a hundred per cent. on each transaction. Altogether, Phoenicia may be pronounced to have enjoyed much material prosperity under the Seleucid princes, though, in the course of the civil wars between the different pretenders to the Crown, most of the cities had, from time to time, to endure sieges. Accho especially, which had received from the Lagid princes the name of Ptolemais, and was now the most important and flourishing of the Phoenician towns, had frequently to resist attack, and was more than once taken by storm.[14463]



8. Phoenicia under the Romans (B.C. 65-A.D. 650)

Syria made a Roman province, B.C. 65—Privileges granted by Rome to the Phoenician cities—Phoenicia profits by the Roman suppression of piracy, but suffers from Parthian ravages—The Phoenicians offend Augustus and lose their favoured position, but recover it under later emperors— Mention of the Phoenician cities in the New Testament— Phoenicia accepts Christianity—Phoenician bishops at the early Councils—Phoenician literature at this date—Works of Antipater, Apollonius, Philo, Hermippus, Marinus, Maximus, and Porphyry—School of law at Berytus—Survival of the Phoenician commercial spirit—Survival of the religion— Summary.

The kingdom of the Seleucidae came to an end through its own internal weakness and corruption. In B.C. 83 their subjects, whether native Asiatics or Syro-Macedonians, were so weary of the perpetual series of revolts, civil wars, and assassinations that they invited Tigranes, the king of the neighbouring Armenia, to step in and undertake the government of the country.[14464] Tigranes ruled from B.C. 83 till B.C. 69, when he was attacked by the Romans, to whom he had given just cause of offence by his conduct in the Mithridatic struggle. Compelled by Lucullus to relinquish Syria, he retired to his own dominions, and was succeeded by the last Seleucid prince, Antiochus Asiaticus, who reigned from B.C. 69 to B.C. 65. Rome then at length came forward, and took the inheritance to which she had become entitled a century and a quarter earlier by the battle of Magnesia, and which she could have occupied at any moment during the interval, had it suited her purpose. The combat with Mithridates had forced her to become an Asiatic power; and having once overcome her repugnance to being entangled in Asiatic politics, she allowed her instinct of self-aggrandizement to have full play, and reduced the kingdom of the Seleucidae into the form of a Roman province.[14465]

The province, which retained the name of Syria, and was placed under a proconsul,[14466] whose title was "Praeses Syriae," extended from the flanks of Amanus and Taurus to Carmel and the sources of the Jordan, and thus included Phoenicia. The towns, however, of Tripolis, Sidon, and Tyre were allowed the position of "free cities," which secured them an independent municipal government, under their own freely elected council and chief magistates. These privileges, conferred by Pompey, were not withdrawn by Julius Caesar, when he became master of the Roman world; and hence we find him addressing a communication respecting Hyrcanus to the "Magistates, Council, and People of Sidon."[14467] A similar regard was shown for Phoenician vested rights by Anthony, who in B.C. 36, when his infatuation for Cleopatra was at its height, and he agreed to make over to her the government of Palestine and of Coelesyria, as far as the river Eleutherus, especially exempted from her control, despite her earnest entreaties, the cities of Tyre and Sidon.[14468] Anthony also wrote more than one letter to the "Magistates, Council, and People of Tyre," in which he recognised them as "allies" of the Roman people rather than subjects.[14469]

So far the Phoenicians would seem to have gained rather than lost by exchanging the dominion of Syria for that of Rome. They gained also greatly by the strictness with which Rome kept the police of the Eastern Mediterranean. For many years previously to B.C. 67 their commerce had been preyed upon to an enormous extent by the piratical fleets, which, issuing from the creeks and harbours of Western Cilicia and Pamphylia, spread terror on every side,[14470] and made the navigation of the Levant and AEgean as dangerous as it had been in the days anterior to Minos.[14471] Pompey, in that year, completely destroyed the piratical fleets, attacked the pirates in their lairs, and cleared them out from every spot where they had established themselves. Voyages by sea became once more as safe as travels by land; and a vigilant watch being kept on all the coasts and islands, piracy was never again permitted to gather strength, or become a serious evil. The Phoenician merchants could once more launch their trading vessels on the Mediterranean waters without fear of their suffering capture, and were able to insure their cargoes at a moderate premium.

But their connection with Rome exposed the Phoenicians to some fresh, and terrible, perils. The great attack of Crassus on Parthia in the year B.C. 53 had bitterly exasperated that savage and powerful kingdom, which was quite strong enough to retaliate, under favourable circumstances, upon the mighty mistress of the West, and to inflict severe sufferings upon Rome's allies, subjects, and dependencies. After a preliminary trial of strength[14472] in the years B.C. 522 and 51, Pacorus, the son of Orodes, in B.C. 40, crossed the Euphrates in force, defeated the Romans under Decidius Saxa, and carried fire and sword over the whole of the Syrian presidency.[14473] Having taken Apamea and Antioch, he marched into Phoenicia, ravaged the open country, and compelled all the towns, except Tyre, to surrender. Tyre, notwithstanding the mole constructed by Alexander, which joined it to the continent, was still regarded as impregnable, unless invested both by sea and land; on which account Pacorus, as he had no naval force, relinquished the idea of capturing it.[14474] But all the other cities either gave themselves up or were taken, and the conquest of Phoenicia being completed, the Parthian prince proceeded to occupy Palestine. Jerusalem fell into his hands, and for three years the entire tract between the Taurus range and Egypt was lost to Rome, and formed a portion of the Parthian Empire. What hardships, what insults, what outrages the Phoenicians had to endure during this interval we do not know, and can only conjecture; but the conduct of the Parthians at Jerusalem[14475] makes it probable that the inhabitants of the conquered districts generally had much cause for complaint. However, the time of endurance did not last very long; in the third year from the commencement of the invasion the fortune of war turned against the assailants. Rome, under Ventidius, recovered her lost laurels. Syria was reoccupied, and the Parthians driven across the Euphrates, never again to pass it.[14476]

In the struggle (which soon followed these events) between Antony and Augustus, Phoenicia had the misfortune to give offence to the latter. The terms on which they stood with Antony, and the protection which he had afforded to their cities against the greed of Cleopatra, naturally led them to embrace his cause; and it should scarcely have been regarded as a crime in them that they did so with ardour. But Augustus, who was certainly not clement by nature, chose to profess himself deeply aggrieved by the preference which they had shown for his rival, and, when he personally visited the East in B.C. 20, inflicted a severe punishment on two at least of the cities. Dio Cassius can scarcely be mistaken when he says that Tyre and Sidon were "enslaved"—i.e. deprived of freedom—by Augustus,[14477] who must certainly have revoked the privilege originally granted by Pompey. Whether the privilege was afterwards restored is somewhat uncertain; but there is distinct evidence that more than one of the later emperors was favourably disposed to Rome's Phoenician subjects. Claudius granted to Accho the title and status of a Roman colony;[14478] while Hadrian allowed Tyre to call herself a "metropolis."[14479]

Two important events have caused Tyre and Sidon to be mentioned in the New Testament. Jesus Christ, in the second year of his ministry, "arose and went" from Galilee "into the borders of Tyre and Sidon," and there wrought a miracle at the earnest request of a "Syro-Phoenician woman."[14480] And Herod Agrippa, the grandson of Herod the Great, when at Caesarea in A.D. 44, received an embassy from "them of Tyre and Sidon," with whom he was highly offended, and "made an oration" to the ambassadors.[14481] In this latter place the continued semi-independence of Tyre and Sidon seems to be implied. Agrippa is threatening them with war, while they "desire peace." "Their country" is spoken of as if it were distinct from all other countries. We cannot suppose that the Judaean prince would have ventured to take up this attitude if the Phoenician cities had been fully incorporated into the Roman State, since in that case quarrelling with them would have been quarrelling with Rome, a step on which even Agrippa, with all his pride and all his rashness, would scarcely have ventured. It is probable, therefore, that either Tiberius or Claudius had revoked the decree of Augustus, and re-invested the Phoenician cities with the privilege whereof the first of the emperors had deprived them.

Not long after this, about A.D. 57, we have evidence that the great religious and social movement of the age had swept the Phoenician cities within its vortex, and that, in some of them at any rate, Christian communities had been formed, which were not ashamed openly to profess the new religion. The Gospel was preached in Phoenicia[14482] as early as A.D. 41. Sixteen years later, when St. Paul, on his return from his third missionary journey, landed at Tyre, and proceeded thence to Ptolemais, he found at both places "churches," or congregations of Christians, who received him kindly, ministered to his wants, prayed with him, and showed a warm interest in his welfare.[14483] These communities afterwards expanded. By the end of the second century after Christ Tyre was the seat of a bishopric, which held an important place among the Syrian Sees. Several Tyrian bishops of the second, third, and fourth centuries are known to us, as Cassius (ab. A.D. 198), Marinus (A.D. 253), Methodius (A.D. 267-305), Tyrannion (A.D. 310), and Paulinus (A.D. 328). Early in the fourth century (B.C. 335) Tyre was the seat of a synod or council, called to consider charges made against the great Athanasius,[14484] who was taxed with cruelty, impiety, and the use of magical arts. As the bishops who assembled belonged chiefly to the party of Arius, the judgment of the council condemned Athanasius, and deprived him of his see. On appeal the decision was reversed; Athanasius was reinstated,[14485] and advanced; the cause with which he had identified himself triumphed; and the Synod of Tyre being pronounced unorthodox, the Tyrian church, like that of Antioch, sank in the estimation of the Church at large.

