One good resulting from this evil should not be overlooked. The evangelical brethren in Constantinople had lived scattered over a territory eight or ten miles in diameter, so that they could rarely, if ever, come together. But while driven from their homes, and sheltered by the hand of Christian charity, they were, for many weeks, almost in one neighborhood, with abundant opportunity to cultivate each other's acquaintance. Most of their time, indeed, was spent in social prayer and religious conference; the effects of which were seen in a deeper interest felt for one another, and in a stronger bond of union.1

1 Christianity Revived, p. 208.

Early in March, Reschid Pasha, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, called up the Armenian Patriarch, and charged him to desist from his present course. This was an important point gained. It was now virtually decided, that the evangelical subjects of the Porte could have a civil existence in Turkey, without being under the spiritual dominion of the Patriarch.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1846, p. 218.

But freedom from the Patriarch's civil power they did not actually attain until their full and formal recognition as a Protestant community. In point of fact, there was no material relief from the persecution; though the Patriarch issued a pamphlet, about this time, utterly denying that there was any. He even proclaimed from the pulpit, that religion was free in Turkey. There was no doubt a change for the better in the Turkish government, and the Patriarch was gradually learning that persecution for religious opinions was not to be allowed. Therefore he felt constrained to use every artifice, so that nothing should seem to be done contrary to law; and, if possible, so that no ambassador should be able to prove upon him an act of persecution. At that very time, however, thirty-four shops were closed in Constantinople, and their former occupants were forcibly kept from resuming their business, merely because they did not subscribe to the Patriarch's creed. This was all, however, under the pretense of law. The Patriarch was the civil head of the Armenian community, and as such was responsible to the government for every trade. No person could open a shop without a license, and each trade was incorporated, and regulated by a small committee of the most prominent persons in that business. The license came from this committee; and each one taking out a license was required to give two or more sureties for good conduct. Licenses were refused to the evangelical Armenians; or if not, they were not accepted as sureties for each other, and none others ventured to assume the relation. Thus, until the slow moving Turk discovered the abuse, the persecutor pursued his work with impunity under the broad shield of the law.

It was specially so in the interior. One of the most trying cases of persecution was that of Priest Haritun at Nicomedia, whose conversion was mentioned in connection with that of Vertanes, more than twelve years before. When Der Vertanes was anathematized, the bishop of Nicomedia required Haritun to write a confession of his faith, in order to show the people that he was a true son of the Armenian Church. The document was far from being satisfactory, and his letter appended to it was still less so, for in that he affirmed the Holy Scriptures to be the only infallible rule of faith and practice, and declared his willingness to receive whatever punishment was prepared for him. He was naturally timid, but now he was filled with the spirit of martyrdom. He was brought to the church on the Sabbath, and the bishop, after reading his confession, immediately pronounced him excommunicated and accursed. Two priests then violently tore his clerical robes from his shoulders, and with boisterous shouts, cried, "Drive the accursed one from the church." The excited rabble now fell upon him, and with kicks and blows thrust him into the street. All this he received with the greatest meekness, and returned to his house exceeding glad that he was counted worthy "to suffer for the name of Jesus."

The bishop then sent him a paper of recantation to sign. Refusing to do this, he was by an easy artifice, thrown into prison. Finding that he owed small sums to different individuals, the debts were all bought up by a magnate of the place, and immediate payment was required. Being unable to meet the demand, as it was well known he would be, he was cast into prison. It was under sanction of the law. After thirteen days, he was conducted by a soldier to the bishop's palace, where the Patriarch's creed was offered for his signature. When they could not persuade him to sign it, he was threatened with the loss of his beard, which was considered the greatest indignity to a priest. He replied, "For the wonderful name of Christ, I am, God helping me, ready even to shed my blood." A barber was called in, and not only his beard, but all the hair from his head was shaved off. They then tore his clerical cap, and cast it into a filthy corner of the street, together with the hair and beard. A mob of boys now fastened the beard and the disfigured cap to the end of a long pole, and paraded through all the wards of the city, shouting, "Heads out! behold the cap of the accursed Haritun." He was afterwards sent back to prison, the soldiers leading him by a circuitous route to prolong his sufferings, and the mob continually following him with opprobrious language. "I entered the prison," he wrote to a native brother, "with a joyful heart, committing myself to God, and giving glory to Him, that He had enabled me to pass through fire and sword, and brought me to a place of repose."

