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There was much discussion as to the best manner of cultivating the field, but all agreed that wherever small companies were ready to make a credible profession of piety, they were entitled to be recognized as churches, and had a right to such a native ministry as could be given them. The reformed churches might combine persons from several, and perhaps from all, the various sects; and the method of church organization should be such as to throw the greatest responsibility on the individual members.
The question was raised, whether the marked disposition in the mountain communities to place themselves collectively under the instruction of the mission, would justify a lowering of the qualifications for church-membership, especially with reference to the baptism of children. It was believed that no good would result from this; especially, as the people are so bent on regarding baptism as a renewing ordinance. To form churches in this way, would only be to multiply communities of merely nominal Christians.
The brethren admitted, that their labors had been too little adapted, hitherto, to awaken religious feeling among the people. The reasons assigned for this were, the absorbing demands of the press and of education; the habits of preaching and laboring formed under past unfavorable states of the field; and finally, a painful impression of the suffering that converts must endure, with no civil power to interpose between them and their persecutors.
To counteract the first of these causes, it was decided to suspend the printing for a year; and the seminary was revived, which had been suspended in 1842, to counteract the second. The remedy for the last two, was a more perfect reliance on the Holy Spirit and the divine energy of the Gospel. It was the general opinion, that education in all its parts should bear a fixed proportion to the frequency, spirituality, and power of the more formal preaching. Nor was it less clear, that the press should be kept strictly subservient to the pulpit.
The most remarkable call for preaching, at this time, was at Hasbeiya, a village of four or five thousand inhabitants, situated at the foot of Mount Hermon.1 Druzes and members of the Greek Church made up the population, with some Greek Catholics, Moslems, and Jews. The village lay about fifty miles southeast of Beirut, bordering on the country of the Bedawin, with whom was its principal trade. As the result of this, the people had much personal independence, with a tendency to segregation; features which Mr. Smith noticed as specially predominant among other native Christians similarly situated, especially in the Hauran.
1 The New York Observer, from July 18th to August 29th, 1846, has an instructive series of articles on Hasbeiya, from the pen of Dr. Eli Smith.
Early in the year 1844, a considerable body of the Hasbeiyans seceded from the Greek Church, declared themselves Protestants, and made a formal application to the mission for religious instruction. About fifty men came at one time to Beirut for that purpose, and asked for ministers to teach them. Their dissatisfaction with their Church was not of recent date, but had been increasing for years. It had arisen from the selfishness and worldliness of their clergy, and their consequent neglect of the flock. These men had some acquaintance with the mission, Hasbeiya having been visited by more than one of the native book agents. It was evident, however, that concern for the salvation of the soul was not the cause of their coming. What they sought had reference solely to the present life. Appropriate instruction was given, and they were advised to go home, pay their taxes (which they had not done), and do what they could to live in peace with their townsmen, and then to write to the mission. A letter was received after a few days, stating that they had done as they were advised, and urging the visit of a missionary. In this request they were earnestly seconded by the two brethren from the United States, who arrived at Beirut, just before the letter came. The mission sent two of their native helpers; but these had not left Beirut before a second delegation arrived, more urgent than the first. The native helpers were followed in May by Messrs. Smith and Whiting, who soon saw that they had been too backward to credit the sincerity of these men. The hope of political advantage had been abandoned, but their decision and their numbers had steadily increased. The men were about one hundred and fifty, and among them were some of the most respectable inhabitants, and a large proportion of enterprising men. Their love of peace, as well as their decision, had secured for them general respect. Some had made considerable progress in Christian knowledge, and the neighbors acknowledged that the profane among them had left off swearing, and the drunkard had abandoned his cups. The Sabbath, moreover, was carefully observed; the old church fasts were given up; prayers to saints and to the virgin had ceased; pictures for adoration had disappeared from their houses; and it was remarkable that in these changes the women were more zealous than the men. Still their knowledge in all cases was very imperfect, and it was uncertain how well they would endure persecution. Nearly all the members of the mission were there at different times; as also Tannus el Haddad, and Butrus el-Bistany, of the native helpers.
Meanwhile the spirit of persecution was rising. The Greek Patriarch at Damascus became alarmed, and tidings were received that a company of horsemen was coming from Zahleh, a large nominally Christian town at the eastern foot of Lebanon, to force a recantation from the Protestants of Hasbeiya. Mr. Smith and Butrus were there at the time. The stony-ground hearers had fallen off; yet fifty adults were present at the preaching, and gave close attention. Of women a larger number than usual were present, and seemed to be waking up to the idea, that religion was a thing for them. From twelve to fifteen women attended a daily afternoon prayermeeting. It was affecting to think how lately these were blind devotees of the virgin and the saints, and profaning the name of God a hundred times a day. "Going to the afternoon service," says Mr. Smith, "where Butrus addressed the people, I found the children of the congregation assembled in the court, and engaged in repeating the Assembly's Catechism. Their order was perfect, their attention solemn, and their answers generally given with correctness, while the teacher showed his own improvement by the explanations he gave them. Their parents and friends stood around, and listened with evident gratification, while curiosity had drawn the members of a neighboring Greek family to their windows, and they too were quietly looking on. To appreciate its interest you must have been present, and heard the shouts rising at the same time from an opposite quarter, where the boys of the town were assembled in belligerent array, and making a mimic (or rather real) war, by throwing stones at each other, to see which would gain the victory. The little company before me, when I first came to the place, scarcely two months ago, were as fully carried away as any of them with these wild sports, and even parental authority could not, for a Sabbath or two, bring them to break off for an hour to learn the word of God. Now, what a change! It was as if the devil had been cast out of them, and they were sitting in their right minds. Such are missionary triumphs, and the joy that springs from them is what the world can neither give nor take away."
Some members of the community not being satisfied with the strictness of the mission in regard to baptism and the Lord's Supper, the two brethren went into a thorough explanation of the subject. This led to a long and earnest conversation. The next day, July 4, the people gave in their reply; which was, that they would yield entirely to the judgment of the missionaries, who might admit them to the rites of the church when they thought them qualified.
On Sabbath, July 14, it being certain that the people of Zahleh were coming, the Protestants assembled in the house of the missionary, to enter into a solemn covenant to stand by each other to the last. After the service, they drew up an engagement in the following terms: "We, whose names are hereto subscribed, do covenant together before God and this assembly, and pledge ourselves upon the holy Gospel, that we will remain leagued together in one faith; that we will not forsake this faith, nor shall any separate us from each other while we are in this world; and that we will be of one hand and one heart in the worship of God, according to the doctrines of the Gospel. In God is our help." The covenant was taken by them separately, each one standing by the table, and laying his hand upon the Bible as it was read to him. Sixty-eight names were subscribed on the spot; and the number was increased next day to seventy-six, all of them adult males.
"The affecting solemnity of this scene," writes Mr. Smith, "I leave you to imagine. I have been many years a missionary, and have witnessed a great variety of heart-thrilling events, but this is one of the last that I shall ever forget. Would that that chamber, as then crowded with those hardy mountaineers, in the interesting attitude of that moment, could have been thrown upon the painter's canvas! At some future day, when the Gospel shall have triumphed here, it would be cherished and admired as the first declaration of independence against ecclesiastical tyranny and traditionary superstition."
About thirty horsemen arrived the next day from Zahleh, to quarter themselves on the Protestant families until they yielded, or were impoverished; but the people, foreseeing their intentions, had closed their houses, and assembled elsewhere. The storm seemed now ready to burst upon them. At this moment two Druzes, one the leading feudal sheik of the province, the other a man of unequaled personal bravery, made their way through the excited crowd; seated themselves by the side of the Emir; protested in the strongest language against the treatment the Protestants were receiving from their townsmen; warned all against treating them as men who had no friends to take their part; and called upon the Emir to stand forth in their defense, promising to support him if he did. This decided interference checked a little the progress of events.
The people of Zahleh had been accompanied by a number of Greek priests, and in prosecuting their object employed entreaties, threats, bribes, reproaches, and actual violence. They were countenanced by the Emir, and backed up by a "Young Men's Party," which had grown into an organization under the political excitement of the times. They returned home in consequence of an order obtained from the Pasha of Damascus, but not until they had drawn away perhaps twenty, old and young, some of whom soon after returned to the instructions of Mr. Thomson and Tannus, who had taken the place of Mr. Smith and Butrus. While they were absent on the mountain to recover from illness, the result of confinement, anxiety, and a suffocating sirocco, the "Young Men" rose in arms, against the Protestant brethren. They virtually took the government of the place into their own hands, and the Protestant men fled to escape their murderous violence. Returning to Hasbeiya, Mr. Thomson found only the wives, mothers, sisters, and daughters of those who had fled; some of them so poor as not to know how or where they could find their daily bread, yet apparently without fear. He overtook the fugitive people the next day, who were half perishing with hunger. Abeih was their place of refuge; and there they remained till October, zealously attending upon religious instruction.