Tyre also made herself obnoxious to the Christian world in another way. In the middle of the third century she produced the celebrated philosopher, Porphyry,[14486] who, of all the literary opponents of Christianity, was the most vigorous and the most successful. Porphyry appears to have been a Phoenician by descent. His original name was Malchus—i.e. Melek or Malik, "king." To disguise his Asiatic origin, and ingratiate himself with the literary class of the day, who were chiefly Greeks or Grecised Romans, he took the Hellenic and far more sonorous appellation of Porphyrius, which he regarded as a sort of synonym, since purple was the royal colour. He early gave himself to the study of philosophy, and was indefatigable in his efforts to acquire knowledge and learning of every kind. In Asia, probably at Tyre itself, he attended the lectures of Origen; at Athens he studied under Apollonius and Longinus; in Rome, whereto he ultimately gravitated, he attached himself to the Neo-Platonic school of Plotinus. His literary labours, which were enormous, had for their general object the establishment of that eclectic system which Ammonius Saccas, Plotinus, Jamblichus, and others had elaborated, and were endeavouring to impose upon the world as constituting at once true religion and true philosophy. He was of a constructive rather than a destructive turn of mind. Still, he thought it of great importance, and a necessity of the times, that he should write a book against the Christians, whose opinions were, he knew, making such progress as raised the suspicion that they would prevail over all others, and in a short time become universal. This polemical treatise ran to fifteen books, and "exhibited considerable acquaintance with both the Jewish and the Christian scriptures."[14487] It is now lost, but its general character is well known from the works of Eusebius, Jerome, and others. The style was caustic and trenchant. An endeavour was made to show that both the historical scriptures of the Old Testament and the Gospels and Acts in the New were full of discrepancies and contradictions. The history and antiquities of the Jews, as put forth in the Bible, were examined, and declared to be unworthy of credit. A special attack was made on the genuineness and authenticity of the book of Daniel, which was pronounced to be the work of a contemporary of Antiochus Epiphanes, who succeeded in palming off upon his countrymen his own crude production as the work of the venerated sage and prophet. Prevalent modes of interpreting scripture were passed under review, and the allegorical exegesis of Origen was handled with especial severity. The work is said to have produced a vast effect, especially among the upper classes, whose conversion to Christianity it tended greatly to check and hinder. Answers to the book, or to particular portions of it, were published by Eusebius of Caesarea, by Apollinaris, and by Methodius, Bishop of Tyre; but these writers had neither the learning nor the genius of their opponent, and did little to counteract the influence of his work on the upper grades of society.[14488]

The literary importance of the Phoenician cities under the Romans is altogether remarkable. Under Augustus and Tiberius—especially from about B.C. 40 to A.D. 20—Sidon was the seat of a philosophical school, in which the works of Aristotle were studied and explained,[14489] perhaps to some extent criticised.[14490] Strabo attended this school for a time in conjunction with two other students, named Boethus and Diodotus. Tyre had even previously produced the philosophers, Antipater, who was intimate with the younger Cato, and Apollonius, who wrote a work about Zeno, and formed a descriptive catalogue of the authors who had composed books on the subject of the philosophy of the Stoics.[14491] Strabo goes so far as to say that philosophy in all its various aspects might in his day be better studied at Tyre and Sidon than anywhere else.[14492] A little later we find Byblus producing the semi-religious historian, Philo, who professed to reveal to the Greeks the secrets of the ancient Phoenician mythology, and who, whatever we may think of his judgment, was certainly a man of considerable learning. He was followed by his pupil, Hermippus, who was contemporary with Trajan and Hadrian, and obtained some reputation as a critic and grammarian.[14493] About the same time flourished Marinus, the writer on geography, who was a Tyrian by birth, and "the first author who substituted maps, mathematically constructed according to latitude and longitude, for the itinerary charts" of his predecessors.[14494] Ptolemy of Pelusium based his great work entirely upon that of Marinus, who is believed to have utilised the geographical and hydrographical accumulations of the old Phoenician navigators, besides availing himself of the observations of Hipparchus, and of the accounts given of their travels by various Greek and Roman authors. Contemporary with Marinus was Paulus, a native of Tyre, who was noted as a rhetorician, and deputed by his city to go as their representative to Rome and plead the cause of the Tyrians before Hadrian.[14495] A little later we hear of Maximus, who flourished under Marcus Aurelius and Commodus (ab. A.D. 160-190), a Tyrian, like Paulus, and a rhetorician and Platonic philosopher.[14496] The literary glories of Tyre culminated and terminated with Porphyry, of whose works we have already given an account.

Towards the middle of the third century after Christ a school of law and jurisprudence arose at Berytus, which attained high distinction, and is said by Gibbon[14497] to have furnished the eastern provinces of the empire with pleaders and magistrates for the space of three centuries (A.D. 250-550). The course of education at Berytus lasted five years, and included Roman Law in all its various forms, the works of Papinian being especially studied in the earlier times, and the same together with the edicts of Justinian in the later.[14498] Pleaders were forced to study either at Berytus, or at Rome, or at Constantinople,[14499] and, the honours and emoluments of the profession being large, the supply of students was abundant and perpetual. External misfortune, and not internal decay, at last destroyed the school, the town of Berytus being completely demolished by an earthquake in the year A.D. 551. The school was then transferred to Sidon, but appears to have languished on its transplantation to a new soil and never to have recovered its pristine vigour or vitality.

It is difficult to decide how far these literary glories of the Phoenician cities reflect any credit on the Phoenician race. Such a number of Greeks settled in Syria and Phoenicia under the Seleucidae that to be a Tyrian or a Sidonian in the Graeco-Roman period furnished no evidence at all of a man having any Phoenician blood in his veins. It will have been observed that the names of the Tyrian, Sidonian, and Berytian learned men and authors of the time—Antipater, Apollonius, Boethus, Diodotus, Philo, Hermippus, Marinus, Paulus, Maximus, Porphyrius—are without exception either Latin or Greek. The language in which the books were written was universally Greek, and in only one or two cases is there reason to suppose that the authors had any knowledge of the Phoenician tongue. The students at Berytus between A.D. 250 and 550 were probably, in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred, Greeks or Romans. Phoenician nationality had, in fact, almost wholly disappeared in the Seleucid period. The old language ceased to be spoken, and though for some time retained upon the coins together with a Greek legend,[14500] became less frequent as time went on, and soon after the Christian era disappeared altogether. It is probable that, as a spoken language, Phoenician had gone out of use even earlier.[14501]

In two respects only did the old national spirit survive, and give indication that, even in the nation's "ashes," there still lived some remnant of its "wonted fires." Tyre and Sidon were great commercial centres down to the time of the Crusades, and quite as rich, quite as important, quite as flourishing, commercially, as in the old days of Hiram and Ithobal. Mela[14502] speaks of Sidon in the second century after Christ as "still opulent." Ulpian,[14503] himself a Tyrian by descent, calls Tyre in the reign of Septimus Severus "a most splendid colony." A writer of the age of Constantine says of it: "The prosperity of Tyre is extraordinary. There is no state in the whole of the East which excels it in the amount of its business. Its merchants are persons of great wealth, and there is no port where they do not exercise considerable influence."[14504] St. Jerome, towards the end of the fourth century, speaks of Tyre as "the noblest and most beautiful of all the cities of Phoenicia,"[14505] and as "an emporium for the commerce of almost the whole world."[14506] During the period of the Crusades, "Tyre retained its ancient pre-eminence among the cities of the Syrian coast, and excited the admiration of the warriors of Europe by its capacious harbours, its wall, triple towards the land and double towards the sea, its still active commerce, and the beauty and fertility of the opposite shore." The manufactures of purple and of glass were still carried on. Tyre was not reduced to insignificance until the Saracenic conquest towards the close of the thirteenth century of our era, when its trade collapsed, and it became "a rock for fishermen to spread their nets upon."[14507]

The other respect in which the vitality of the old national spirit displayed itself was in the continuance of the ancient religion. While Christianity was adopted very generally by the more civilised of the inhabitants, and especially by those who occupied the towns, there were shrines and fanes in the remote districts, and particularly in the less accessible parts of Lebanon, where the old rites were still in force, and the old orgies continued to be carried on, just as in ancient times, down to the reign of Constantine. The account of the licentious worship of Ashtoreth at Aphaca, which has been already quoted from Eusebius, belongs to the fourth century after our era, and shows the tenacity with which a section of the Phoenicians, not withstanding their Hellenisation in language, in literature, and in art, clung to the old barbarous and awful cult, which had come down to them by tradition from their fathers. A similar worship at the same time maintained itself on the other side of the Lebanon chain in Heliopolis, or Baalbek, where the votaries of impurity allowed their female relatives, even their wives and their daughters, to play the harlot as much as they pleased.[14508] Constantine exerted himself to put down and crush out these iniquities, but it is more than probable that, in the secret recesses of the mountain region, whither government officials would find it hard to penetrate, the shameful and degrading rites still found a refuge, rooted as they were in the depraved affections of the common people, to a much later period.

The mission of the Phoenicians, as a people, was accomplished before the subjection to Rome began. Under the Romans they were still ingenious, industrious, intelligent. But in the earlier times they were far more than this. They were the great pioneers of civilisation. Intrepid, inventive, enterprising, they at once made vast progress in the arts themselves, and carried their knowledge, their active habits, and their commercial instincts into the remotest regions of the old continent. They exercised a stimulating, refining, and civilising influence wherever they went. North and south and east and west they adventured themselves amid perils of all kinds, actuated by the love of adventure more than by the thirst for gain, conferring benefits, spreading knowledge, suggesting, encouraging, and developing trade, turning men from the barbarous and unprofitable pursuits of war and bloodshed to the peaceful occupations of productive industry. They did not aim at conquest. They united the various races of men by the friendly links of mutual advantage and mutual dependence, conciliated them, softened them, humanised them. While, among the nations of the earth generally, brute force was worshipped as the true source of power and the only basis of national repute, the Phoenicians succeeded in proving that as much could be done by arts as by arms, as great glory and reputation gained, as real a power built up, by the quiet agencies of exploration, trade, and commerce, as by the violent and brutal methods of war, massacre, and ravage. They were the first to set this example. If the history of the world since their time has not been wholly one of the potency in human affairs of "blood and iron," it is very much owing to them. They, and their kinsmen of Carthage, showed mankind what a power might be wielded by commercial states. The lesson has not been altogether neglected in the past. May the writer be pardoned if, in the last words of what is probably his last historical work, he expresses a hope that, in the future, the nations of the earth will more and more take the lesson to heart, and vie with each other in the arts which made Phoenicia great, rather than in those which exalted Rome, her oppressor and destroyer?



FOOTNOTES

PREFACE

[Footnote 01: Die Phoenizier, und das phoenizische Alterthum, by F. C. Movers, in five volumes, Berlin, 1841-1856.]

[Footnote 02: History and Antiquities of Phoenicia, by John Kenrick, London, 1855.]

[Footnote 03: Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquite, par MM. Perrot et Chipiez, Paris, 1881-7, 4 vols.]

[Footnote 04: Will of William Camden, Clarencieux King-of-Arms, founder of the "Camden Professorship," 1662.]

I—THE LAND

[Footnote 11: See Eckhel, Doctr. Num. Vet. p. 441.]

[Footnote 12: {'H ton 'Aradion paralia}, xvi. 2, Sec. 12.]

[Footnote 13: Pomp. Mel. De Situ Orbis, i. 12.]

[Footnote 14: The tract of white sand (Er-Ramleh) which forms the coast-line of the entire shore from Rhinocolura to Carmel is said to be gradually encroaching, fresh sand being continually brought by the south-west wind from Egypt. "It has buried Ascalon, and in the north, between Joppa and Caesaraea, the dunes are said to be as much as three miles wide and 300 feet high" (Grove, in Smith's Dict. of the Bible, ii. 673).]

[Footnote 15: See Cant. ii. 1; Is. xxxiii. 9; xxxv. 2; lxv. 10.]

[Footnote 16: Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. 254.]

[Footnote 17: The Kaneh derives its name from this circumstance, and may be called "the River of Canes."]

[Footnote 18: Robinson, Biblical Researches, iii. 28, 29.]