The Turkish governor of the prison, moved by pity, immediately released the unoffending old man. Passing through a Turkish burying ground, he reached his home unobserved. It was the Sabbath day, and he says, "Being delivered from the hands of reckless men, I fell down on my face about the eighth hour, with my wife alone, and gave glory to God that He had accounted me worthy of such an honor, which I formerly avoided, but now by his grace he has made me cheerfully to receive, though I am altogether unworthy. He has kept me for such a day."

Haritun's inability to pay his debts subjected him to a second imprisonment; but as his cup increased in bitterness, his resolve was the more firmly fixed, never to deny his Lord and Saviour. His spotless reputation, and his meekness in suffering, procured for him many friends, even among the Mohammedans.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1846, pp. 219-223, 366.

It deserves to be recorded, that the magnate who secured his imprisonment, was thrown from his horse, not long after, and received a fracture of the skull, from which he died; and his splendid mansion was subsequently consumed by fire.

After having thus cruelly treated Priest Haritun, the bishop summoned the evangelical brethren before him, as a body, and so wrought upon their fears, that they all agreed to sign the paper of recantation. Some of them, however, declared to the bishop, at the time, that they should continue to read the Gospel, and come together for prayer; and he assured them, that he merely wanted their signatures as a matter of form, and that they should be left at liberty to believe and act as they pleased. But they lost all peace of mind from that moment, until they had abjured their recantation, and publicly declared their determination to abide by the doctrines of the Gospel, even unto death. This was in March, 1846. They were all soon after excommunicated.

At Adabazar, there was much suffering. Four of the brethren were seized for debt, and thrown into prison. The Protestants were assailed with hootings and curses. Fresh outrages were of daily occurrence. A native brother, named Hagop, on his way from Adabazar to a village an hour distant, was passed by one of the persecutors on horseback, who turned upon him and cruelly beat him. Returning home with eyes and forehead swollen and blackened, and his limbs bloody from the blows he had received, he was taken by his friends to the Turkish governor, and two Turks came in as witnesses; but the governor refused to give him a hearing. Soon after, the houses of the brethren were stoned, and some of them were imprisoned on false pretenses, while the governor and judge, though perfectly aware of these things, cared not for them. Emboldened thus, the chief ruler of the Armenians headed a band of about fifty desperate fellows, and went in the evening to the house of Hagop, who had been beaten a few days before, broke down the door, rushed up-stairs, and, in the presence of his family, beat him on his nose and mouth, and wherever else the blows happened to fall, and threw him down stairs. They there beat him again, pushed him into the street, and dragged him to a place of confinement. Other brethren were subjected to similar violence, until the mob became so outrageous that the governor and judge were obliged to interfere.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1846, p. 270.

At Trebizond, a young man, refusing to sign the recantation, was beaten on the soles of his feet, the vartabed aiding with his own hands in inflicting the blows. He was afterwards thrown into a miserable stable as a prison; water was plentifully poured upon the cold, damp ground on which he stood with mangled feet; his hands were tied behind him by the two thumbs; a rope was passed under his shoulders and fastened to a beam over his head; and in this torturing condition he was left to stand during the night. Orders were also issued that no one should give him food. After being kept here nearly two days, with some mitigations, and repeatedly importuned to sign the recantation, with terrific threatenings in case he did not, the sufferer was induced to yield. The ecclesiastics were encouraged by this to bastinado and imprison all who refused to comply. Those who could, fled to the house of the missionary, and ten men were at one time lodged in the chapel, and fed at his table.

This mode of proceeding could not continue. The British Consul interposed and gave information to the Pasha, who arrested the barbarous proceedings, and virtually advised the brethren to secede from their persecuting Church. Mr. Powers thought the effect of these sufferings had been salutary on all the brethren.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1806, [sic, 1846?] pp. 298-300.

Another case occurred at the remote station of Erzroom, and I mention it because of the extreme violence of the persecutors, though regretting that they partially gained their point. The man was a recent convert, but his answers when interrogated, were so judicious and decisive, and so sustained by Scripture proofs that his adversaries were unable to reply. The main question was, whether he would worship the sacred pictures. This he refused to do, whereupon he was severely bastinadoed; and afterwards some of the priests kicked him, spat in his face, and smote him on the face, till the blood gushed from his nose and mouth. He was then put in chains, and thrust into a cold prison, without being allowed water to wash the blood from his face, though he earnestly requested it.