In that month, one of the two Druze skeiks [sic] arrived, who had interposed on their behalf on the fifteenth of July, bringing with him a document from the Pasha of Damascus, procured, it was said, by Mr. Wood, English Consul there, directing their return and guaranteeing their entire security. The guaranty proved to be illusive, though probably not intended to be so. Strong, unfriendly influences were subsequently brought to bear on the Pasha.1 They were accompanied by Butrus, and it was intended that one of the missionaries should soon follow. The party reached Hasbeiya on the fourteenth of October, and found those who had remained there in great fear. The Patriarch having arrived the same day, to inflame the passions of their enemies, intimidate the governor, and weaken the hands of the Druze sheiks. Butrus wrote, advising that no missionary come there until the Patriarch was gone, and things had become more quiet. He was succeeded by Tannus, in October, and he, in the following month, by Elias el-Fuaz. The friendly governor was at length set aside for one more in sympathy with their persecutors. On the two following Sabbaths, the Bible-men were stoned in the streets, and Elias el-Fuaz was seriously wounded; while the governor made only a sham resistance, that emboldened the evil-doers, as he intended it should, till the native preacher was driven from the place, and some of the Protestants fled to Lebanon. Others, wearied with persecutions to which they could see no end, complied so far with the demands of the Patriarch, as to visit the Greek church, though they took no part in the services, and openly spoke against its idolatries. This very partial compliance relieved them from persecution, but inwardly set them more firmly against an organization that resorted to such measures to retain them.
1 Not only the influence of the Patriarch of Damascus, but also of the Russian Consul-general of Syria, who wrote to the Pasha as follows, on learning that Mr. Wood had privately secured permission for the Protestants to return home:—
"However, I may desire to address your Excellency on this subject in a friendly manner, I must remind you, that I am serving the magnificent Emperor of Russia, and that we have the right of protecting the Greek Church in the Ottoman dominions. I should greatly regret, if I were compelled to change my language and protest against every proceeding which may lead to the humiliation of the Greek Church at Hasbeiya, and the encouragement of pretended Protestants, especially as the Sublime Porte does not recognize among her subjects such a community."
I give this on the authority of the Rev. J. L. Porter, English missionary at Damascus, a man every way competent to give testimony in this case.
The station at Jerusalem was suspended in this year, and Mr. Lanneau removed to Beirut. Mr. and Mrs. Keyes, in consequence of a failure of health, returned to the United States.
The seminary was now revived, not at Beirut, but at Abeih, fifteen hundred feet above the sea-level, in a temperate atmosphere, and with a magnificent prospect of land and sea. The experience gained in the former seminary was of use in reconstructing the new one. Its primary object was to train up an efficient native ministry. None were to be received to its charity foundation, except such as had promising talents and were believed to be truly pious. The education was to be essentially Arabic, the clothing, boarding, and lodging strictly in the native style, and the students were to be kept as far as possible in sympathy with their own people.
A chapel for public worship was fitted up, and here, as also at Beirut, there was preaching every Sabbath in the Arabic language, with an interesting Sabbath-school between the services. Mr. Calhoun having joined the mission, coming from Smyrna, the charge of the new seminary was committed to him. The Rev. Thomas Laurie arrived from Mosul the same year.
Yakob Agha died in the year 1845. The evidence he gave of piety had never been wholly satisfactory, but for the last six years he was a communicant in the church. In this time he appeared to be a changed man, and his missionary brethren hoped that, with all his failings, he was a sincere believer and died in the Lord.
In the spring of this year war broke out afresh between the Druzes and Maronites, and Lebanon was again purged by fire. It was in no sense a religious war, but a desperate struggle for political ascendency. The Maronite clergy in the Druze part of the mountain had been rapidly recovering power, and were as rapidly rising in their opposition to the mission. The result of this war, as aforetime, was the destruction of their villages and their power; and the Patriarch sank under the disappointment and died. Moreover the party in Hasbeiya, which stoned the Protestants and their teachers, were driven out of the place by the Druzes, and great numbers of them killed, so that the "Young Men's" party seemed to be broken to pieces.1
1 There was a special enmity of the Druzes against the Christians of Hasbeiya. The most celebrated sacred place of the Druzes is on the top of a hill just above Hasbeiya, called Khulwat el Biyad. In their revolt against Ibrahim Pasha in 1838, he was aided by the Christians, and when the Druzes were defeated in a battle near this place, their sacred place was entered, and several chests of books, setting forth their tenets, were scattered through the land. The Christians paid dearly for their trespass. The leader of the Hauran rebellion became, for a time, the governor of Hasbeiya, and for this loss imposed exorbitant indemnities on every one, who had been known to take a book. The consequent enmity between the parties doubtless had much to do with the events described above.
Abeih, now a missionary station, was inhabited by both Druzes and Maronites, and the conflict began there on the 9th of May. Our brethren were all along assured by both parties, that neither they nor their property would be molested, whichever was victorious. The Druzes early had the advantage, and the Maronite part of the village was speedily in flames, and more than three hundred and fifty Maronites were obliged to take refuge in a strong palace belonging to one of the Shehab Emirs. About two hundred more, and among them several of the most obnoxious, found an asylum in the houses of the missionaries, and in the house of a native helper of the mission, which, being in the centre of the Maronite quarter, was crowded with refugees. Mr. Thomson ventured out in the midst of the tumult, and succeeded in getting a guard of Druzes and Greeks whom he could trust, placed around this house, and thus the people with their goods were secured. The palace was in danger of being taken by storm, and the people within it all massacred; when the leaders of the Druzes, to avoid this, requested Mr. Thomson to carry a flag of truce, with offers of safety and permission to retire whenever they might choose. This was done at some risk, as the battle was still raging. After the surrender, Dr. Van Dyck dressed the wounded Maronites in the palace, and brought several of them to his own house. He also performed like services for the wounded Druzes. This he did not without peril to himself; for, returning alone from the neighboring village, where he had gone on this professional errand, a Druze warrior mistook him for a Maronite, and was so enraged that one in an Arab dress and with an Arab tongue should pretend to be an American, that, but for the providential coming up of one who knew the Doctor, he would have killed him on the spot. Meanwhile Mr. Laurie had come safely from Beirut, attended by only two janissaries, and passing through hordes of the victorious Druzes. Finding, on his arrival, a half-burned corpse of the Italian padre lying in the street, he buried it under the pavement of his chapel.
The Maronites being in a starving condition, the missionaries baked for them all the flour they had on hand, and sent express by night to Beirut for more. Fearing, too, that the Maronites might be massacred by the Druzes on their way down to Beirut, notwithstanding their Turkish escort, they sent an express to Colonel Rose, the English Consul-general, which brought him up immediately with his most efficient protection. It should be added, that on the day the Maronites left Abeih, a strong proclamation came out from the Maronite and Greek Catholic bishops at Beirut to all their people, requiring them to protect all the members of the American mission.
The reflections of Mr. Smith on the death of the persecuting Patriarch, are just and impressive. "What a lesson," he says, "does that event, in such circumstances, teach us! After having martyred that faithful witness Asaad Shidiak, caused the Bible often to be burned, had missionaries insulted and stoned, and boasted that he had at last left no spot open for them to enter the mountains, he finds himself stripped of all his power; missionaries established permanently in the midst of his flock, and his own favorite bishop constrained to give orders for their protection; his people once and again ravaged and ruined in wars, which his own measures have hastened, if they have not originated; and finally he sinks himself under his disappointment and dies. How signally has the blood of the martyred Asaad been avenged upon him even in this life."
The war broke up the schools in the mountains; but in the following year there were ten schools in charge of the station at Abeih, with four hundred and thirty-six pupils. One hundred and forty-four of these were girls, and one hundred and ninety-seven Druzes. Connected with the Beirut station, were four schools for boys and girls, and one for girls alone. In Suk el-Ghurb, a village four miles from Abeih, a Protestant secession from the Greek Church was in progress, embracing fourteen families, and religious services were held with them every Sabbath. At Bhamdun, the summer residence for the brethren of the Beirut station, there were a number of decided Protestants, who declared that they found persons to sympathize with them wherever they went. Even in Zahleh, the hot-bed of fanaticism, there were men who openly argued from the Gospel against the prevailing errors. Mr. Smith wrote of a village on Mount Hermon, that sixty men were known to be standing ready to follow the example of Hasbeiya, as soon as the Protestants in that place had made good their position. He also declared the movement in Hasbeiya the beginning of what would doubtless have been a great revolution, had persecution been delayed.
Mr. Lanneau's health constrained him to retire from the field in 1846. In the same year, Dr. Van Dyck, having acquired an extraordinary facility in the use of the Arabic language, was ordained to the work of the Gospel ministry.