[Footnote 19: Grove, l.s.c.]

[Footnote 110: Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. 260.]

[Footnote 111: Lynch found it eighteen yards in width in April 1848 (The Jordan and the Dead Sea, p. 64). He found the Belus twice as wide and twice as deep as the Kishon.]

[Footnote 112: A more particular description of these fountains will be given in the description of the city of Tyre, with which they were very closely connected.]

[Footnote 113: Robinson, Biblical Researches, iii. 410.]

[Footnote 114: Robinson, iii. 415.]

[Footnote 115: Ibid. p. 414. Compare Renan, Mission de Phenicie, pp. 524, 665.]

[Footnote 116: Robinson, iii. 420.]

[Footnote 117: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 353.]

[Footnote 118: See Edrisi (traduction de Joubert), i. 355; D'Arvieux, Memoires, ii. 33; Renan, pp. 352, 353.]

[Footnote 119: Gesenius, Thesaurus, p. 247.]

[Footnote 120: Renan, pp. 59, 60.]

[Footnote 121: Kenrick (Phoenicia, p. 8), who quotes Burckhardt (Syria, p. 161), and Chesney (Euphrates Expedition, i. 450).]

[Footnote 122: Renan, p. 59:—"C'est un immense tapis de fleurs."]

[Footnote 123: Mariti, Travels, ii. 131 (quoted by Kenrick, p. 22).]

[Footnote 124: Strabo, xvi. 2, Sec. 27.]

[Footnote 125: Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. 344.]

[Footnote 126: Martineau, Eastern Life, p. 539.]

[Footnote 127: Van de Velde, Travels, i. 317, 318. Compare Porter, Giant Cities of Bashan, p. 236.]

[Footnote 128: Ritter, Erdkunde, xvi. 31.]

[Footnote 129: Grove, in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, i. 278.]

[Footnote 130: Walpole's Ansayrii, iii. 156.]

[Footnote 131: The derivation of Lebanon from "white," is generally admitted. (see Gesenius, Thesaurus, p. 369; Buxtorf, Lexicon, p. 1119; Fuerst, Concordantia, p. 588.)]

[Footnote 132: Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. 395.]

[Footnote 133: Tristram, The Land of Israel, p. 634.]

[Footnote 134: Ibid. p. 7.]

[Footnote 135: Porter, in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 86.]

[Footnote 136: Ibid. Compare Nat. Hist. Review, No. v. p. 11.]

[Footnote 137: See Tristram, Land of Israel, pp. 625-629.]

[Footnote 138: See Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 626.]

[Footnote 139: Porter, in Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 86.]

[Footnote 140: Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 621.]

[Footnote 141: Ibid. p. 600. Compare Porter, in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 87.]

[Footnote 142: Such outlets are common in Greece, where they are called Katavothra. They probably also occur in Asia Minor.]

[Footnote 143: Burckhardt, Travels in Syria, p. 10; Chesney, Euphrates Expedition, i. 398.]

[Footnote 144: Tristram, p. 600.]

[Footnote 145: Porter, Handbook for Syria, p. 571; Robinson, Later Researches, p. 423.]

[Footnote 146: Tristram, p. 594.]

[Footnote 147: Robinson, Biblical Researches, iii. 409.]

[Footnote 148: Burckhardt, Travels in Syria, p. 161; Chesney, Euphrates Expedition, i. 450; Walpole's Ansayrii, iii. 49.]

[Footnote 149: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 116.]

[Footnote 150: Porter, Giant Cities of Bashan, p. 289.]

[Footnote 151: Ibid. p. 288.]

[Footnote 152: Walpole's Ansayrii, iii. 44.]

[Footnote 153: Porter, Giant Cities, p. 292; Robinson, Later Researches, p. 605; Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 297.]

[Footnote 154: Maundrell, Travels, pp. 57, 58; Porter, Giant Cities, p. 284; Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 283.]

[Footnote 155: Porter, p. 283.]

[Footnote 156: Porter, p. 284.]

[Footnote 157: Robinson, Later Researches, p. 45.]

[Footnote 158: Ibid. p. 43.]

[Footnote 159: Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 44.]

[Footnote 160: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 20.]

[Footnote 161: See the Transactions of the Society of Bibl. Archaeology, vol. vii.; and compare Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 14; Robinson, Later Researches, pp. 617-624.]

[Footnote 162: Walpole's Ansayrii, iii. 6.]

[Footnote 163: Ibid. p. 34. Compare Renan, Mission de Phenicie, who calls the pass over the spur "un veritable casse-cou sur des roches inclinees" (p. 150).]

[Footnote 164: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 16.]

[Footnote 165: Robinson, Biblical Researches, iii. 432.]

II—CLIMATE AND PRODUCTIONS

[Footnote 21: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 32.]

[Footnote 22: Grove, in Smith's Dict. of the Bible, ii. 693.]

[Footnote 23: Kenrick, l.s.c.]

[Footnote 24: See Canon Tristram's experiences, Land of Israel, pp. 96-115.]

[Footnote 25: Ibid. pp. 94, 95.]

[Footnote 26: Kenrick, p. 34.]

[Footnote 27: Walpole's Ansayrii, p. 76.]

[Footnote 28: Kenrick, p. 33.]

[Footnote 29: Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 95.]

[Footnote 210: Ibid. p. 409.]

[Footnote 211: Ibid. p. 31.]

[Footnote 212: Ibid. p. 34.]

[Footnote 213: Ibid. p. 596.]

[Footnote 214: Hooker, in Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 684.]

[Footnote 215: Hooker, in Dictionary of the Bible, p. 683.]

[Footnote 216: Dr. Hooker says:—"Q. pseudococcifera is perhaps the commonest plant in all Syria and Palestine, covering as a low dense bush many square miles of hilly country everywhere, but rarely or never growing on the plains. It seldom becomes a large tree, except in the valleys of the Lebanon." Walpole found it on Bargylus (Ansayrii, iii. 137 et sqq.); Tristram on Lebanon, Land of Israel, pp. 113, 117.]

[Footnote 217: Hooker, in Dict. of the Bible, ii. 684. Compare Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 113.]

[Footnote 218: Ibid.]

[Footnote 219: See Walpole, Ansayrii, iii. 222, 236; Tristram, Land of Israel, pp. 622, 623; Robinson, Later Researches, p. 607.]

[Footnote 220: Walpole, iii. 433; Robinson, Later Researches, p.. 614.]

[Footnote 221: Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 6.]

[Footnote 222: Ibid. p. 111; Walpole, Ansayrii, iii. 166; Hooker, in Dict. of the Bible, ii. 683.]

[Footnote 223: Walpole says that Ibrahim Pasha cut down as many as 500,000 Aleppo pines in Casius (Ansayrii, iii. 281), and that it would be quite feasible to cut down 500,000 more.]

[Footnote 224: Hooker, in Dict. of the Bible, ii. 684; and compare Tristram, Land of Israel, pp. 16, 88.]

[Footnote 225: Robinson, Biblical Researches, iii. 383, 415.]

[Footnote 226: Ezek. xxxi. 3.]

[Footnote 227: Ibid. xxvii. 5. The Hebrew erez probably covered other trees besides the actual cedar, as the Aleppo pine, and perhaps the juniper. The pine would have been more suited for masts than the cedar.]

[Footnote 228: 1 Kings vi. 9, 10, 15, 18, &c.; vii. 1-7.]

[Footnote 229: Records of the Past, i. 104. ll. 78, 79; iii. 74, ll. 88-90; p. 90, l. 9; &c. Compare Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, pp. 356, 357.]

[Footnote 230: Joseph, Bell. Jud., v. 5, Sec. 2.]

[Footnote 231: Plin. H. N., xiii. 5; xvi. 40.]

[Footnote 232: Compare the arguments of Canon Tristram, Land of Israel, pp. 631, 632.]

[Footnote 233: Walpole, Ansayrii, pp. 123, 227.]

[Footnote 234: Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 621.]

[Footnote 235: Ibid. pp. 13, 38, &c.]

[Footnote 236: Hooker, in Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 684.]

[Footnote 237: Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 82; compare Hooker, l.s.c.]

[Footnote 238: This is Dr. Hooker's description. Canon Tristram says of the styrax at the eastern foot of Carmel, that "of all the flowering shrubs it is the most abundant," and that it presents to the eye "one sheet of pure white blossom, rivalling the orange in its beauty and its perfume" (Land of Israel, p. 492).]

[Footnote 239: Ibid. p. 596.]

[Footnote 240: Walpole, Ansayrii, iii. 298.]

[Footnote 241: Tristram, pp. 16, 28, &c.; Robinson, Biblical Researches, iii. 438.]

[Footnote 242: The "terraced vineyards of Esfia" on Carmel are noted by Canon Tristram (Land of Israel, p. 492). Walpole speaks of vineyards on Bargylus (Ansaryii, iii. 165). The vine-clad slopes of the Lebanon attract notice from all Eastern travellers.]

[Footnote 243: Quoted by Dr. Hooker, in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 684, 685.]

[Footnote 244: Deut. xxxiii. 24.]

[Footnote 245: Tristram, Land of Israel, pp. 7, 16, 17; Walpole, Ansayrii, iii. 147, 177.]

[Footnote 246: Tristram, p. 492; Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, p. 347.]

[Footnote 247: Hooker, in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 685.]

[Footnote 248: Tristram, pp. 622, 633; Walpole, Ansayrii, iii. 446; Robinson, Later Researches, p. 607.]

[Footnote 249: Tristram, pp. 17, 38; Walpole, Ansayrii, iii. 32, 294, 373.]

[Footnote 250: Robinson, Bibl. Researches, iii. 419, 431, 438, &c.]

[Footnote 251: Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 28.]

[Footnote 252: Hasselquist, Reise, p. 188.]

[Footnote 253: Ansayrii, i. 66.]

[Footnote 254: Tristram, l.s.c.]

[Footnote 255: Hooker, in Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 685.]

[Footnote 256: Reise, l.s.c.]

[Footnote 257: Memoires, i. 332.]

[Footnote 258: Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 493.]

[Footnote 259: Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 82.]

[Footnote 260: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 59; Hooker, in Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 687; Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 493.]

[Footnote 261: Tristram, Land of Israel, l.s.c.]

[Footnote 262: Ibid. p. 82.]

[Footnote 263: Ibid. p. 596. Compare Walpole's Ansayrii, iii. 443.]

[Footnote 264: Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 102.]

[Footnote 265: Tristram, Land of Israel, pp. 61, 599.]

[Footnote 266: Ibid. pp. 38, 626, &c. Dr. Robinson notices the cultivation of the potato high up in Lebanon; but he observed it only in two places (Later Researches, pp. 586, 596).]