During the evening two priests went to his prison, and he begged them to secure his removal to a stable. They called him a dog, and told him he could receive no favor unless he submitted in everything. This he said he could never do. He was afterwards removed to a stable, and the next day was brought before his persecutors and required to sign a creed they had drawn up. This he did, after the most objectionable parts had been erased. Emboldened by this, and by the refusal of the Pasha to protect the sufferer, the ecclesiastics next Sabbath ordered the same man to appear before them, and he was immediately thrust into prison. In the evening he was taken into the church and brought before the altar, where, in the presence of a great multitude, curses were heaped upon him without measure. The vartabed who performed this service, used language fitted to stir up the worst passions of the people; many of whom being partially intoxicated, became so enraged that when the brother was conducted to the vartabed's room they grossly abused him, not only by words, but by blows and spitting in his face. They crowded the door, declaring that he was worthy of death, and that they were ready to shed his blood, even if for so doing, they should have to shed their own, and it was with difficulty they were prevented from rushing upon him. Indeed some actually entered and kicked him on the head as he was seated on the floor, without one word of rebuke from the ecclesiastics. Their object was to compel him to sign a paper recently sent them by the Patriarch. He told them he could never heartily sign such a paper. "No matter about your heart," they exclaimed, "perform the outward act." In consequence of this remark, and terrified by the mob, which seemed panting to lay violent hands upon him, and into the midst of whom he was to be thrust if he did not sign his name, he at length yielded, and the next morning his sentence of excommunication was revoked.

A month later, this man much regretted having done so, even under such a pressure, and had no thought of abandoning the new religious life. He continued his efforts to enlighten the dark minds of those to whom he had access, though by so doing, he exposed himself to new trials.1

1 Mr. Peabody, in Missionary Herald, 1846, pp. 265-267.



CHAPTER XXIII.

THE ARMENIANS.

1846-1848.

We are now in the middle of the year 1846. Hitherto no one has voluntarily separated himself from the Armenian community. The so-called "schismatics" were made such by the exscinding act of the Patriarch himself. For nearly six months anathemas had been dealt out in the patriarchal church every Sabbath until many of the people grew weary of them. Through ecclesiastical influence, bread and water were still withheld from many Protestant families by the dealers in those articles, and everything was done that could be done with impunity to afflict those who remained steadfast in the truth; nor did the Patriarch or the magnates give them any hope of relief, except through unconditional submission to their demands. Their only earthly hope was in the Protestant Ambassadors, and in Reschid Pasha, the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Sir Stratford Canning, the English Ambassador, whose noble efforts for religious liberty in Turkey are worthy of all praise, did not cease urging the government to secure to their Protestant subjects the right of pursuing their lawful callings without molestation. As to sureties for those who were excluded from their shops and business, he represented that the demands of the law might be met by their becoming sureties for one another. He at length succeeded, and Reschid Pasha, who soon became Grand Vizier, gave orders that the Protestants be permitted to resume their business on this condition. A new officer was put in the place of the one who had turned a deaf ear to their petitions. When summoned before him, they declared themselves to be Armenians, and he told them it was "Protestants," whom he was to allow to open their shops. They had never adopted that name, as it had been applied to them by their enemies by way of reproach,—as probably the term "Christian" was to the disciples at Antioch,—but called themselves the "Gospellers," or "Evangelists." But now, whether they wished it or not, they were constrained to adopt the designation of "Protestants."

A letter from the Grand Vizier, written at this time to the Pasha of Erzroom, also recognized them as Protestants. It was the first document issued by the Turkish government for their protection, and began with stating, that certain Armenians at Erzroom, who had embraced the Protestant faith, were represented to the government as suffering various forms of persecution, from which they prayed to be delivered. The Grand Vizier says that the same thing had occurred at the capital, where the Protestants, having been anathematized by the Patriarch, were cut off from both social and commercial intercourse with their countrymen. While the Sultan would not interfere with the spiritual duties of the Patriarch, he could not allow his Protestant subjects to be hindered in their lawful pursuits. As the Armenian Primate had converted the law, requiring every subject entering into business to provide sureties for his good behavior, into an instrument of oppression, by refusing to accept Protestants as sureties for each other, the Pasha was to see that they had the same liberty, in this respect, as was enjoyed by their countrymen. This was their privilege at Constantinople, and the Grand Vizier hoped the Pasha of Erzroom would secure the same for them in his province.