CHAPTER XVII.
GREECE.
DR. JONAS KING AND THE GREEK HIERARCHY.
1845-1847.
The struggle of Dr. Jonas King with the Greek Hierarchy, deserves a permanent record. The point at issue between them was, freedom to worship God and to preach the Gospel in Greece. The conflict was not waged by Dr. King as a Greek citizen, for such he never claimed to be, though he was a property-owner in Athens, and married to a Greek lady, who retained her nominal connection with the Greek Church.
These facts were helpful to him, as was also his American citizenship. A mere citizen of Greece could not have maintained his ground after the persecuting hierarchy had overawed the courts of justice and the officers of state. His courage resembled that of Martin Luther. He was a sturdy Puritan, which no Greek at that time could have been; and he had strong resemblances to the great Reformer, as will abundantly appear in the sequel. Yet the fact of his foreign origin made him to be no more than the forerunner of a Grecian Luther. His labors and sufferings only prepared the way for a national reformation, which it may be hoped is yet to come.
Early in 1845, a public accusation was made against Dr. King, that he had uttered impious language respecting the Virgin Mary. In reply, he quoted from Epiphanius, Bishop of Cyprus, one of the Fathers of the Eastern Church, who says: "Let the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost be worshipped; Mary, let no one worship." Such a defense, as the writer anticipated, only increased the excitement. The most abusive epithets were heaped upon him. Among other things, he was accused of falsifying the testimony of the Fathers. He published a "Defense," in a small volume of about two hundred pages; embracing a history of the controversy from the beginning, and proving his teachings to be, as he affirmed, doctrines of the Greek Church. This he did by freely quoting from Epiphanius, Chrysostom, Clemens, and others. The book was sent to the most prominent men, civil and ecclesiastical, in Greece and Turkey, and produced a powerful impression. Several persons of distinction confessed that it was true.
It was not to be expected, however, that such a publication would escape the condemnation of the more bigoted members of the Greek Church. The opposition became furious, with threats of personal violence. In August, the "Holy Synod of the kingdom of Greece" formally denounced the book and its author. Dr. King was characterized as a hypocrite, imposter, deceiver, as impious and abominable, and a vessel of Satan; and after a confused and lame attempt at an answer, every orthodox Christian was forbidden to read it, and required to deliver it to the flames. The writer was pronounced "an outlaw, whom no one might salute or greet in the street," and all were forbidden to enter his dwelling, or to eat or drink with him, on pain of the most severe ecclesiastical penalty. The Synod also requested the government to institute a criminal prosecution. In view of all this, Dr. King consoles himself with the Saviour's words (Luke vi. 22, 23), "Blessed are ye when men shall hate you, and when they shall separate you from their company, and shall reproach you, and cast out your name as evil, for the Son of man's sake. Rejoice ye in that day, and leap for joy."
In September, officers of justice entered the house of the missionary, and seized all the copies of his book they could find, ninety-seven in number. About nine hundred had been previously distributed. He was then summoned to appear before one of the judges to be examined. I give his own characteristic statement.
"My examination and answers were as follows:—
Question. What is your name?
Answer. Jonas King.
Q. Your country?
A. The United States of America.
Q. Of what city?
A. Hawley, a country town.
Q. What is your age?
A. Fifty-three.
Q. What is your profession?
A. I am an evangelist, that is, a preacher of the Word of God.
Q. What is your religion?
A. What God teaches in His Word; I am a Christian, most orthodox.
Q. Did you publish this book, entitled "Jonas King's Defense, etc.?"
A. I did, and distributed it here and elsewhere. I gave it to all the professors in the University, and to others.
"The Judge then read to me my accusation as follows: 'You are accused of having in your book reviled the Mother of God, the holy images, the liturgy of Chrysostom and Basil, the seven oecumenical councils, and the transformation of the bread and wine into the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ in the fearful mystery of the communion. Have you any defense to make?'
"A. Those things in my book with regard to Mary, with regard to transubstantiation, and with regard to images, I did not say; but the most brilliant luminaries of the Eastern Church, St. Epiphanius, St. Chrysostom, the great St. Basil, St. Irenaeus, Clemens, and Eusebius Pamphyli, say them.
Q. Have you anything to add?
A. Nothing.
Q. Do you know how to write?
A. Enough to write my name.
"I was then directed to subscribe my name to the examination, which I did, and went away."
In October, intelligence came of the "excommunication" of the book and its author by the "Great Church" at Constantinople. They assigned the publicity which the "Defense" had obtained in Turkey as the reason for this act; and this was doubtless the reason why the synodical accusation was sent extensively to be read in the Greek churches of the East.
The case went to trial, and was decided against Dr. King in three successive courts, the last of which was the Areopagus, or highest court of appeal. This was in April, 1846. In this latter court, he was well defended by two Greek lawyers, and permission was granted him, at his request, to address the court. But after about twenty minutes and repeated interruptions by the President, he was silenced altogether; not having the freedom which the Pagan Areopagus of ancient times gave to the first missionary to Greece. The effect of these decisions was to declare the offenses charged against Dr. King to be criminal in law, and to refer the case, for trial as to the truth of the charges and the infliction of punishment, to the criminal court. If condemned, he must suffer imprisonment. The trial was to take place at Syra in July. An inflammatory pamphlet was secretly printed by a priest, named Callistratus, for distribution at the place of trial among judges, jurors, and the populace. It was industriously circulated among the lowest class, with the avowed sanction of the high priest of the Cyclades. Dr. King soon ascertained that a conspiracy was formed there against his life, similar to the one which endangered the life of the great Apostle on his last visit to Jerusalem. Three Greek lawyers were engaged for his defense at Syra, of whom one was Mr. Stephen Galatti, who had been educated by the Board in America, and two of these accompanied him in the steamer. At least a thousand people awaited his landing. Such was the excitement, that even the lawyers dreaded to go among them, and the governor of the island confessed his inability to give effectual protection. The king's attorney decided, that he could not be legally compelled to submit to a trial on that day. His lawyers therefore advised him to return in the steamer to Athens, which he did. Learning, soon after his arrival, through his wife, of a combination there to take his life, he acquainted Sir Edmund Lyons, the British Ambassador, with the fact, and that gentleman kindly offered him British protection in case of need.
It would be charitable to suppose, that the government had not entered into this prosecution willingly, but were urged on by the hierarchy. Certain it is, that the whole subject was allowed to rest for nearly a year. But on the 4th of June, 1847, the missionary received a citation from the officers of government to appear in person for trial before the criminal court at Syra. As a similar court was at that moment holding a session in Athens, he could regard the motive of the citation as not very different from that which led the Jews to demand the transfer of St. Paul's trial from Caesarea to Jerusalem. It was subsequently affirmed, that this proceeding had been without the knowledge of the Prime Minister and the Minister of Justice; and the King's attorney soon after recalled the citation. The British Ambassador again proffered his kind offices, and there were friends among the Greeks themselves. But the great body of the people were hostile, and Dr. King concludes one of his letters thus: "I feel that my Lord and Master has called me to this combat, and though it seems to be waxing hotter and hotter, so long as my Captain and Leader lives, I have nothing to fear." He was somewhat cheered by the assurance of a Greek of standing, that his book, though the cause of much suffering to the author, had given a turn to public opinion.
After this Dr. King ventured out into the city with considerable freedom, and conversed with such as he met on the subject of religion. Many, even some of the priests, saluted him in the streets, though contrary to the commands of the Holy Synod. A member of the Synod, who had subscribed the excommunication, on meeting him returned his salutation.
There was only a lull in the storm. In July of the same year, a series of articles appeared in a leading newspaper of Athens called the "Age," designed to excite the prejudices of the Greeks against our missionary, and to urge them to put a stop to the scandal of his preaching. The last and most extraordinary of these was avowedly from Simonides, and was fitted to produce an excitement in the Greek community. Its statements were improbable in the highest degree, and there could not have been a more affecting proof of the superstition and bigotry of the people of Athens, than the general credence given to this gross fabrication.
The article was called "The Orgies," and was under the headings of "Mystery of Marriage," and "Mystery of Baptism;" and a translation of it may be found in the "Missionary Herald" for 1847.1
1 See Missionary Herald for 1847, pp. 366-368.
It was subsequently ascertained, that Simonides was materially aided by two priests; who were elevated, not long after, one to an archdeaconry, the other to an archbishopric, under the "Great Church" at Constantinople. What immediately followed, will be described by Dr. King himself.
"While reading the article in my family, the Governor of Attica, Mr. Soutzos, came in and desired to speak with me alone. He informed me that he had come to say to me from the Minister of the Interior, that, on the one hand, they wished to give me protection, and that, a week before, there was no reason for suspecting any difficulty, unless it were from my own conscience; but that they desired me to put a stop to the scandal of my preaching. He had also to say to me from the Minister of Religion, that I must do so, or the government would take some measures against me.