[Footnote 267: It can scarcely be doubted that Phoenicia contained anciently two other land animals of considerable importance, viz. the lion and the deer. Lions, which were common in the hills of Palestine (1 Sam. xvii. 34; 1 Kings xiii. 24; xx. 36; 2 Kings xvii. 25, 26) and frequented also the Philistine plain (Judg. xiv. 5), would certainly not have neglected the lowland of Sharon, which was in all respects suited for their habits. Deer, which still inhabit Galilee (Tristram, Land of the Israel, pp. 418, 447), are likely, before the forests of Lebanon were so greatly curtailed, to have occupied most portions of it (See Cant. ii. 9, 17; viii. 14). To these two Canon Tristram would add the crocodile (Land of Israel, p. 103), which he thinks must have been found in the Zerka for that river to have been called "the Crocodile River" by the Greeks, and which he is inclined to regard as still a denizen of the Zerka marshes. But most critics have supposed that the animal from which the Zerka got its ancient name was rather some large species of monitor.]

[Footnote 268: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 36.]

[Footnote 269: See his article on Lebanon in Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, ii. 87.]

[Footnote 270: Land of Israel, p. 447.]

[Footnote 271: Houghton, in Smith's Dict. of the Bible, ad voc. BEAR, iii. xxv.]

[Footnote 272: Dict. of the Bible, ii. 87.]

[Footnote 273: Land of Israel, p. 116. Compare Porter's Giant Cities of Bashan, p. 236.]

[Footnote 274: Cant. iv. 8; Is. xi. 6; Jer. v. 6; xiii. 23; Hos. xiii. 7; Hab. i. 8.]

[Footnote 275: Land of Israel, l.s.c.]

[Footnote 276: Ibid. p. 83.]

[Footnote 277: Ibid. p. 115.]

[Footnote 278: Walpole's Ansayrii, iii. 23.]

[Footnote 279: Houghton, in Smith's Dict. of the Bible, ad voc. CONEY (iii. xliii.); Tristram, Land of Israel, pp. 62, 84, 89.]

[Footnote 280: Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 106.]

[Footnote 281: Ibid. pp. 88, 89.]

[Footnote 282: Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 83.]

[Footnote 283: Ibid. p. 55.]

[Footnote 284: Ibid. p. 103. Compare Walpole, Ansayrii, iii. 34, 188, and Lortet, La Syrie d'aujourd'hui, pp. 58, 61.]

[Footnote 285: Hist. Nat. ix. 36.]

[Footnote 286: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 239. There are representations of the Buccunum in Forbes and Hanley's British Mollusks, vol. iv. pl. cii. Nos. 1, 2, 3.]

[Footnote 287: Kenrick, p. 239.]

[Footnote 288: Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 51.]

[Footnote 289: Wilksinson, in Rawlinson's Herodotus, ii. 347, note 2.]

[Footnote 290: Canon Tristram writs: "Among the rubbish thrown out in the excavations made at Tyre were numerous fragments of glass, and whole 'kitchen middens' of shells, crushed and broken, the owners of which had once supplied the famous Tyrian purple dye. All these shells were of one species, the Murex brandaris" (Land of Israel, p. 51).]

[Footnote 291: Porter, in Dict. of the Bible, ii. 87.]

[Footnote 292: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 37.]

[Footnote 293: Tristram, p. 634.]

[Footnote 294: Grove, in Dict. of the Bible, i. 279.]

III—THE PEOPLE—ORIGIN AND CHARACTERISTICS

[Footnote 31: Histoire des Languages Semitiques, p. 22.]

[Footnote 32: Rhet. iii. 8.]

[Footnote 33: Deutsch, Literary Remains, p. 160.]

[Footnote 34: Renan, Hist. des Langues Semitiques, pp. 5, 14.]

[Footnote 35: Ibid. p. 16.]

[Footnote 36: Deutsch, Literary Remains, p. 305.]

[Footnote 37: Ibid.]

[Footnote 38: Ancient Monarchies, i. 275; Deutsch, p. 306.]

[Footnote 39: Herod. i. 2; vii. 89.]

[Footnote 310: Strab. xvi. 3, Sec. 4.]

[Footnote 311: Hist. Philipp. xviii. 3, Sec. 2.]

[Footnote 312: Ancient Monarchies, i. 14.]

[Footnote 313: Renan, Histoire des Langues Semitiques, p. 183.]

[Footnote 314: Deutsch, Literary Remains, pp. 162, 163.]

[Footnote 315: Herod. vi. 47:—{'Oros mega anestrammenon en te zetesei}.]

[Footnote 316: On this imaginary "monsters," see Herod. vi. 44.]

[Footnote 317: Ibid. iv. 42.]

[Footnote 318: Herod. vii. 85.]

[Footnote 319: Ibid. ii. 112.]

[Footnote 320: 1 Kings xi. 1.]

[Footnote 321: Ibid. xvi. 31.]

[Footnote 322: Ezra iii. 7.]

[Footnote 323: Is. xxiii. 15-18.]

[Footnote 324: Mark vii. 26-30.]

[Footnote 325: Acts xii. 20.]

[Footnote 326: Herod. iv. 196.]

[Footnote 327: Herod, i. 1:—{Perseon oi Lagioi}.]

[Footnote 328: Ibid. ii. 190.]

[Footnote 329: Ibid. ii. 4, 99, 142.]

[Footnote 330: Ibid. i. 1; iv. 42; vi. 47; vii. 23, 44, 96.]

[Footnote 331: As they do of being indebted to the Babylonians and the Egyptians for astronomical and philosophic knowledge.]

[Footnote 332: Deutsch, Literary Remains, p. 163.]

[Footnote 333: Ibid.]

[Footnote 334: Compare the representation of Egyptian ships in Duemichen's Voyage d'une Reine Egyptienne (date about B.C. 1400) with the far later Phoenician triremes depicted by Sennacherib (Layard, Monuments of Nineveh, second series, pl. 71).]

[Footnote 335: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, pp. 100, 101.]

[Footnote 336: The Cypriot physiognomy is peculiar. (See Di Cesnola's Cyprus, pp. 123, 129, 131, 132, 133, 141, &c.)]

[Footnote 337: Herod. vii. 90.]

[Footnote 338: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 68, note 3.]

IV—THE CITIES

[Footnote 41: The nearest approach to such a period is the time a little preceding Nebuchadnezzar's siege, when Sidon, Byblus, and Aradus all appear as subject to Tyre (Ezek. xxvii. 8-11).]

[Footnote 42: 1 Kings xvii. 9-24.]

[Footnote 43: 1 Macc. xv. 37.]

[Footnote 44: Gen. x. 15.]

[Footnote 45: Josh. xix. 29.]

[Footnote 46: Ibid. verse 28.]

[Footnote 47: See Hom. Il. vii. 290; xxiii. 743; Od. iv. 618; xiv. 272, 285; xvi. 117, 402, 424.]

[Footnote 48: Hist. Philipp. xviii. 3, Sec. 2.]

[Footnote 49: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 460.]

[Footnote 410: Steph, Byz. ad voc.]

[Footnote 411: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, pl. lxvii.]

[Footnote 412: Scylax, Periplus, Sec. 104. This work belongs to the time of Philip, Alexander's father.]

[Footnote 413: See Renan, Mission de Phenicie, pl. lxii.]

[Footnote 414: The inscription on the sarcophagus of Esmunazar. (See Records of the Past, ix. 111-114, and the Corp. Inscr. Semit., i. 13-20.)]

[Footnote 415: The name "Palae-Tyrus" is first found in Strabo (xvi. 2, Sec. 24).]

[Footnote 416: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 347.]

[Footnote 417: Plin. H. N. v. 17.]

[Footnote 418: Renan (Mission de Phenicie, p. 552) gives the area as 576,508 square metres.]

[Footnote 419: Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 21.]

[Footnote 420: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 560.]

[Footnote 421: So Bertou (Topographie de Tyr, p. 14), and Kenrick (Phoenicia, p. 352).]

[Footnote 422: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 560.]

[Footnote 423: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 351.]

[Footnote 424: See the fragments of Dius and Menander, preserved by Josephus (Contr. Ap. i. Sec. 17, 18), and compare Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 24. It is quite uncertain what Phoenician deity is represented by "Agenor."]

[Footnote 425: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 559.]

[Footnote 426: Ibid.]

[Footnote 427: Ibid.]

[Footnote 428: Strab. xvi. 2, Sec. 23.]

[Footnote 429: Menand, ap. Joseph. l.s.c.]

[Footnote 430: Strab. l.s.c.]

[Footnote 431: Eight thousand are said to have been killed in the siege, and 30,000 sold when the place was taken. (Arrian, Exp. Alex. l.s.c.) A certain number were spared.]

[Footnote 432: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 552.]

[Footnote 433: Plin. H. N. v. 17.]

[Footnote 434: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 348.]

[Footnote 435: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 22.]

[Footnote 436: See Capt. Allen's Dead Sea, ii. 179.]

[Footnote 437: See Capt. Allen's Dead Sea, ii. 179.]

[Footnote 438: Strabo, xvi. 2, Sec. 13.]

[Footnote 439: Allen, Dead Sea, l.s.c.]

[Footnote 440: Ibid. p. 180.]

[Footnote 441: See the woodcut, and compare Renan, Mission de Phenicie, planches, pl. ii.; and Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquite, iii. 25.]

[Footnote 442: Allen, Dead Sea, ii. 180.]

[Footnote 443: Ibid.]

[Footnote 444: Strab. xvi. 2, Sec. 13.]

[Footnote 445: Strab. xvi. 2, Sec. 13. See also Lucret. De Rer. Nat. vi. 890.]

[Footnote 446: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 42.]

[Footnote 447: Strab. xvi. 2, Sec. 12.]

[Footnote 448: Fr. ii. 7. Philo, however, makes "Brathu" a mountain.]

[Footnote 449: See Records of the Past, iii. 19, 20.]

[Footnote 450: Mission de Phenicie, pp. 58-61.]

[Footnote 451: Strab. l.s.c.]

[Footnote 452: Ibid.]

[Footnote 453: Gen. x. 18.]

[Footnote 454: Eponym Canon, p. 123, 1. 2.]

[Footnote 455: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 115. And compare the map.]

[Footnote 456: Carnus is identified by M. Renan with the modern Carnoun, on the coast, three miles north of Tortosa (Mission, p. 97).]

[Footnote 457: Eponym Canon, p. 114, l. 104.]

[Footnote 458: Josh. xiii. 5; 1 Kings v. 18.]

[Footnote 459: Arr. Exp. Alex. ii. 15.]

[Footnote 460: Strab. xvi. 2, Sec. 18.]

[Footnote 461: Fragm. ii. 8, Sec. 17.]

[Footnote 462: Corp. Inscr. Sem., i. 3 (pl 1); Philo-Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, Sec. 25.]

[Footnote 463: Strab. l.s.c.]

[Footnote 464: Allen, Dead Sea, ii. 164.]

[Footnote 465: Ibid.]