The Patriarch had left no means untried to break up the seminary at Bebek, and succeeded in taking away seventeen out of the twenty-seven students. But five of them soon returned, and ten others speedily joined the institution. About half of the ten were young men of good intellectual capacity and mature faith, who had fallen under the anathema of the Patriarch. Shutting up their shops had sent them to the seminary, where their minds would be disciplined, and where, studying the history of the Church, and comparing the past and present with God's Word, they would be prepared to comprehend the Oriental Apostasy. Of the other five, three were from anathematized families, and two were without relatives. A lad, who had been expelled from his father's house because he was a Protestant, was about to enter the seminary, through the influence of a young man who had left it because of the failure of his eyes. His father carried both to the patriarchate; and the Patriarch, who had declared himself no persecutor, condemned them to imprisonment, with hard labor and the wearing of a heavy chain day and night. The father repented of his cruelty and implored their release, but in vain. It was only when the Patriarch understood that the father was carrying the case before the English Ambassador, that he released the son. The other youth remained in irons; and the reply of the Turkish authorities to repeated petitions was, that he had been committed for crime. The missionaries believed him entirely innocent, and truly pious. We are obliged to leave this youth, after six weeks of labor begirt with a chain, in the midst of ferocious and beastly criminals, refusing to accept deliverance on condition of subscribing the Patriarch's creed.

This persecution changed the seminary into a theological school. More instruction was given in ecclesiastical history, especially, in regard to the introduction of doctrinal errors, and more attention was paid to the exposition of the written Word. A select class was formed for the study of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, and care was taken to have the pastors of the reformed churches men of faith and prayer, strong in the Scriptures, and able to expose the antichristian character of the nominal Churches round about them.

A seminary for young ladies had been opened in Pera, in the autumn of 1845. Eight were then admitted, and five more some months later. As the pupils came from evangelical families, most of them had received some instruction at their homes. They could read in the New Testament with more or less readiness when they entered, and they made good proficiency in their studies. Several of them were excommunicated by name, and nearly all belonged to excommunicated families; so that the sympathies of all were enlisted on the side of evangelical truth, though only two or three of the older ones were regarded as hopefully pious. The school was under the charge of Mrs. Everett and Miss Lovell.

On the 21st of June, 1846, a great feast day in the Armenian Church, the Patriarch issued a new anathema against all who remained firm to evangelical principles; and decreed that it be publicly read, at each annual return of this festival, in all the Armenian churches throughout the empire. The Protestants were thus cast out forever. They had no power to organize themselves into a civil community; but it was clearly their duty to secure for themselves and their children, as far as they could, the spiritual privileges of the Gospel. Nothing remained for them but to organize themselves into a separate church, and this they resolved to do.

They made a written request to the missionaries for aid in this matter, having themselves no experience. A meeting was accordingly held in Constantinople of delegates from the different stations of the Armenian mission. Messrs. Allan and Koenig, missionaries of the Free Church of Scotland to the Jews, were present by invitation; and also Dr. Pomroy, of Bangor in Maine, and Mr. Laurie, then on his way home from Syria. Though the meeting was composed of two or three different denominations of Christians, there was the most entire harmony in the discussions, and a plan then drawn up for the organization of the Evangelical Armenian church, was agreed to by a unanimous vote.

The evangelical Armenians in Constantinople came together on the first day of July for the public recognition of the church. After the reading of the Scriptures and prayer, the plan of organization, confession of faith, covenant, and rules of discipline, were read, with such explanations as seemed necessary. Those present were then requested to rise and give their assent to the articles of faith and to the covenant. All rose, and the articles were again read, at the end of which all audibly responded, "We do thus believe." In like manner they audibly assented to the covenant. The missionaries and others then rose, and, as the representatives of Protestant Evangelical Churches, publicly acknowledged them as a true church of Jesus Christ. Their names were then recorded, amounting to forty, three of whom were women.

Thus was constituted the First Evangelical Armenian Church of Constantinople. As soon as the names of members had been recorded, they proceeded to the choice of a Pastor by ballot, and the unanimous choice fell upon Apisoghom Khachadurian, of whom honorable mention was made in the preceding chapter. The other church officers were then elected; and the church unanimously requested Mr. Dwight to act as helper in the pastoral office, which he consented to do.