"To this I replied, that I considered it an insult, on the part of the Minister of the Interior, to say that I had no reason for fear except from my own conscience, as I had reason to fear from the threats I had heard from various quarters; that my conscience was perfectly clear, inasmuch as I had done nothing but my duty; that as to my preaching, I considered myself free to preach the Gospel in my own house. 'Yes,' said he, 'but not to admit others of the Greek religion.' I replied, that I considered myself as having the same right, which is enjoyed by the Roman Catholics, by the English, by the King's chaplain, and by the Queen's, to hold my service with open doors; that the government did not demand of any person of any other rite to close his doors against such as might wish to come, and that, should I do this, I might be justly suspected of doing something improper; that I had a right to preach in my own house, and that the constitution protected me in this right; that I intended to preach, and with open doors, and whosoever wished might come; that what had appeared in the "Age" with regard to my religious service, called the "Orgies," and with regard to proselytes, was all false; and that it was folly for the government to found an accusation, or take any measures against me, on the ground of such abominable falsehoods. But if they chose to prevent Greeks from coming to my service, they had the power so to do.
"The governor said that this was the last advice the Minister of Religion had to give me, and it would be followed by severe measures.
"During the greater part of this conversation, my wife was present, and added remarks vindicating my right to do as I pleased in my own house, and declaring the accusations, which had appeared in the 'Age' of the preceding day, to be false."
One of the two Greek lawyers already mentioned, on being consulted with regard to an article in the Penal Code, to which the Governor had referred, said that it had no reference whatever to the case of Dr. King, but only to secret societies. In the evening, the missionary observed three soldiers guarding his house, and was told that they were placed there for that purpose.
Hearing that the Swedish Minister desired an interview, Dr. King called, and was informed that the King had expressed a wish that he should "economize" the present difficulty by taking a journey, as in protecting him there might be bloodshed; that the people were much exasperated, and the Parliament being about to assemble, many sought to throw everything into confusion; that they might feel obliged to order him away, which they did not wish to do, as then, in order to return, he must have a permit, which it might be difficult to obtain; whereas, if he went away voluntarily, he could return whenever he pleased.
It seemed wise to comply with these suggestions, and Dr. King resolved to take the Austrian steamer, then soon to leave the Piraeus for Trieste. Sir Edmund Lyons secured for him a passport, and assured him that he would take special care of his family during his absence. At the Piraeus he was most hospitably entertained by Mr. and Mrs. Buel, of the American Baptist Mission in that place. He arrived at Geneva on the 25th of August, where he met with Christian sympathy and a hearty welcome.
Simonides subsequently published other articles in the same newspaper, entitled "The Mysteries of Jonas King," and "Teaching of Jonas King against the honorable and life-giving Cross;" and still another, entitled "He is sent away;" all designed, and some of them well adapted, to exasperate the multitude. An extract from the last may find a place in this history.
"The false apostle, Jonas King, is out of the Greek commonwealth. His nation-corrupting and Satanic congregation of strange doctrine, already bearing date of fifteen years, has now been destroyed. The terrible progress of the great common scandal of religious strange doctrine, has been smitten on the head. In giving this important news we congratulate Greece, being persuaded that every other important question of the day holds, in respect to this, a second place. It concerned religious sentiments, from which flows the Greek existence, the national personality; and the corruption of these religious sentiments, or even the simple disturbance of them, effected especially in the female race, would overturn from the foundation everything which holds together the strong links of Grecian nationality and liberty.
"Of all the foreign holy apostles, of various religions and various heresies, unhappily for Greece, heaped together from every quarter, no one became more to be feared, and more destructive, than the imposter and deceiver, Jonas King. A man of much speech, of powerful sophistry, of infinite subtlety, of hypocrisy incarnate, uniting in himself, also, boldness and great pecuniary means, he was able to proceed to such lengths, profiting for many years from the double indifference of the political and ecclesiastical authorities, as to proclaim publicly, that the act of the holy Synod against him of the 5th of August (19th, N. S.), was unjust and false."
There can be no doubt that a withdrawal from Greece, just at that time, was the only judicious course to be pursued; and perhaps the proceedings of the government, in view of the uncontrollable excitement of the people, were all that could have been reasonably expected. For a week after the departure of Dr. King, a guard of ten or twelve soldiers was kept at his house, to protect it from the mob.
Subsequently, the government went into a protracted examination of the case, for which no satisfactory reason has been assigned. It had the effect to delay the return of Dr. King, and it may have been designed for that end. And perhaps they hoped, by eliciting the truth, to allay public excitement.
Dr. King proceeded to Malta in November, that he might be nearer Athens, and Mrs. King joined him there in February. About that time, by advice of his counsel, he petitioned the Greek government to bring the examination to a speedy close. While in Malta, he printed his "Farewell Letter"1 in French and Italian, and the edition was distributed in Malta, Sicily, Rome, Tuscany, and other places. An edition of two thousand copies is said to have been printed in Sicily in 1849, of which nine hundred copies were distributed in one night, and seven hundred in another, apparently with good effect.
1 This letter is mentioned repeatedly in the second, third, and seventh chapters. The reader, who is curious to see precisely what it was, will find the translation of a large portion of it in the Missionary Herald for 1828, pp. 141-145.
CHAPTER XVIII.
DR. JONAS KING AND THE GREEK HIERARCHY.
1847-1869.
Impatient of longer delay, Dr. King boldly resolved upon returning to Athens, and he arrived there on the 20th of June, 1848. He assigns his reason for this in a letter to his Secretary: "I thought it best," he writes, "to wait no longer, but to throw myself suddenly into the midst of the people, and take whatever might come. No one ever took a castle by remaining quietly outside. He may lose his life, and he may take the castle. At any rate, here I am. I believed it my duty to come, and to come now, and I returned with my mind perfectly tranquil. I know that a sparrow shall not fall to the ground without my Father, and that the very hairs of my head are all numbered."
The newspapers were silent. The editor of the "Age," who printed the "Orgies," gave him his hand, and welcomed him back to Greece. Simonides tried to revive the excitement, but did not succeed. Calling on most of the King's Ministers, as a matter of civility, he was generally received with cordiality.
It was not thought prudent, however, to resume his preaching at once, but his book depository was opened, and Bibles, Testaments, and other religious books were again in demand. Within six months after his return, he printed over five hundred thousand pages of religious books; and the opening of the year 1849 found him preaching publicly on the Sabbath, with a Scripture exposition Thursday evening, and several young men much impressed by these ministrations. The disturbed political condition of Europe at that time, had a tendency, no doubt, to divert the public attention. One fact deserves mention. Just as a new paper was about to be published at Athens, with the special design of holding up Protestant missions to popular indignation, a British fleet appeared in the offing, and public attention was diverted from the undertaking. In August, several students from the University attended the Sabbath and Thursday evening services, and called at other times for conversation, and two Greeks of hopeful piety were accustomed to take part in reading the Scriptures and extempore prayer at a Sabbath evening prayermeeting. The devoted missionary felt himself called on to work while the day lasted.
It is worthy of note that Simonides, whose inflammatory writings had led to the withdrawal of our missionary brother from Athens, pretended about this time to have discovered certain Greek manuscripts of Homer, Hesiod, etc., which he claimed to be more ancient than any others, and some men of learning thought them to be genuine; but when they were discovered to be forgeries, the people regarded him as a deceiver and liar.
Nearly three years elapsed after Dr. King's return to Athens, and he began to be more encouraged in his work. He speaks of a call from an abbot of a convent, who embraced him as a brother on leaving, and whom he regarded as indeed a brother in the Lord. But early in the spring of 1851, indications of public uneasiness began again to appear. The Synod represented to the Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs "the scandalous attacks of the American, King, on the Holy and Orthodox Church," and demanded prompt redress according to law.
The first outbreak of the popular feeling was in Dr. King's own house, on the 23d of March, by evil-minded persons assembled at the usual preaching service on the Sabbath. Entering the room, he found it crowded with more than one hundred persons. The strictest attention was given to the sermon, but a student of theology in the University began to put questions immediately after the benediction, and a tumult soon arose. The audience was composed of friends and foes, the former endeavoring to prevent a disturbance, while the latter reviled them. Finding remonstrance unavailing, Dr. King unfurled at the door the flag of the United States, which the absent Consul had committed to his care, and at the sight of this the crowd immediately withdrew.
On the 15th of May, 1851, he was called to appear before a judge to answer to the charge of proselyting. The first ten or twelve questions and answers were similar to those in the examination six years before. The remainder is here reported:—
Question. What do you preach?