[Footnote 466: Strab. xvi. 2, Sec. 15.]

[Footnote 467: See G. Smith's Eponym Canon, pp. 123, 132, 148.]

[Footnote 468: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 9.]

[Footnote 469: Burckhardt, Travels in Syria, p. 162.]

[Footnote 470: Scylax, Peripl., Sec. 104; Diod. Sic. xvi. 41; Pomp. Mel. i. 12.]

[Footnote 471: Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 633; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquite, iii. 56.]

[Footnote 472: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 57, 59.]

[Footnote 473: Allen, Dead Sea, ii. 152.]

[Footnote 474: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 295.]

[Footnote 475: Lucian, De Dea Syra, Sec. 9.]

[Footnote 476: Philo. Bybl. Fr. ii. 8, Sec. 25.]

[Footnote 477: Stephen of Byzantium calls it {polin thoinikes ek mikrae megalen}. Strabo says that it was rebuilt by the Romans (xvi. 2, Sec. 19).]

[Footnote 478: Phocas, Descr. Urbium, Sec. 5.]

[Footnote 479: Cellarius, Geograph. ii. 378.]

[Footnote 480: Gen. x. 17.]

[Footnote 481: Eponym Canon, pp. 120, l. 25; 123, l. 2.]

[Footnote 482: Josh. xix. 29.]

[Footnote 483: Eponym Canon, p. 132, l. 10.]

[Footnote 484: Eponym Canon, p. 132, l. 10; 148, l. 103.]

[Footnote 485: Kenrick, Phoenicia, pp. 20, 21.]

[Footnote 486: This seems to be the true meaning of Strab. xvi. 2, Sec. 25; sub init.]

[Footnote 487: Josh. vii. 23.]

[Footnote 488: Ibid. xvii. 11.]

[Footnote 489: 1 Kings iv. 11.]

[Footnote 490: Ancient Monarchies, ii. 132.]

[Footnote 491: Steph. Byz. ad voc. DORA.]

[Footnote 492: Hieronym. Epit. Paulae (Opp. i. 223).]

[Footnote 493: Josh. xix. 47.]

[Footnote 494: 1 Macc. x. 76.]

[Footnote 495: Jonah i. 3.]

[Footnote 496: 2 Chron. ii. 16.]

[Footnote 497: Ezra iii. 7.]

[Footnote 498: See Capt. Allen's Dead Sea, ii. 188.]

[Footnote 499: Eustah. ad Dionys. Perieg. l. 915.]

[Footnote 4100: Compare the Heb. "Ramah" and "Ramoth" from {...}, "to be high."]

[Footnote 4101: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 3.]

[Footnote 4102: Gesenius, Monumenta Scripture Linguaeque, Phoeniciae, p. 271.]

[Footnote 4103: Allen, Dead Sea, ii. 189.]

[Footnote 4104: Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 23.]

[Footnote 4105: Perrot and Chipiez, iii. 23-25.]

[Footnote 4106: Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquite, iii. 25, 26.]

[Footnote 4107: The Phoenicians held Dor and Joppa during the greater part of their existence as a nation, but the tract between them, and that between Dor and Carmel—the plain of Sharon—shows no trace of their occupation.]

V—THE COLONIES

[Footnote 51: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 71.]

[Footnote 52: Gen. x. 4. Compare Joseph. Ant. Jud. i. 6.]

[Footnote 53: Kenrick, p. 72.]

[Footnote 54: The two plains are sometimes regarded as one, which is called that of Mesaoria; but they are really distinct, being separated by high ground in Long. 33 nearly.]

[Footnote 55: AElian, Hist. Ann. v. 56.]

[Footnote 56: Strab. xiv. 6, Sec. 5.]

[Footnote 57: Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. v. 8.]

[Footnote 58: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, Introduction, p. 7.]

[Footnote 59: The copper of Cyprus became known as {khalkos Kuprios} or {AEs Cyprium}, then as cyprium or cyprum, finally as "copper," "kupfer," "cuivre," &c.]

[Footnote 510: Ezek. xxvii. 6.]

[Footnote 511: Compare Ammianus—"Tanta tamque multiplici fertilitate abundat rerum omnium Cyprus, ut, nullius externi indigens adminiculi, indigenis viribus a fundamento ipso carinae ad supremos ipsos carbasos aedificet onerariam navem, omnibusque armamentis instructam mari committat" (xiv. 8, Sec. 14).]

[Footnote 512: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 49.]

[Footnote 513: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 75.]

[Footnote 514: Di Cesnola, pp. 65-117.]

[Footnote 515: Ibid. pp. 68, 83.]

[Footnote 516: Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 215.]

[Footnote 517: Ibid.]

[Footnote 518: {Polis Kuprou arkhaiotate}.]

[Footnote 519: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 294.]

[Footnote 520: Ibid. pp. 254-281.]

[Footnote 521: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 294.]

[Footnote 522: Ibid. p. 378.]

[Footnote 523: Strabo, xiv. 6, Sec. 3; Steph. Byz. ad voc. CURIUM.]

[Footnote 524: Herod. v. 113.]

[Footnote 525: Apollodor. Biblioth. iii. 14, Sec. 13.]

[Footnote 526: Virg. AEn. i. 415-417; Tacit. Ann. iii. 62; Hist. ii. 2; Strab. xiv. 6, Sec. 3.]

[Footnote 527: Ps. lxxvi. 2.]

[Footnote 528: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 201.]

[Footnote 529: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 198, and Map.]

[Footnote 530: Eponym Canon, p. 139, l. 23.]

[Footnote 531: Ibid. p. 144, l. 22.]

[Footnote 532: On the copper-mines of Tamasus, see Strab. xiv. 6, Sec. 5; and Steph. Byz. ad voc.]

[Footnote 533: Eponym Canon, ll.s.c.]

[Footnote 534: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 228.]

[Footnote 535: Plut. Vit. Solon. Sec. 26.]

[Footnote 536: Diod. Sic. xiv. 98, Sec. 2.]

[Footnote 537: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 231.]

[Footnote 538: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 74.]

[Footnote 539: Gen. x. 4.]

[Footnote 540: Gesenius, Mon. Script. Linquaeque Phoeniciae, p. 278.]

[Footnote 541: Strab. xiv. 5, Sec. 3.]

[Footnote 542: Ibid. xiv. 3, Sec. 9. Mt. Solyma, now Takhtalu, is the most striking mountain of these parts. Its bald summit rises to the height of 4,800 feet above the Mediterranean (Beaufort, Karamania, p. 57).]

[Footnote 543: Strab. xiv. 3, Sec. 8, sub fin.]

[Footnote 544: Beaufort, Karamania, p. 31.]

[Footnote 545: Herod. iii. 90; vii. 77; Strab. xiii. 4, Sec. 15; Steph. Byz. ad. voc.]

[Footnote 546: Beaufort, Karamania, p. 56.]

[Footnote 547: Strab. xiv. 3, Sec. 9.]

[Footnote 548: Beaufort, pp. 59, 60.]

[Footnote 549: Ibid. p. 70.]

[Footnote 550: As Corinna and Basilides (see Athen. Deipnos, iv. 174).]

[Footnote 551: Ap. Phot. Bibliothec. p. 454.]

[Footnote 552: Ap. Athen. Deipn. viii. 361.]

[Footnote 553: Dict. Cret. i. 18; iv. 4.]

[Footnote 554: Kenrick, Phoenicia, pp. 80, 81.]

[Footnote 555: Aristid. Orat. Sec. 43.]

[Footnote 556: Acts xxvii. 12.]

[Footnote 557: Steph. Byz. ad voc.]

[Footnote 558: Herod. iv. 151.]

[Footnote 559: Heb. {...}, Copt. labo, &c.]

[Footnote 560: Steph. Byz. ad voc. {KUTHERA}; Festus, ad voc. MELOS.]

[Footnote 561: Kenrick, p. 96.]

[Footnote 562: Steph. Byz. ad voc. {MEMBLIAROS}.]

[Footnote 563: Heraclid. Pont. ap. Steph. Byz. ad voc.]

[Footnote 564: Herod. iv. 147.]

[Footnote 565: Thucyd. i. 8.]

[Footnote 566: Herod. iii. 57; Pausan. x. 11.]

[Footnote 567: Tournefort, Voyages, i. 136.]

[Footnote 568: Plin, H. N. iv. 12. Compare Steph. Byz. ad voc. {KUTHERA}.]

[Footnote 569: Theophrast. Hist. Plant. iv. 2; Plin. H. N. xxxv. 15.]

[Footnote 570: Strab. x. 5, Sec. 16.]

[Footnote 571: Ibid. Sec. 19, ad fin.]

[Footnote 572: Herod. ii. 44.]

[Footnote 573: Ibid. vi. 47.]

[Footnote 574: Hesych. ad voc. {KABEIROI}; Steph. Byz. ad voc. {IMBROS}; Strab. vii. Fr. 51.]

[Footnote 575: Strab. xiv. 5, Sec. 28; Plin. H. N. vii. 56.]

[Footnote 576: Strab. x. 1, Sec. 8.]

[Footnote 577: Herod. v. 57; Strab. ix. 2, Sec. 3; Pausan. ix. 25, Sec. 6, &c.]

[Footnote 578: Steph. Byz. ad voc. {PRONEKTOS}; Scymn. Ch. l. 660.]

[Footnote 579: Apollon. Rhod. ii. l. 178; Euseb. Praep. Ev. p. 115; Schol. ad Apollon. Rhod. l.s.c.; Steph. Byz. ad voc. {SESAMOS}.]

[Footnote 580: So Kenrick, Phoenicia, pp. 91, 92.]

[Footnote 581: Utica was said to have been founded 287 years before Carthage (Aristot. De Ausc. Mir. Sec. 146). Carthage was probably founded about B.C. 850.]

[Footnote 582: Thucyd. vi. 2.]

[Footnote 583: Strab. xvii. 3, Sec. 13.]

[Footnote 584: See the chart opposite, and the description in the Geographie Universelle, xi. 271, 272.]

[Footnote 585: Ibid. p. 270.]

[Footnote 586: Plin. H. N. v. 4, Sec. 23; Geographie Universelle, xi. 157.]

[Footnote 587: Geograph. Univ. xi. 275.]

[Footnote 588: Ibid. p. 274.]

[Footnote 589: Geograph. Univ. xi. 413, 414.]

[Footnote 590: Ibid. pp. 410, 411.]

[Footnote 591: See Davis's Carthage, pp. 128-130; and compare the woodcut in the Geograph. Univ. xi. 259.]

[Footnote 592: Beule, Fouilles a Carthage, quoted in the Geograph. Univ. xi. 258.]

[Footnote 593: "Adrymes" is the Greek name (Strab. xvii. 3, Sec. 16), Adrumetum or Hadrumetum, the Roman one (Sall. Bell. Jugurth. Sec. 19; Liv. xxx. 29; Plin. H. N. v. 4, Sec. 25).]