After one week, an Ecclesiastical Council, invited by the church, assembled to ordain the pastor elect. It consisted of the missionaries of the Board resident at Constantinople, and Mr. Allan, missionary of the Free Church of Scotland. The candidate was examined, in the presence of the church, as to his personal piety, his views in entering the ministry, as to the doctrines of the Gospel, church government, the sacraments, and the duties of the pastoral office. He had been educated in the school of Peshtimaljian, had for years been in constant intercourse with the missionaries, had attended courses of exegetical and theological lectures in the seminary, and had received much private instruction. More than all, he possessed an experimental knowledge of religion, and seemed eminently taught by the Holy Spirit. His clear perception of evangelical truth, his power in argument, his impressive manner, his superior judgment, his boldness, and his general weight of character, plainly singled him out as the man, whom God had called to that position.1

1 Christianity Revived, p. 231. Missionary Herald, 1846, pp. 317-320, 357.

The new church lost no time in setting forth to their countrymen a declaration of their faith, and their reasons for the steps they had taken; which they did in a pamphlet issued in the Armenian language.1

1 See Missionary Herald, 1846, p, 356.

Churches on the same basis were formed at Nicomedia and Adabazar in July, and at Trebizond early in the autumn. There were disturbances at each of these places, but the Mohammedan authorities showed a disposition to repress them promptly.1

1 See Missionary Herald, 1846, pp. 368-370.

The church at the metropolis was soon called to suffer affliction in the death of its beloved pastor, on the 12th of March, 1847. His disease was brain fever, occasioned by an exciting missionary visit to Nicomedia, where the church was about calling his brother to be their pastor. From the nature of the disease, he was mainly without the use of his reason; but a few hours before his death, while Mr. Dwight was present, the cloud passed from his mind, and they enjoyed a most delightful interview. "There were present," says the missionary, "besides his own relatives, his two deacons, and several of the brethren and sisters of the church, and their joy was unbounded when they heard their dying pastor, with restored reason, giving such clear testimony of the all-sufficiency of Christ to support him in that trying hour. At the end of every answer he gave to my inquiries, they cried out all over the room, "Bless the Lord," "Glory to God," unable to restrain their gratitude that God had given him grace and opportunity to bear such a testimony. I have been present at many Christian death-beds of the people of God, but I can truly say, that I never witnessed anything so deeply affecting. I afterwards led in prayer. Our departing brother uttered a loud Amen at the end of every sentence, and his reason then left him to return no more on earth."

I cannot refrain from quoting here the testimony of so judicious, an observer as Mr. Dwight, concerning the wife of the pastor. "She is a person every way fitted to be a pastor's wife. She is one of the most intelligent, pious, and lovely women I have known in this country. Indeed, in native intellectual power and in piety, she has few superiors anywhere."

Der Haritun had long been the spiritual leader at Nicomedia; but when a church was formed, and there was need of one who should be both a pastor and preacher, he as a priest, having never learned to preach, and having almost reached the age of sixty, meekly gave place to one who was better qualified to preach the Gospel with power and effect, and now took the place of a deacon.

The reader will remember the manner in which the reformation arose among the Armenians of Aintab, through the labors of Bedros Vartabed.1 It is worthy of notice, that while the letter of Mr. Thomson was on its way to Constantinople, and before his visit became known to the Prudential Committee, they had directed the Constantinople brethren to send Mr. Van Lennep on a visit to Aleppo and Aintab. Mr. Van Lennep estimated the number of Armenian families in the place at fifteen hundred. The people were rude and ignorant, but they were residents, and not sojourners, as were most of the Armenians at Aleppo. He had visitors from morning till night, and the conversation was confined to the great subjects of salvation and eternal life. All the people knew the reason of his coming, and therefore were anxious for instruction on those great questions. Meetings were well attended. About ten men appeared to have been truly converted. The people were very anxious to have a missionary reside among them, but this was not possible at that time.