Answer. The Word of God; that is, the Scriptures contained in the Old and New Testament, which are recognized by all Christian Churches as being the Word of God. This word I hold in my hand, and endeavor to draw the attention of those present to what it contains, saying, "Thus saith the Lord," and pointing out to them the book, chapter, and verse, where what I state is to be found.
Q. Have you any other service?
A. In the afternoon I have sometimes a service, which consists in reading the Word of God, and in prayer and some remarks, the object of which is to draw the attention of those present to what Christ teaches.
Q. Do many attend this service in the afternoon?
A. Very few.
Q. Do you invite people to come to your preaching, or do they come of their own accord?
A. In general they come of their own accord. If any ask me if it is permitted to them to come, I always tell them that my house is open, and any one who wishes is free to come. When I first commenced this service, in the time of Capodistria, I invited his particular friend, old Mr. Konstantas, and others.
Q. Our questions relate principally to the last two years.
A. During that time, and since the great opposition to my preaching commenced, I have been particularly careful, in general, to avoid inviting people.
Q. You are accused of having, this year and the last, expressed things to the offense of others, and of having expressed principles, sentiments, and opinions, which attack in general the foundations of religion, and are otherwise injurious. Have you anything to say by way of defense?
A. What religion is meant? If it be that of Mohammed, I may be guilty.
Q. The religion of the Oriental Orthodox Church?
A. I have already said that my preaching consists in teaching what is contained in the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, that is, the Word of God, which all the most distinguished early Fathers in the Eastern Church, especially Chrysostom and Athanasius, declared to be the only school of godliness, the fountain at which all Christians ought to drink; and if the Eastern Church acknowledges these sacred Scriptures as the foundations of its religion, I cannot be guilty of the charge, for I have said nothing against those bases. As to the superstructure, what has at various times been built up on these foundations, I have nothing to say at this time. That is quite another question, and one which the accusation does not touch. But against the foundations themselves, as already explained, I can have said nothing, because I preach that Word, which contains them. And besides, I consider it a sin for any one to preach anything of his own, and that it is the duty of every one to preach only what is contained in the Word of God."
The judge then said, "The examination is ended."1
1 Missionary Herald, 1851, p. 268.
Dr. King, sometime before, had prepared an "Exposition of an Apostolical Church," founded entirely on the Word of God, which was printed in Cambridge, Massachusetts. This was extensively distributed, and was denounced by the Greek hierarchy in Constantinople, Smyrna, and Thessalonica. In September, the Council of Judges in the criminal court of Athens, a sort of grand jury, presented him for trial in that court upon the allegations, that for two years he had "preached within his house in this place publicly, in the exposition of the sacred Scriptures, that baptism is no other than a simple symbol, and consequently it is indifferent whether men are sprinkled or immersed; that those who eat a little bread, and drink a little wine, are foolish in thinking that they will be saved by this communion; that the most holy mother of God is not ever virgin; that those who worship her, as also the other divine images, are idolaters; that he does not accept the sacred Councils, and the things ordained by them in religion, and handed down by tradition to the orthodox Christians in later times; that the fathers and the saints of the orthodox Oriental Church of Christ were deceivers, and as a consequence of this, they brought in divers heresies; that holy baptism is no other than an external sign for Christians;" etc.
There were successive appeals, as in the former case, up to the Areopagus; but with similar results, except that the highest court decided that the penal law did not apply to one half of the allegations. It was hoped that the matter would end here, but a trial was ordered for the 5th of March, 1852.
Great pains were taken, by the evil-disposed, to excite a tumult when Dr. King was brought before the court; and the head of police, while giving assurance of protection, advised him to go to the court-house in a carriage. This he declined. After a prayer with his family, he took his little son by the hand, and, in company with an American friend, walked first to the house of Mr. Pellicas, one of his lawyers. There he was told, that the King's attorney, in view of the excitement among the people, desired him to wait till he could enter the court with some hope of safety. But Dr. King did not wish a postponement on account of the excitement, of which there would always be more or less, and so they set out again on foot for the court-room. It was with difficulty they pressed through the crowd, in which the peculiar hats of many priests were to be seen on all sides. Our missionary declares, that he felt very happy, though not indifferent to his position, in the full belief, that the result would be good.
The charge of reviling the dogmas of the Eastern Church, which was now their only dependence, was not proved. So the King's attorney had recourse to the "Exposition of an Apostolical Church," printed in the United States, to the "Defense," printed in 1845, and to the "Farewell Letter," printed twenty-seven years before, which formed no part of the indictments, on the assumption that he must have preached the sentiments they contained. But even so, his preaching would be no more a reviling of the dogmas of the Greek Church, than any other exposition of the doctrines held by the millions of Protestants in Europe and America. His lawyers made an able defense, though embarrassed by the evident bias of the President of the court. After a trial of six hours, Dr. King was adjudged to be guilty, and was condemned to fifteen days' imprisonment, to pay the costs of court, and then to be banished from the Kingdom of Greece.
The court-house was soon cleared by the soldiers, but such a crowd awaited Dr. King without, that the military officer in charge proposed to call a carriage, and the King's attorney consented to his returning to his own house for the night, rather than going immediately to prison. He went out through a back door, and the officer ordered two or three soldiers to mount the carriage before and behind. Just as they entered the carriage, a rush was made by the crowd, but the soldiers drove them back with their bayonets.
He had been arraigned for violating the seventeenth and eighteenth articles of the Penal Code; yet the attorney failed to prove the "reviling," contemplated in the seventeenth article, and the Areopagus had decided that the eighteenth did not apply to the case. So that Dr. King was adjudged to be deserving of imprisonment and banishment, simply for preaching the Gospel in his own house, as held by all evangelical Christians. Yet the government claimed to be tolerant of all religions.
On the 9th of March, Dr. King entered the prison of Athens, where were one hundred and twenty-five prisoners, occupying eleven small rooms, eight of which were ten or eleven feet square, with from eight to twelve prisoners in each, the other three being larger.
"My heart is not sorrowful," he writes on the same day, "but full of joy. I consider this as one of the brightest days of my life. With my whole heart I thank the Lord Jesus Christ, that I am counted worthy to suffer shame for his name, and for the truths which he has taught. The morning before I came to the prison, I read with great interest, yea, I may say with tears of joy, Hebrews xi., xii., and xiii.; and I felt constrained to render to the Most High ascriptions of praise for mercies, rather than to seek freedom from trials. My principal petition to God, during all these days of excitement and triumph of the enemy, has been, that the name of the Lord may be glorified in me, and that the cause of truth may finally prevail."
On the 10th, having appealed to the Areopagus, he was removed to the police office, where he was treated kindly, and his friends had liberty to call upon him freely. Three days later, becoming ill of a fever, he was removed to his own house, where he remained, under a guard provided for the purpose, till the decision of the Areopagus was announced on the 25th. The sentence of the Criminal Court was confirmed.
By the more intelligent in the community, whether native or foreign, and by several of the ablest journals, the proceedings of the court were strongly condemned. Twelve Greek lawyers, several of whom had held the highest offices in Greece and were among the most distinguished of their profession, signed their names to a letter, declaring their entire dissent from its proceedings.1
1 See Annual Report for 1852, p. 55, and Missionary Herald for 1852, p. 239.
Execution of the sentence of banishment was delayed by a protest from Dr. King, in the name of the United States Government, indicating his intention to appeal to that government. The time had now fully come for extending to him the protection due to missionaries in their just rights and privileges. There can be no doubt, that missionaries have equal claims to protection with their fellow-citizens, in the lawful pursuit of their profession as preachers of the Gospel.1 In 1842, Daniel Webster, being then Secretary of State, instructed Commodore Porter, Minister Resident at Constantinople, "to omit no occasion, where his interference in behalf of American missionaries might become necessary or useful, and to extend to them the proper succor and attentions of which they might stand in need, in the same manner that he would to other citizens of the United States, who as merchants should visit or reside in Turkey."2 Happily Mr. Webster was again in the same high office. Twenty-nine years before, while the Greeks were fighting for their independence, he had eloquently pleaded their cause in the House of Representatives of the United States, and procured their recognition as a nation by our government. An appeal now came to him from an American citizen of the highest respectability, suffering oppression by that very nation which he had so befriended. There being no diplomatic agent of the United States in Greece, the Hon. George P. Marsh, the learned and able Minister Resident at Constantinople, was instructed to proceed to Athens in one of the ships of war, and inquire into the case, with one or more of the national vessels in that neighborhood subject to his order. Having a competent knowledge of the Greek language, Mr. Marsh entered upon his delicate mission in August, 1852, and prosecuted it till the arrival of his successor in the Constantinople embassy, late in 1853. During this time, Mr. Webster died, and was succeeded by Edward Everett; and he again by Mr. Marcy, on the accession of President Pierce. Mr. Webster's letter of instruction, dated April 29, 1852, states the case clearly, as it does also the rights of missionaries. Mr. Everett's letter, dated February 5, 1853, gives the opinion of President Fillmore, based on Mr. Marsh's report of the case. "Although the forms of the law may in general have been observed," Mr. Everett writes, "it is quite plain, that Dr. King was not tried for any offense clearly defined by the law of Greece; that his trial was in many respects unfairly and illegally conducted; that the constitution and laws of Greece guarantee a full toleration of all religious opinions; and that there is no proof that Dr. King has exceeded the just limits of the liberty of speech implied in such toleration." "Either the sound and safe maxims of criminal jurisprudence," he adds, "which prevail in this country, are unknown to the jurisprudence of Greece, or her tribunals were presided over by persons who entertained very false notions of the judicial character, or there are prejudices against Dr. King, which, in this case at least, corrupted the fountains of justice. It may have been in part produced by all three, and there is reason to suppose that such is the case. This state of things unavoidably destroys all confidence in the Greek courts, as far as Dr. King is concerned, and compels the President to regard their decision in this case as unjust and oppressive."3 He repeats the declaration of Mr. Webster, that missionaries are entitled to all the protection, which the Law of Nations allows to be extended to citizens who reside in foreign countries in the pursuit of their lawful business. Mr. Marsh was to communicate to the government of Greece the decided opinion of the President, "that Dr. King did not have a fair trial, and that consequently the sentence of banishment ought immediately to be revoked."