[Footnote 594: Geograph. Univ. xi. 227, 228.]

[Footnote 595: Ibid. p. 227, note.]

[Footnote 596: Geographie Universelle, xi. 224.]

[Footnote 597: Geograph. Univ. xi. 84.]

[Footnote 598: Strabo, xvii. 3, Sec. 18.]

[Footnote 599: See Della Cella, Narrative, p. 37, E. T.; Beechey, Narrative, p. 51.]

[Footnote 5100: Herod. iv. 198. Compare Ovid. Pont. ii. 7, 25.]

[Footnote 5101: See the chart in the Geographie Universelle, xi. 223.]

[Footnote 5102: Strab. xvii. 3, Sec. 12.]

[Footnote 5103: See Daux, Recherches sur les Emporia Pheniciens, pp. 256-258; and compare Pl. viii.]

[Footnote 5104: At Utica, Carthage, and elsewhere.]

[Footnote 5105: Daux, Recherches, pp. 169-171; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquite, iii. 400-402.]

[Footnote 5106: Thucyd. vi. 2.]

[Footnote 5107: Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 336.]

[Footnote 5108: Diod. Sic. xiv. 68.]

[Footnote 5109: Gesenius, Monumenta Phoenicia, pp. 297, 298, and Tab. 39, xii. A, B.]

[Footnote 5110: Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 330.]

[Footnote 5111: Polyb. i. 55.]

[Footnote 5112: Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 331. Compare the accompanying woodcut.]

[Footnote 5113: Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 334; Woodcuts, No. 242 and 243.]

[Footnote 5114: Marsala, whose wine is so well known, occupies a site on the coast at a short distance.]

[Footnote 5115: Geographie Universelle, i. 552.]

[Footnote 5116: Geographie Universelle, i. p. 551.]

[Footnote 5117: See Gesenius, Monumenta Phoenicia, pp. 288-290, and Tab. 38, ix. Mahanath corresponds to the Greek {skenai} and the Roman castra. Compare the Israelite "Mahanaim."]

[Footnote 5118: Serra di Falco, Antichita di Sicilia, v. 60, 67.]

[Footnote 5119: Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 187-189.]

[Footnote 5120: Ibid. p. 426.]

[Footnote 5121: Geographie Universelle, i. 571.]

[Footnote 5122: Gesenius, Monumenta Phoenicia, p. 298.]

[Footnote 5123: Diod. Sic. v. 12.]

[Footnote 5124: See the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, vol. i. No. 132.]

[Footnote 5125: Gesenius, Mon. Phoen. Tab. 40, xiv.]

[Footnote 5126: For an account of these buildings, called by the natives "Giganteja," see Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 297, 298.]

[Footnote 5127: Ibid.]

[Footnote 5128: Ibid. p. 299. [Footnote 5129: "Malte, l'ile de miel" (Geogr. Univ. i. 576).]

[Footnote 5130: {Kunidia, a kalousi Melitaia} (Strab. vi. 2, Sec. 11, sub fin.).]

[Footnote 5131: Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iv. 2.]

[Footnote 5132: Diod. Sic. xiv. 63, Sec. 4; 77, Sec. 6; xxi. 16, &c.]

[Footnote 5133: Perrot et Chipiez, l.s.c. Compare the Geographie Universelle, i. 599, 600.]

[Footnote 5134: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 233; La Marmora, Voyage en Sardaigne, ii. 171-341.]

[Footnote 5135: Strabo calls the town Sulchi ({Soulkhoi}, v. 2, Sec. 7).]

[Footnote 5136: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 231, 232, 253, &c.]

[Footnote 5137: None of the classical geographers mentions the place excepting Ptolemy, who calls it "Tarrus" (Geograph. iii. 3).]

[Footnote 5138: See Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 231-236, and 418-421.]

[Footnote 5139: Herod. i. 166.]

[Footnote 5140: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 116; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 46, 186.]

[Footnote 5141: Geographie Universelle, i. 800.]

[Footnote 5142: Strab. iii. 5, Sec. 1.]

[Footnote 5143: Kenrick, p. 118; Geogr. Univ. i. 795.]

[Footnote 5144: "Un admirable port natured divise par des ilots et des peninsules en cales et en bassins secondairs; tous les avantages se trouvent reunis dans ce bras de mer" (Geographie Universelle, i. 808).]

[Footnote 5145: Ibid. p. 801.]

[Footnote 5146: Ibid. p. 799.]

[Footnote 5147: {Phoinikike to skhemati} (Strab. iii. 4, Sec. 2).]

[Footnote 5148: {Phoinikon ktisma} (ib. iii. 4, Sec. 3).]

[Footnote 5149: Gesenius, Mon. Phoen. pp. 308-310; Tab. 40, xvi.]

[Footnote 5150: Strab. iii. 4, Sec. 2.]

[Footnote 5151: Ibid.]

[Footnote 5152: Ibid. iii. 4, Sec. 6.]

[Footnote 5153: Three hundred, according to some writers (Ibid. xvii. 3, Sec. 3).]

[Footnote 5154: Plin. H. N. xix. 4.]

[Footnote 5155: Gesenius, Mon. Phoen. pp. 309, 310.]

[Footnote 5156: Geograph. Univ. xi. 710-713.]

[Footnote 5157: Strab. ii. 3, Sec. 4; Hanno, Peripl. Sec. 6; Scylax, Peripl. Sec. 112.]

[Footnote 5158: See Geograph. Univer. xi. 714.]

[Footnote 5159: Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 337.]

[Footnote 5160: Ibid. p. 339.]

[Footnote 5161: Ibid. p. 341.]

[Footnote 5162: See Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 118; Dyer, in Smith's Dict. of Greek and Roman Geography, ii. 1106.]

[Footnote 5163: Scymn. Ch. ll. 100-106; Strabo, iii. 2, Sec. 11; Mela, De Situ Orbis, ii. 6; Plin. H. N. iv. 21; Fest. Avien. Descriptio Orbis, l. 610; Pausan. vi. 19.]

[Footnote 5164: Stesichorus, Fragmenta (ed. Bergk), p. 636; Strab. l.s.c.]

[Footnote 5165: Scymn. Ch. l.s.c.]

[Footnote 5166: See Herod. i. 163.]

[Footnote 5167: 1 Kings x. 22.]

[Footnote 5168: Strab. iii. 2, Sec. 8; Geograph. Univ. i. 741-745.]

[Footnote 5169: Strab. iii. 2, Sec. 11.]

[Footnote 5170: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 119.]

[Footnote 5171: Strab. iii. 2, Sec. 7.]

[Footnote 5172: Aristoph. Ran. l. 476; Jul. Pollux, vi. 63.]

[Footnote 5173: Vell. Paterc. i. 2.]

[Footnote 5174: Geograph. Univ. i. 756-758.]

[Footnote 5175: Ibid. p. 758.]

[Footnote 5176: Strab. iii. 5, Sec. 5; Diod. Sic. v. 20; Scymn. Ch. 160; Mela, iii. 6, Sec. 1; Plin. H. N. v. 19; &c.]

[Footnote 5177: Gesen. Mon. Phoen. pp. 304, 370.]

[Footnote 5178: Strabo, iii. 5, Sec. 3.]

[Footnote 5179: See the Geographie Universelle, i. 759.]

[Footnote 5180: The name is to be connected with the words Baal, Belus, Baalath, &c. There was a river "Belus," in Phoenicia Proper.]

[Footnote 5181: Gesenius, Monumenta Phoenicia, pp. 311, 312.]

[Footnote 5182: Ibid. p. 311.]

[Footnote 5183: I.e. towards the north-east, in the Propontis and the Euxine.]

VI—ARCHITECTURE

[Footnote 61: Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquite, iii. 101.]

[Footnote 62: See Renan, Mission de Phoenicie, p. 92, and Planches, pl. 12.]

[Footnote 63: Ibid.]

[Footnote 64: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, pp. 62-68.]

[Footnote 65: Ibid. Planches, pl. 10.]

[Footnote 66: 1 Kings v. 17, 18.]

[Footnote 67: Our Work in Palestine, p. 115. Warren, Recovery of Jerusalem, i. 121.]

[Footnote 68: See the Corpus. Inscr. Semit. Pars I. Planches, pl. 29, No. 136.]

[Footnote 69: As at Sidon in the pier wall, and at Aradus in the remains of the great wall of the town.]

[Footnote 610: M. Renan has found reason to question the truth of this view. Bevelling, he thinks, may have begun with the Phoenicians; but it became a general feature of Palestinian and Syrian architecture, being employed in Syria as late as the middle ages. The enclosure of the mosque at Hebron and the great wall of Baalbek are bevelled, but are scarcely Phoenician.]

[Footnote 611: See Renan, Mission de Phenicie, Planches, pl. vi.]

[Footnote 612: Compare the enclosure of the Haram at Jerusalem, the mosque at Hebron, and the temples at Baalbek (Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 105, No. 42; iv. 274, No. 139, and p. 186, No. 116).]

[Footnote 613: See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 108, 299, &c.]

[Footnote 614: Renan, Mission, p. 822.]

[Footnote 615: See Renan, Mission, pp. 62-68; and compare Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 242, 243.]

[Footnote 616: See Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 64.]

[Footnote 617: See Renan, Mission de Phenicie, pp. 63, 64.]

[Footnote 618: Ibid. p. 65.]

[Footnote 619: See the volume of Plates published with the Mission, pl. ix. fig 1.]

[Footnote 620: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 110; pl. xxxv. fig. 20; xxxvi. fig. 7; xxxvii. figs. 10, 11; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. pp. 124, 428, 533, &c.]

[Footnote 621: Renan, Mission, Planches, pl. ix. fig. 3.]

[Footnote 622: See Perrot et Chipie, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 253, No. 193; p. 310, No. 233.]

[Footnote 623: See the author's History of Ancient Egypt, i. 237.]

[Footnote 624: Mission de Phenicie, pp. 64, 65.]

[Footnote 625: See Di Cesnola's Cyprus, pp. 210-212.]

[Footnote 626: The temple of Solomon was mainly of wood; that of Golgi (Athienau) was, it is thought, of crude brick (Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 139).]

[Footnote 627: See the plan in Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 267, No. 200. Explorations are now in progress, which, it is hoped, may reveal more completely the plan of the building.]

[Footnote 628: As being the most important temple in the island.]

[Footnote 629: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 211.]

[Footnote 630: Ibid. p. 210.]

[Footnote 631: Ibid.]

[Footnote 632: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 269.]

[Footnote 633: In M. Gerhard's plan two circular ponds or reservoirs are marked, of which General Di Cesnola found no trace.]

[Footnote 634: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 211.]

[Footnote 635: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 322.]

[Footnote 636: As Di Cesnola, and Ceccaldi.]