1 See chapter xxi.

The next visit was by Mr. Johnston, who remained three months at Aleppo, till the way was open to Aintab. Meanwhile three were chosen from among the brethren to go and study the Scriptures with him at Aleppo. Their names were Avedis, Sarkis, and Krikor, all under thirty years of age. Mr. Johnston went to Aintab in September, and was subjected to a quarantine of twelve days on his arrival. Bedros accompanied him, and they called on the Governor. The Catholicos of Sis, the spiritual head of the Church, arrived soon after to oppose the missionary. Mr. Johnston was fully occupied, however, with the numerous inquirers, and there was no way for the opposers but to induce the Pasha to drive him from the place. In this they succeeded, but not until the time that he himself had set for his departure. He and his companions were followed, as they left the town on the 14th of December, by attendants of the Catholicos reviling and throwing stones. No reason was assigned by the Governor for permitting this outrage, and he was shortly afterwards removed from office. Remonstrances from the American Minister at the Porte, were supposed to be among the causes of his removal.

Meanwhile Dr. Azariah Smith was traversing regions in eastern Turkey, which have since become endeared to the friends of missions, and reached Aintab just after Mr. Johnston left. A tumult was raised at once, with the hope of driving him away also, but without success. Having a firman, he refused to go without first seeing the Governor, and his medical profession and practice were in his favor. He remained until March, and before leaving gathered the hopeful converts into a church, which has since proved to be one of the most prosperous in Turkey. On his departure, a number of the brethren accompanied him a considerable distance, and parted after uniting in prayer for each other, and for the cause of their Redeemer and Saviour. Bedros, however, whom he left behind to look after the infant church, was soon expelled. Mr. Schneider labored there in the summer and until some time in the autumn.

Still the position of the Protestants was everywhere one of trial. They were separated from the Armenian community, but not united with any other. The government, though determined to protect them from persecution, did not know exactly what to do. The municipal regulations of Constantinople forbad marriage, baptism, or burial without the cognizance of the civil power. To obtain a permit for marriage, it was necessary to present to the head of the police a certificate from the Patriarch; and the Patriarch must report the name of every baptized child to the same officer for enrolment. Before every burial, permission must be obtained from the Board of Health, and this also must be through the Patriarch. Then every traveller must have a passport, which could not be obtained without a voucher from the Patriarch. It had become quite obvious, that the Patriarch could no longer act as their civil representative at the Porte.1

1 Christianity Revived, p. 241.

In order to promote the internal peace of the empire, the Sultan found it necessary to reduce the power of the Armenian Patriarch, by appointing a council of laymen, for secular matters, and another of ecclesiastics and laymen, for matters spiritual; the Patriarch not being allowed to act without their sanction.

The number of Protestant Armenians, including men, women and children, now separated from their former churches, was about one thousand. Nearly three thousand more were known to entertain Protestant sentiments, though still retaining a loose connection with their former churches. Those who were more or less awakened to a knowledge of their errors, and secretly desired the progress of the reformation, must have amounted to several thousands more; but of these no accurate estimate could be made.

The six churches formed previous to May, 1848, were as yet small, the whole number of members being only one hundred and sixty-six. Ninety-nine were at Constantinople, twenty-six at Nicomedia, twelve at Adabazar, sixteen at Trebizond, five at Erzroom, and eight at Aintab. But neither the number of church members, nor the size of the congregations, nor the number of those who came to the missionaries for religious conversation, told the whole story. There was a deep movement going on in the Armenian community itself, which might be expected to produce great changes in the whole body. In some of the churches there were contentions, occasioned chiefly by their inexperience in self-government, and their ignorance of the proper modes of acting under their new circumstances. In Trebizond, it became necessary to separate two of the church members by a formal vote of excision. But this event, though exceedingly trying to the infant community, as well as to the missionaries at the station, was overruled for good. By the divine blessing on such experiences, the self-governing power usually gains strength.

Baron Simon was ordained pastor of the bereaved church in Constantinople, in place of his brother. Baron Haritun Manasian was ordained pastor of the churches in Nicomedia and Adabazar, and was to spend one fourth of his time in the latter place. Both were from the seminary at Bebek.

During the year ending May, 1848, the seminary containing forty-seven scholars, and the school for girls containing twenty-three, were both favored with what may be called a revival, which added several from each of them to the church; and there was a similar awakening in both institutions in the following year. The work of the Holy Spirit was distinctly traceable also at Aintab, Aleppo, Killis, Arabkir, and other places in the interior. The houses of worship in Pera, and in the city proper, were crowded on the Sabbath, and nearly every week new persons were present.

END OF VOLUME FIRST.