1 See Proceedings at the Annual Meeting of the Board in 1841, pp. 36-39.
2 See Memorial Volume of the First Fifty Years of the A. B. C. F. M., p. 201.
3 Congressional Documents, No. 9, Senate, 1854, p. 6.
The piece of ground in Athens purchased by Dr. King in 1829, was at that time little prized by Turks or Greeks. But after the capital became permanently fixed there, the land had become a most desirable part of the city, as it commanded an unobstructed view of many of the finest ancient monuments and interesting localities of Athens. For this reason it was early selected by the government as the site of a national church. The law required the value of all land thus taken, to be paid for before it was put to use. Years passed, and the government neither made use of it, nor allowed the owner to build upon it, and yet refused all compensation. This act of gross injustice—so gross that it even subjected the government to the suspicion of sinister aims in the prosecution of Dr. King,1—was one of the points referred to the President of the United States, and he declared his conviction, that compensation ought immediately to be made by the government of Greece.
1 Senate Documents, p, 184.
After some delay, this was done, but I know not to what extent. Mr. Paicos, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, objected, on purely technical grounds, to reversing the judgment founded on the charge of reviling the dogmas of the Greek Church; and as Dr. King very properly refused to receive a pardon, that judgment remained in force. It was never revived, however, and Mr. Pellicas, one of the counsel for the defense, having become Minister of Justice, a royal order was issued, revoking the sentence of banishment.
"Dr. King and his creed," writes Mr. Marsh to the Secretary of State, "have served as a convenient scape-goat, to bear maledictions intended for other teachers and other doctrines, as well as for himself and his faith; or perhaps as an experiment, to test how far the Greek government would sustain, or foreign powers permit, the encroachments of an intolerant priesthood upon the guarantees of the independence of Greece, and the solemn sanction of the constitution and laws."
A manifest change now took place in the popular sentiment towards the persecuted missionary. Many who had been bitterly opposed, became cordial. The preaching service had forty or fifty hearers, who were generally attentive. The "Exposition of an Apostolical Church" continued to attract notice. Dr. Barth's "Ecclesiastical History," translated by Dr. King, was extensively read; and the American Bible Society responded to an application for a new grant of ten thousand copies of the New Testament for the schools. Near the close of 1854, Dr. King placed at the disposal of the Minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs and Public Instruction for the use of schools, a thousand copies of "Chrysostom on Reading the Scriptures," printed with the sanction of the American Tract Society. The Minister replied, thanking him for the books, and sending him a copy of a circular he had addressed to the teachers strongly recommending the reading by the pupils, not only of Chrysostom, but of the Scriptures also. Several young men appeared truly converted, and a class in theology was formed, made up of two young men from Athens and four from Constantinople. These had been in the Greek department of the Bebek Seminary, and were sent to study with Dr. King in consequence of the death of Mr. Benjamin. After a year and a half he still had this class. To aid them he wrote a little work in modern Greek, combating the idea, prevalent with many, that nothing in the Word of God can be understood, except by those who have been enlightened by the study of the Fathers. In January, 1857, he finished correcting the fifth volume of the American Tract Society's publications in modern Greek. The first volume he printed in 1853, the second and third in 1854, the fourth in 1855. The five volumes contained more than two thousand five hundred pages, and were in an eligible form; but they were found to be in advance of the national taste for religious reading.
The old enmity in Greece burst forth, once more, with violence, in forgeries and fictions of an extraordinary character. It was then regretted by many patrons of the mission, that the veteran missionary sustained consular relations to the United States, which prevented him from meeting this crisis in the simple character of a missionary; and such may have been the feeling of Dr. King himself, but he found it difficult to change his relations while the storm was raging. The public excitement, however, soon subsided, and he went on with his work unmolested.
In September, 1859, Dr. King was most unexpectedly cited to appear before the judicial authorities, to answer to charges brought against him, two years and a half before, by a Greek named Kephalas. After an examination of two hours, the accusation was read to him. Its import was not clear; but it implied an apprehension, that he was secretly endeavoring to form a Christian Church,—an exclusive body, with members, meetings, rules, and occupations, and a religion not recognized by the government.
After nearly a year, the Council of Judges decided not to proceed then with the proscution, [sic] and it was never resumed. Dr. King now printed, at private expense, five volumes of his own writings; one in French, and four in modern Greek. Two of the volumes in modern Greek are supposed to have been made up of forty-eight of his sermons, and one of miscellaneous documents. Among them were his Farewell Letter; his Defense; Speech before the Areopagus in 1846; Exposition of an Apostolic Church; Religious Rites of an Apostolical Church; Canons for the Interpretation of the Scriptures; Orgies of Simonides; Answer to the Greek Synod; The Opinion of Twelve Lawyers; Letter of the Hon. George P. Marsh to the Greek Government; etc.
In the great work of giving the Word of God to the people of Greece, Dr. King fully acknowledges the hearty cooeperation of the Episcopal and Baptist missionaries, and of Bible agents both British and American.
In the autumn of 1862, King Otho and his queen were constrained to fly from Greece. In the midst of the consequent revolution, the head of police sent a company of soldiers to protect the house of the missionary, but Mrs. King told him they were not afraid, and the soldiers went away. The editors of the "Age" and of the "Hope," his most bitter persecutors in years past, now fell into deep disgrace, and were in peril of their lives. Prince Alfred, of Protestant England, was elected king by an almost unanimous vote. Not obtaining him, they elected a king from Protestant Denmark. George I. arrived in October, 1863, and was received by the people with much joy. The form of government is a constitutional monarchy. There are neither titles nor privileged classes among the people. The only qualification for voting is that of a prescribed age, and all citizens are eligible to the offices of the state, who possess the required mental qualifications. Unfortunately for Greece, the article of the constitution of 1843 is retained, which, while it grants toleration, prohibits proselytism from the Established Church, which it declares to be a crime punishable by the penal code. It will be well for Greece, if this be dropped from the constitution in the revision to be made in 1875. In March of the year following, twenty-six editors of newspapers at Athens formed a society, "to discuss subjects connected with the good of the country," and, by a large majority, chose Dr. Kalopothakes, editor of the "Star of the East," for their President. In May, the venerable missionary was invited by the king to administer the Lord's Supper in the palace; which was no more than an act of public justice towards one of the oldest, most disinterested, and self-sacrificing of the friends of the Greek nation.
Dr. King's health was now much impaired, and required a change; and in July, 1864, he left Athens, with Mrs. King, and reached the United States in August, where they remained three years. Their return to Greece was in the autumn of 1867, and the missionary was happy to find some of his former pupils actively engaged in labors not very dissimilar to his own. Two were preachers of the Gospel; Mr. Kalopothakes, from the New York Union Theological Seminary, ordained by a Presbytery; and Mr. Constantine, from Amherst College and Andover Seminary, and ordained by a Congregational body. A third, Mr. Sakellarius, a printer, studied for a while in the Baptist Seminary at Newton, and had charge of the office of the "Star." All three had their Bible classes and Sunday-schools. Dr. King wisely avoided interfering by a separate service of his own. Sometime before his return, a mob, excited by the report that "Puritanism" was taught in these schools, nearly forced its way into the house of Dr. Kalopothakes; but an officer of the police passed at the moment, and arrested some of the ringleaders. The Cretan refugees were then there, and about twelve hundred of these were in their day and Sabbath-schools.