[Footnote 637: Ceccaldi, as quoted by Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 275.]

[Footnote 638: Ceccaldi, Monuments Antiques de Cypre, pp. 47, 48.]

[Footnote 639: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 139.]

[Footnote 640: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 149; Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 274; Ceccaldi, l.s.c.]

[Footnote 641: Di Cesnola, p. 139.]

[Footnote 642: Ibid. p. 140.]

[Footnote 643: Ibid. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, l.s.c.]

[Footnote 644: The only original account of this crypt is that of General Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 303-305.]

[Footnote 645: Mephitic vapours prevented the workmen from continuing their excavations.]

[Footnote 646: The length of this room was twenty feet, the breadth nineteen feet, and the height fourteen feet (Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 304).]

[Footnote 647: Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 285.]

[Footnote 648: See the woodcut representing a portion of the old wall of Aradus, which is taken from M. Renan's Mission, Planches, pl. 2.]

[Footnote 649: In some of the ruder walls, as in those of Banias and Eryx, even this precaution is not observed. See Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 328, 334.]

[Footnote 650: Diod. Sic. xxxii. 14.]

[Footnote 651: Arrian, Exp. Alex. ii. 21, Sec. 3.]

[Footnote 652: Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 331, 332, 339.]

[Footnote 653: Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. pp. 333, 334.]

[Footnote 654: See his Recherches sur l'origine et l'emplacement des Emporia Pheniciens, pl. 8.]

[Footnote 655: Compare Renan, Mission de Phenicie, pls. 7, 16, 18, &c.; and Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 224.]

[Footnote 656: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 256, 260; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 219-221.]

[Footnote 657: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 255.]

[Footnote 658: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 255, 256.]

[Footnote 659: See Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 260; and compare Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 219, No. 155.]

[Footnote 660: Di Cesnola, p. 259.]

[Footnote 661: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 224.]

[Footnote 662: See Ross, Reisen nach Cypern, pp. 187-189; and Archaeologische Zeitung for 1851, pl. xxviii. figs. 3 and 4.]

[Footnote 663: They are not shown in Ross's representation, but appear in Di Cesnola's.]

[Footnote 664: See Sir C. Newton's Halicarnassus, pls. xviii. xix.]

[Footnote 665: 1 Macc. xiii. 27-29.]

[Footnote 666: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 80.]

[Footnote 667: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 81.]

[Footnote 668: Ibid. pp. 82, 85.]

[Footnote 669: See Robinson, Researches in Palestine, iii. 385.]

[Footnote 670: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 599.]

[Footnote 671: Perrot and Chipiez remark that "the general aspect of the edifice recalls that of the great tombs at Amrith;" and conclude that, "if the tomb does not actually belong to the time of Solomon's contemporary and ally, at any rate it is anterior to the Greco-Roman period" (Hist. de l'Art, iii. 167).]

[Footnote 672: See the section of the building in Renan's Mission, Planches, pl. xlviii.]

[Footnote 673: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 71.]

[Footnote 674: Ibid. Planches, pl. 13.]

[Footnote 675: Ibid. p. 72.]

[Footnote 676: Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 153.]

[Footnote 677: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, pp. 71-73.]

[Footnote 678: "Ce que ce tombeau offre de tout a fait particulier c'est que l'entree du caveau, ou, pour mieux dire, l'escalier qui y conduit, est couvert, dans sa partie anterieure, par un enorme bloc regulierement taille en dos d'ane et supporte par une assise de grosses pierres" (Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 154).]

[Footnote 679: Mark xvi. 3, 4.]

[Footnote 680: Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 334.]

[Footnote 681: Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 126, No. 68.]

[Footnote 682: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 211, 301.]

[Footnote 683: See Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 129-134.]

[Footnote 684: Mission de Phenicie, p. 822.]

[Footnote 685: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 822.]

[Footnote 686: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 829.]

VII—AESTHETIC ART

[Footnote 71: See Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 404, and compare pp. 428 and 437.]

[Footnote 72: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 129-157, &c.]

[Footnote 73: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 510.]

[Footnote 74: Ibid. p. 513: "Les figures semblent avoir ete taillees non dans des blocs prismatiques, mais dans de la pierre debitee en carriere, sous forme de dalles epaisses."]

[Footnote 75: Di Cesnola, p. 150.]

[Footnote 76: Ibid. pp. 149, 150.]

[Footnote 77: Di Cesnola, p. 157.]

[Footnote 78: So both Di Cesnola (l.s.c) and Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 565.]

[Footnote 79: Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. Nos. 349, 385, 405, &c.; Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 133, 149, 157.]

[Footnote 710: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 519, No. 353.]

[Footnote 711: Ibid. Nos. 323, 342, 368. Occasionally an arm is placed across the breast without anything being clasped (Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 131, 240).]

[Footnote 712: Perrot et Chipiez, Nos. 299, 322, 373.]

[Footnote 713: Ibid. Nos. 291, 321, 379, 380.]

[Footnote 714: Ibid. Nos. 381, 382.]

[Footnote 715: Perrot et Chipiez, Nos. 306, 345, 349, &c.]

[Footnote 716: See Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 141, 230, 243, &c.]

[Footnote 717: Compare Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 530, No. 358; p. 533, No. 359; and Di Cesnola, pp. 131, 154, &c.]

[Footnote 718: Di Cesnola, pp. 129, 145; Perrot et Chipiez, pp. 527, 545.]

[Footnote 719: Di Cesnola, pp. 149, 151, 161, &c.]

[Footnote 720: Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 201, No. 142; p. 451, No. 323; p. 598, No. 409. The best dove is that in the hand of a priest represented by Di Cesnola (Cyprus, p. 132).]

[Footnote 721: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 114.]

[Footnote 722: Ibid. p. 331; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 203, and Pl. ii. opp. p. 582.]

[Footnote 723: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 136; Ceccaldi, Rev. Arch. vol. xxiv. pl. 21.]

[Footnote 724: Di Cesnola, p. 137.]

[Footnote 725: Ibid. p. 133.]

[Footnote 726: Ibid. pp. 110-114.]

[Footnote 727: See the Story of Assyria, p. 403; and compare Ancient Monarchies, i. 395, 493.]

[Footnote 728: See Story of Assyria, l.s.c.; and for the classical practice, which was identical, compare Lipsius, Antiq. Lect. iii.]

[Footnote 729: So it is in a garden that Asshurbani-pal and his queen regale themselves (Ancient Monarchies, i. 493). Compare Esther i. 7.]

[Footnote 730: Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 620.]

[Footnote 731: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 259-267.]

[Footnote 732: Di Cesnola is in favour of Melkarth (p. 264); MM. Perrot and Chipiez of Bes (Hist. de l'Art, iii. 610). Individually, I incline to Esmun.]

[Footnote 733: See Di Cesnola, Pl. vi.; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 450, 555, 557; Nos. 321, 379, 380, 381, and 382.]

[Footnote 734: Herod. iii. 37.]

[Footnote 735: Perrot et Chipiez see in it the travels of the deceased in another world (Hist. de l'Art, iii. 612); but they admit that at first sight one would be tempted to regard it as the representation of an historical event, as the setting forth of a prince for war, or his triumphant return.]

[Footnote 736: A similar crest was used by the Persians (Ancient Monarchies, iii. 180, 234), and the Lycians (Fellows's Lycia, pl. xxi. oop. p. 173).]

[Footnote 737: Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 609-611.]

[Footnote 738: See the Journal le Bachir for June 8, 1887, published at Beyrout.]

[Footnote 739: 1 Kings vii. 14; 2 Chron. ii. 14.]

[Footnote 740: 1 Kings vii. 21.]

[Footnote 741: "In the porch" (1 Kings vii. 21); "before the house," "before the temple" (2 Chron. iii. 15, 17).]

[Footnote 742: 1 Kings vii. 15, 16.]

[Footnote 743: Jer. lii. 21.]

[Footnote 744: 1 Kings vii. 17, 20.]

[Footnote 745: Ibid. verse 20; 2 Chron. iv. 13; Jer. lii. 23.]

[Footnote 746: 1 Kings vii. 22.]

[Footnote 747: See Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, vol. iv. Pls. vi. and vii. opp. pp. 318 and 320.]

[Footnote 748: 1 Kings vii. 23.]

[Footnote 749: Ibid. vv. 23-25.]

[Footnote 750: See the representation in Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 327, No. 172.]

[Footnote 751: Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 328.]

[Footnote 752: 1 Kings vii. 27-39.]

[Footnote 753: Ibid. verse 38.]

[Footnote 754: Ibid. verse 29.]

[Footnote 755: See the woodcut in Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 331, No. 173; and compare 1 Kings vii. 31.]

[Footnote 756: 1 Kings vii. 36.]

[Footnote 757: 1 Kings vii. 33.]

[Footnote 758: Ibid. v. 40. Compare 2 Chron. iv. 16.]

[Footnote 759: See Di Cesnola's Cyprus, Pls. xxi. and xxx.]

[Footnote 760: A single statue in bronze, of full size, or larger than life, is said to have been exhumed in Cyprus in 1836 (Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 514); but it has not reached our day.]

[Footnote 761: See the works of La Marmora (Voyage en Sardaigne), Cara (Relazione sugli idoli sardo-fenici), and Perrot et Chipiez (Hist. de l'Art, iv. 65-89).]

[Footnote 762: Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 65, 66.]

[Footnote 763: Ibid. pp. 67, 69, 88.]

[Footnote 764: Ibid. pp. 67, 70, 89.]

[Footnote 765: Ibid. 52, 74, 75, 87, &c.]

[Footnote 766: See Di Cesnola, Cyprus, Pl. iv. opp. p. 84.]

[Footnote 767: Ibid. opp. p. 345.]

[Footnote 768: Ibid. p. 337.]

[Footnote 769: Monumenti di cere antica, Pl. x. fig. 1.]

[Footnote 770: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 77.]

[Footnote 771: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, Pl. xi. opp. p. 114.]

[Footnote 772: In the museum of the Varvakeion. (See Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 782-785.)]

[Footnote 773: Ibid. p. 783, No. 550.]

[Footnote 774: Compare the author's History of Ancient Egypt, i. 362.]

[Footnote 775: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 779, No. 548.]

[Footnote 776: See Ancient Monarchies, i. 392.]

[Footnote 777: See Clermont-Ganneau, Imagerie Phenicienne, p. xiii.]

[Footnote 778: See Clermont-Ganneau, Ima. Phenicienne, Pls. ii. iv. and vi. Compare Longperier, Musee Napoleon III., Pl. x.; Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 329; Pl. xix. opp. p. 276; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 777, 789; Nos. 547 and 552.]

[Footnote 779: Clermont-Ganneau, Pl. i. at end of volume; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 759, No. 543.]

[Footnote 780: L'Imagerie Phenicienne, p. 8.]

[Footnote 781: Helbig, Bullettino dell' Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica, 1876, p. 127.]