In April, 1868, a distinguished Professor in the University arranged for an interview between Dr. King and the President of the "Holy Synod." This man in 1863 signed the accusation against Dr. King, in consequence of which, after his return to Greece, he was a third time cited before the Criminal Court, though without any result. The interview was altogether pleasant, and was a striking illustration of the progress of public opinion. "A considerable degree of religious liberty has been gained," writes the missionary, "and a foundation has been laid, on which, I trust, will one day arise a beautiful superstructure."
Dr. King finished his course at Athens on the 22d of May, 1869, in the seventy-seventh year of his age.
The characteristics of this remarkable man are everywhere apparent in the preceding narrative. He was evidently designed by Providence to be a reformer; and though he lived not to witness anything that could be called a reformation among the Greek people, the battle he fought through so many years with the bigotry and intolerance of the Greek hierarchy, will be held in perpetual remembrance. A reformation has begun, and Dr. King, more than any other Protestant, was the instrument of Providence in bringing it about. To him is it owing, preeminently, that the Scriptures, since the year 1831, have been so extensively used in the schools, and that, in Greece, "the Word of God is not bound." It is not forgotten, that others labored with him, and not in vain; but it is mainly to the preaching of Dr. King, during his protracted residence in Greece, in connection with his persistent and triumphant struggle with the Greek hierarchy, that we owe, under God, the visible decline of prejudice against evangelical truth and religious liberty.
CHAPTER XIX.
THE NESTORIANS.
1841-1848.
Mr. and Mrs. Perkins, finding a sea voyage necessary for the recovery of her health, left Oroomiah July 5, 1841, and arrived at New York on the 11th of January, just in time to be present at the special meeting of the Board in that city. Their passage from Smyrna had been prolonged to one hundred and nine days, and much solicitude was felt for their safety. They were accompanied by Mar Yohannan, who desired so earnestly to see the new world, that he could not be dissuaded from coming. As the early friend and constant helper of the mission, and as representing one of the most interesting branches of the ancient Church of Christ, he was received by the Board and the religious community with Christian affection, and his visits to different parts of the country with Mr. Perkins were both pleasant and useful.
The number of pupils in the seminary at the close of 1841 was forty-six; there were also eighteen in the boarding-school for girls, and there were twenty free schools in as many villages, all taught by Nestorian priests. The free schools contained four hundred and seventy pupils, of whom forty were girls; making the whole number in the schools five hundred and sixteen. The press, during its first year, sent forth sixteen hundred volumes, and three thousand six hundred tracts, containing in all five hundred and ten thousand pages. Under the superintendence of Mr. Perkins, Mr. Homan Hallock cut and cast a new font of type, modeled on the best Syriac manuscripts. This was in the year 1841. Three years later, Mr. Breath, the printer at Oroomiah, with the help of a native assistant, cut and prepared two sets of type after the most approved forms of Syriac calligraphy. The natives pronounced these types perfect. The two sets resembled each other, the only difference being that in one the stroke was larger and the letter more open. Mr. Breath afterwards prepared a third set, of a medium size compared with the other two.
While the plain of Oroomiah is perhaps one of the most fertile and beautiful in the world, its luxuriant vegetation occasions fevers at certain seasons, and ophthalmia is prevalent. To escape fevers, the missionaries built dormitories on the tops of their flat-roofed houses. This preventive not being found sufficient, a health-station was formed in the elevated village of Seir, about six miles from Oroomiah, where dwellings were provided for two families, which were surrounded by a strong stone wall, to serve as a defense against any sudden incursion of the Koords.
Mr. and Mrs. Perkins and Mar Yohannan embarked at Boston on their return in March, 1843. They were accompanied by the Rev. David T. Stoddard and wife, and by Misses Catherine E. Myers and Fidelia Fiske, who went to promote the education of their own sex among the Nestorians. They reached Oroomiah on the 14th of June, and were received by the Nestorians with great manifestations of joy. Mr. Perkins, while at home, prepared for the press an octavo volume of five hundred pages, entitled "A Residence of Eight Years among the Nestorian Christians." It is in the form of a journal, is illustrated by a map and plates, and is a history of the mission during that time.
The ancient Syriac version of the Scriptures was held in such veneration by the people, that there were strong reasons for making it the basis of the proposed version in the modern language. The case was referred to the Prudential Committee, who decided that the only proper course was to translate from the original Hebrew and Greek, and the translation was made accordingly.
The female seminary at Oroomiah now came under the efficient superintendence of Miss Fiske, and soon assumed a very interesting religious character. The whole number under instruction in the two seminaries, and in the forty-four village free schools, was eleven hundred and forty-two. The call for preaching tasked the capacity of the mission. The missionaries were free to preach in the Nestorian churches, and generally found attentive congregations, and they were aided in the ministry of the word by five intelligent native preachers. Dr. Perkins thus speaks of a congregation at Ardishai: "The church was crowded to overflowing. It would have been difficult for half a dozen more to press themselves into it. Priest Abraham read the first chapter of the Epistle of James, which we expounded for more than an hour, to the great satisfaction of the people, who did not suppress their audible Amen, and ejaculatory comments of approbation. Priest Abraham spoke very appropriately and feelingly on the subject of temptations, applying it to his hearers, who are now so sorely beset by the Jesuits. That crowd of eager listeners presented a thrilling spectacle. I could not help thanking God for the privilege of addressing them on the things that pertain to their everlasting well being."
The efforts of the Jesuits among the Nestorians began in 1838. In 1842, they pushed their proselyting measures so recklessly among the Armenians of Ispahan and Tabriz, as to lead the Persian King, at the instance of the Russian Ambassador, to send them out of the kingdom. A "permanent order" was at the same time adopted, probably on Russian suggestion, growing out of repugnance to the political influence of the Jesuits, that no native Christian should be proselyted from one Christian sect to another. The French government, after some delay, sent an envoy to Persia to effect, if possible, the return of the Jesuits; but before his arrival, they had covertly made their way to Oroomiah, run another race of proselytism among the Nestorians, and been a second time expelled. The French agent therefore took cognizance of both expulsions, and gave the greater prominence to the more recent one, since it had just occurred, and was fresh in mind, and since the Jesuits were just then specially intent on adding the Nestorians to their sect. His demand, however, that they should have leave to return, was refused. He then required the expulsion of the American missionaries, as being obnoxious to the same law. The Russian Ambassador, whose protection the mission had enjoyed since the departure of the English embassy in 1839, denied that it was the object of the mission to proselyte in the sense contemplated by the law. The French envoy then demanded an investigation, and to this the Ambassador and the Persian government readily assented. Two Mohammedan meerzas were sent from Tabriz to Oroomiah to make the investigation. These fell under the papal influence at Oroomiah, and made a report so strongly prejudiced against the mission, that it was thought necessary to send a committee to the capital to counteract their misrepresentations. Messrs. Perkins and Stocking were sent accordingly. Riding rapidly on horseback, many hundred miles, over cold regions just as winter was setting in, and sleeping on the ground at night without beds, with other similar discomforts, seemed to them not the least trial of this undertaking. On their arrival at Teheran, the importance of their errand was very obvious. They found the report of the meerzas bearing manifest traces of Jesuit influence. It made but few tangible charges, yet contained many serious and unjust insinuations. They were able to meet it with satisfactory explanations, and thus the storm passed by, without inflicting the injury which the mission feared. I am not aware that the "permanent order" against proselyting ever proved any serious embarrassment to the mission. The banishment of the Jesuits had not been requested by the Nestorians, nor by the missionaries. The Russian Ambassador assumed the whole responsibility, saying that the business was his own, that he was authorized to protect the Christians in Persia, which could not be done while these papal disturbers remained in the country. An attempt by the Jesuits to wrest from the Nestorians one of their ancient and favorite churches, appears to have been the immediate cause of the decisive measures last mentioned. Of course these papal emissaries returned again, but with a somewhat diminished arrogance.1
1 Manuscript letter from Rev. Justin Perkins, D. D., dated Oroomiah, Persia, March 28, 1844.
There were also embarrassments of a serious nature within the Nestorian community. In the subjugation of the mountain Nestorians, while the Patriarch fled to Mosul, several of his brothers escaped to Oroomiah, and threw themselves on the hospitality of the mission, which of necessity fell short of their wishes. They demanded money of the mission, on the ground that they were the ecclesiastical heads of the people. In this they were unhappily countenanced by the Patriarch, upon whom an influence hostile to the mission had been successfully exerted; who wrote a letter, calling upon the ecclesiastics and people of Oroomiah to oppose the mission and its schools. The people, as a body, had sense enough to refuse obedience. In view of the attitude thus assumed by the patriarchal family, and the questionable conduct of some of the bishops, a thorough reconstruction of the school system was rendered necessary. The seminary for boys and the village schools were accordingly dismissed, and finally the female boarding-school under Miss Fiske. "When this last result was announced to the pupils," writes one of the mission, "there was a general burst of grief. Their tears and sobs told, more expressively than language, the bitterness of their hearts. Nor did they weep alone. And who would not weep at such a scene? Here were those, whom we had hoped to train up for immortal blessedness, about to be sent back to a darkness almost like that of heathenism. The stoutest Nestorians who were standing by were melted. After these tender lambs had been commended to the gracious Shepherd of Israel, they began to make their preparations for leaving us. The most trying thing was the parting, of the pupils from each other, and from those who had been to them as parents. They threw their arms around the neck of their teacher, and said again and again, 'We shall never more hear the words of God.'"