[Footnote 782: L'Imagerie Phenicienne, p. 8.]

[Footnote 783: L'Imagerie Phenicienne, pp. xi, xiii, and 18-39.]

[Footnote 784: Ibid. p. 151.]

[Footnote 785: L'Imagerie Phenicienne, pp. 150-156. It is fatal to M. Clermont-Ganneau's idea—1. That the hunter in the outer scene has no dog; 2. That the dress of the charioteer is wholly unlike that of the fugitive attacked by the dog; and 3. That M. Clermont-Ganneau's explanation accounts in no way for the medallion's central and main figure.]

[Footnote 786: "Les formes et les mouvements des chevaux sont indiques avec beaucoup du surete et de justesse" (ibid. p. 6).]

[Footnote 787: So Mr. C. W. King in his appendix to Di Cesnola's Cyprus, p. 387. He supports his view by Herod. vii. 69.]

[Footnote 788: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 632.]

[Footnote 789: Compare the cylinder of Darius Hystaspis (Ancient Monarchies, iii. 227) and another engraved on the same page.]

[Footnote 790: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 635, note.]

[Footnote 791: Proceedings of the Society of Bibl. Archaeology for 1883—4, p. 16.]

[Footnote 792: See M. A. Di Cesnola's Salaminia, Pls. xii. and xiii.]

[Footnote 793: See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 639, No. 431.]

[Footnote 794: These fluttering ends of ribbon are very common in the Persian representations. See Ancient Monarchies, iii. 351.]

[Footnote 795: Ancient Monarchies, iii. pp. 203, 204, 208.]

[Footnote 796: Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 630.]

[Footnote 797: Ibid. pp. 635-639. Green serpentine is the most usual material (C. W. King, in Di Cesnola's Cyprus, p. 387).]

[Footnote 798: King, in Di Cesnola's Cyprus, p. 388.]

[Footnote 799: Pl. xxxvi. a.]

[Footnote 7100: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 277.]

[Footnote 7101: See De Voguee's Melanges d'Archeologie Orientale, pl. v.]

[Footnote 7102: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 631.]

[Footnote 7103: See Di Cesnola's Cyprus, pl. xxvi. (top line).]

[Footnote 7104: See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 645.]

[Footnote 7105: Ibid. p. 646.]

[Footnote 7106: De Voguee, Melanges, p. 111.]

[Footnote 7107: Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 651.]

[Footnote 7108: Ibid. p. 652.]

[Footnote 7109: See Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. xxxvi. fig. 8.]

[Footnote 7110: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 646.]

[Footnote 7111: Herod. vii. 61.]

[Footnote 7112: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. xxxv. fig. a.]

[Footnote 7113: Herod. v. 113.]

[Footnote 7114: That of Canon Spano. (See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 655, note 1.)]

[Footnote 7115: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 656, 657, Nos. 466, 467, 468.]

[Footnote 7116: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. p. 655.]

[Footnote 7117: Ibid. p. 656, Nos. 464, 465.]

[Footnote 7118: See the author's History of Ancient Egypt, ii. 47, 54, 70.]

[Footnote 7119: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 657, 658, Nos. 471-476.]

[Footnote 7120: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 655:—"La couleur parait y avoir ete employee d'une maniere discrete; elle servait a faire ressortir certains details."]

[Footnote 7121: Ross, Reisen auf den griechischen Inseln, iv. 100.]

[Footnote 7122: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 666:—"On obtenait ainsi un ensemble qui, malgre la rapidite du travail, ne manquait pas de gaiete, d'harmonie et d'agrement."]

[Footnote 7123: See Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 65, 71, 91, 181, &c.; and Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 686, 691, 699, &c.]

[Footnote 7124: Cyprus, pl. xxix. (p. 333).]

[Footnote 7125: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 704.]

VIII—INDUSTRIAL ART AND MANUFACTURES

[Footnote 81: Ezek. xxvii. 18.]

[Footnote 82: Ibid. xxvii. 21.]

[Footnote 83: See Herod. ii. 182, and compare the note of Sir G. Wilkinson on that passage in Rawlinson's Herodotus, ii. 272.]

[Footnote 84: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 246.]

[Footnote 85: Ibid.]

[Footnote 86: Hom. Il. vi. 289; Od. xv. 417; AEsch. Suppl. ll. 279-284; Lucan, Phars. x. 142, &c.]

[Footnote 87: Ex. xxvi. 36, xxviii. 39.]

[Footnote 88: Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 877.]

[Footnote 89: Smyth, Mediterranean Sea, pp. 205-207.]

[Footnote 810: Tristram, Land of Israel, p. 51.]

[Footnote 811: Lortet, La Syrie d'aujourd'hui, p. 103.]

[Footnote 812: See Phil. Transactions, xv. 1,280.]

[Footnote 813: Wilksinson, in Rawlinson's Herodotus, ii. 347.]

[Footnote 814: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 258.]

[Footnote 815: See Jul. Pollux, Onomasticon, i. 4, Sec. 45.]

[Footnote 816: This is the case with almost all the refuse shells found in the "kitchen middens" (as they have been called) on the Syrian coast. See Lortet, La Syrie d'aujourd'hui, p. 103).]

[Footnote 817: See Reaumur, quoted by Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 256.]

[Footnote 818: Plin. H. N. ix. 38.]

[Footnote 819: See Grimaud de Caux's paper in the Revue de Zoologie for 1856, p. 34; and compare Lortet, La Syrie d'aujourd'hui, p. 102.]

[Footnote 820: Ibid.]

[Footnote 821: Lortet, La Syrie d'aujourd'hui, p. 127.]

[Footnote 822: Plin. H. N. xxxii. 22.]

[Footnote 823: Ibid. ix. 37-39.]

[Footnote 824: For the tints producible, see a paper by M. Lacaze-Duthiers, in the Annales des Sciences Naturelles for 1859, Zoologie, 4me. serie, xii. 1-84.]

[Footnote 825: Plin. H. N. ix. 41.]

[Footnote 826: Ibid. ix. 39:—"Cornelius Nepos, qui divi Augusti principatu obiit. Me, inquit, juvene violacea purpura vigebat, cujus libra denariis centum venibat."]

[Footnote 827: Kenrick, Phoenicia, p. 242. Compare Pliny, H. N. ix. 38:—"Laus summa in colore sanguinis concreti."]

[Footnote 828: Hist. Nat. xxxvi. 65.]

[Footnote 829: Wilkinson, in Rawlinson's Herodotus, ii. 82. Similar representations occur in tombs near the Pyramids.]

[Footnote 830: Wilksinson, Manners and Customs, iii. 88.]

[Footnote 831: Herod. ii. 86-88.]

[Footnote 832: Plin. H. N. v 19; xxxvi. 26, &c.]

[Footnote 833: Lortet, La Syrie d'aujourd'hui, p. 113.]

[Footnote 834: Ibid. p. 127.]

[Footnote 835: Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 735, note 2.]

[Footnote 836: Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 26.]

[Footnote 837: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 739.]

[Footnote 838: See Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 734-744.]

[Footnote 839: Perrot et Chipiez, Histore de l'Art, iii. pl. viii. No. 2 (opp. p. 740).]

[Footnote 840: Ibid. pl. vii. No. 1 (opp. p. 734).]

[Footnote 841: Herod. ii. 44.]

[Footnote 842: Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 745, and pl. x.]

[Footnote 843: Ibid.]

[Footnote 844: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 746, No. 534.]

[Footnote 845: Ibid. pp. 739, 740.]

[Footnote 846: See Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 740, 741.]

[Footnote 847: The British Museum has a mould which was found at Camirus, intended to give shape to glass earrings. It is of a hard greenish stone, apparently a sort of breccia.]

[Footnote 848: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 745.]

[Footnote 849: Strabo, iii. 5, Sec. 11.]

[Footnote 850: Scylax, Periplus, Sec. 112.]

[Footnote 851: Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art, iii. 669. (Compare Renan Mission de Phenicie, pl. xxi.)]

[Footnote 852: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 670. The vase is figured on p. 670, No. 478.]

[Footnote 853: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 68. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 671, No. 479.]

[Footnote 854: Perrot et Chipiez, l.s.c.]

[Footnote 855: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, appendix, p. 408.]

[Footnote 856: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 685, No. 485.]

[Footnote 857: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 102. Compare Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 675, No. 483.]

[Footnote 858: So Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 332, and Mr. Murray, of the British Museum, ibid., appendix, pp. 401, 402.]

[Footnote 859: Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 693-695.]

[Footnote 860: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 394, 402, and pl. xlii. fig. 4.]

[Footnote 861: Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 698.]

[Footnote 862: Ibid. p. 676, No. 484; p. 691, No. 496; and p. 697, No. 505.]

[Footnote 863: Ibid. p. 730.]

[Footnote 864: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 282, and pl. xxx.]

[Footnote 865: Ibid.]

[Footnote 866: Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 866-868. Compare Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. x.]

[Footnote 867: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pp. 335, 336, and pls. iv. and xxx.; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 831, 862, 863, &c.]

[Footnote 868: Di Cesnola, l.s.c.; Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 864.]

[Footnote 869: Di Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. xx.]

[Footnote 870: Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 15, 66-68, 70; Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 203.]

[Footnote 871: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 870, 871.]

[Footnote 872: Ibid. p. 867, No. 633.]

[Footnote 873: Ibid. iv. 94.]

[Footnote 874: Perrot et Chipiez, iv. 94, No. 91.]

[Footnote 875: Ibid. p. 67, No. 53.]

[Footnote 876: Ibid. iii. 862, No. 629.]

[Footnote 877: Perrot et Chipiez, iii. p. 863.]

[Footnote 878: De Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 336.]

[Footnote 879: See Perrot et Chipiez, iii. 133, Nos. 80, 81.]

[Footnote 880: Di Cesnola, p. 335.]

[Footnote 881: See Ezek. xxvii. 12; Strab. iii. 2, Sec. 8.]

[Footnote 882: Plutarch, Vit. Alex. Magni, Sec. 32.]

[Footnote 883: Ceccaldi, Monumens Antiques de Cyprus, p. 138; Di Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 282; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 874.]

[Footnote 884: Plutarch, Vit. Demetrii, Sec. 21.]

[Footnote 885: Hom. Il. xi. 19-28.]

[Footnote 886: 2 Chron. ii. 14. Iron, in the shape of nails and rings, has been found in several graves in Phoenicia Proper, where the coffin seems to have been of wood (Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 866).]

[Footnote 887: Strab. iii. 5, Sec. 11.]

[Footnote 888: Ezek. xxvii. 12.]

[Footnote 889: See Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iv. 80.]

[Footnote 890: Ibid. iii. 815, No. 568.]

[Footnote 891: Renan, Mission de Phenicie, p. 427, and pl. lx. fig. 1; Perrot et Chipiez, Hist. de l'Art, iii. 177, No. 123.]