Nearly all the pupils of this seminary returned of their own accord, and after the hostility of the patriarchal family had become known to their parents. Miss Fiske was aided in the instruction by a pious Nestorian deacon. Besides the ordinary instruction, the pupils were taught several useful arts, of which their less favored mothers knew little or nothing; among which were knitting and sewing, and these branches many of the mothers were eager to learn from their children. Moreover they were taught industry, self-denial, benevolence, and the preciousness of time. The boys' seminary was reorganized in the following spring, under the superintendence of Mr. Stoddard; who received a number of promising boys into his family as an experiment, with the understanding that the pupils would reside wholly on the mission premises.
There was still enough of vacillation among the bishops, and of dissatisfaction among the Patriarch's brothers, to raise a question which the mission submitted to the judgment of the Prudential Committee, as to how far it was proper to employ the higher ecclesiastics on wages. The Committee approved of the course which had been pursued in relation to the four bishops on the plain of Oroomiah, Mar Yohannan, Mar Elias, Mar Joseph, and Mar Gabriel; but intimated, while deprecating sudden changes, that the services of the bishops, should they prove troublesome helpers, might be dispensed with gradually. What the Committee feared was, that putting them forward in a manner which had seemed proper in time past, might now give them too much control of the reformation that was believed not to be far off. The fundamental principle was, to pay only for services rendered, and for none more than their fair and true value. It was also recommended, that care be taken to preserve the independence of the mission; the evangelical character of its influence upon the people; its unquestioned right to prepare for the expected religious awakening; and when it came, to pursue the appropriate measures according to their own better informed judgments.
The mission to the Mohammedans of Persia, of which an account is given elsewhere, having been discontinued, the Rev. James L. Merrick and wife joined the Nestorian mission in 1842. In 1844, the health of Mrs. Merrick made it necessary for her to visit England, her native land. She was followed by her husband in the next year, and he, soon after his arrival at Boston, was released from his connection with the Board. Mr. Jones retired from the mission in 1844.
John and Moses, two young Nestorians of hopeful piety, were ordained deacons by Mar Elias and Mar Yohannan. John was a native of Geog Tapa, the largest Nestorian village in the province, and one which always took the lead, whether for good or for evil. Abraham, the well-known priest, and the two newly ordained preachers, divided the village into districts for visiting and preaching. Mr. Stocking, and after him Dr. Perkins, found there abundant evidence of unusual religious interest. Scores of persons called on the native preachers almost every evening, after the toils of the day, and many lingered to a late hour. There were cases of special interest, and none but a skeptic could doubt the presence and power of the Holy Spirit.
In May, 1845, the Shah, at the instance of the English and Russian Ambassadors, appointed Dawood Khan, of Tabriz, an Armenian from Georgia and an officer of the army, Governor of the Nestorians. The object was to protect the Christians from the oppressions they had long suffered from the Moslem nobles residing in the district.
We have now entered on an auspicious period in the history of the mission. Geog Tapa became the radiant centre of spiritual life. The preceding year had been one of apprehension, but the brethren now learned not to despond every time the heavens gathered blackness, for in the darkest hour the sun may break forth and change the whole scene. We have come to the beginning of that series of revivals, with which the mission was so remarkably blessed.
The first revival was in the year 1846, and the first hopeful conversions were in the female seminary in January. Both seminaries were moved. A number in each came to their teachers with the inquiry, "What shall I do to be saved?" The religious concern rapidly increased. The 23d of January was set apart by the mission as a day for private fasting and prayer. On the preceding evening, as the people were assembling for a religious service, Mr. Stoddard observed signs of deep feeling in different groups, and was convinced that a revival had begun. After service, the people came in crowds to his study, and he, with unutterable delight, unfolded the Gospel of Christ to one company after another, until near midnight. On the 25th, Tamo, a deacon from the mountains, was overwhelmed with a sense of his sinfulness. At the same meeting, priest Eshoo sat with his face buried in his handkerchief, and when spoken to wept, but said nothing. On the day following, he led the devotions in the male seminary, in a prayer so humble and earnest, so in contrast with his former sing-song tone and thoughtless manner, that Mr. Stoddard could not refrain from tears. He had evidently learned how to pray, and his knowledge, his stable character, and his important position would enable him, if truly converted, to do much good among his people. Though every room about the premises, that could possibly be spared from other uses, had been opened for retirement, so numerous were the awakened that they could not find places in which to pour out their souls to God. Such was the natural excitability of the people, that it was difficult to keep their expressions of feeling within proper bounds. On the 26th, deacon John came to Mr. Stoddard, saying that the boys were weeping violently in one of their rooms, and desired that he would go to them. John added, that he had been looking at them with amazement, having never before seen anything of the kind, and he knew not what to do. Mr. Stoddard entered the room with Dr. Wright, and they found fifteen or twenty boys lying on the floor, weeping, groaning, and in broken sentences praying for mercy, presenting a scene of great confusion. Some older people were standing around in silent wonder, thinking that an angel had visited the school. Measures were immediately taken for checking this disorder. The pupils all promised that no two of them would again pray aloud at the same time. The school was still the next day, but with no diminution of solemnity.
Miss Fiske had often ten or fifteen women, relatives of her pupils, to pass the night with her, making it necessary to collect together all the spare pillows, cushions, and quilts in the house, and make the sitting-room one great dormitory. She frequently conversed with them till midnight, and then she heard them from her room, praying most of the night.
Priest Eshoo called his neighbors together, and told them of the great change in his feelings. So upright had he been as a priest, that a confession of his need of salvation through the blood of Christ made a strong impression. It became more and more evident that he was truly a child of God. On the 5th of February, he announced his great joy that his oldest daughter, a member of Miss Fiske's school, was hopefully born again, and he thought she knew the way to the cross better than himself.
The name of this daughter was Sarah. She was the first in the revival to ask the way to heaven, the first to find the way, and the first to enter it. Sarah was a tall, dark-eyed girl ten years old when she entered the school. There were then but few books in the school except the Bible, and she became very familiar with its pages. She first learned that she was a sinner in January, 1846, and she lived only five months after that time. Her father loved to have her pray with him, and so remarkable was her Christian experience, that Mr. Stocking had great pleasure and profit in conversing with her. Miss Fiske also felt it to be a delightful privilege to watch over her as she was nearing heaven. They would sit for an hour at a time, and talk of the home of the blest, while Sarah would sing, "It will be good to be there." She had a rare anxiety to be the means of saving souls. The girls, and the women too, loved to have her tell them "the way, for" as they said, "we can see it when she tells us." Her health was not good at the time of her conversion, and as early as March the sentence of death was visible on her countenance. But she clung to her school till May, and continued to attend the meetings, even when it was necessary for some one to aid her in reaching the chapel. The "Dairyman's Daughter" was a favorite book with the girls of the school, and young disciples were sometimes heard to say, as Sarah took her seat in the house of God, "Have we not an Elizabeth Wallbridge among us?" She lingered till June, and was often found with her open Bible and several women by her side, whom she was leading to Christ. Her praying companions often had meetings in her room. Her last words were, "Lord Jesus, receive——" Here her voice ceased.1
1 Life of Fidelia Fiske, p. 173.
On the 13th of February, Deacon Isaac,—one of the Patriarch's brothers, and to a considerable extent his representative in the district, respected moreover among the people for his force of character, as well as for his official station,—made Mr. Stoddard a visit. His manner showed that he wished to converse on the subject of religion, and Mr. Stoddard commenced by asking him, if he rejoiced in what the Lord was doing for his people. He replied, "None but Satan can help rejoicing. I do certainly rejoice. But I am like a man that stands on the shore of a lake, and seeing a beautiful country on the other side is gladdened by the prospect, but has no means of reaching that country himself. Would that I were a child, that I might repent too! But no, it cannot be. My heart is ice. There is no such sinner among the people as I am. I do not believe it is possible for me to be saved." He was reminded of the freeness of Christ's love, and his willingness to receive the vilest sinner that will come to him. After some hesitation, he admitted that it was so. "But," said he, "the great obstacle is myself. My heart is perfectly dead. You may cut and thrust me with a sword, but I am insensible to the stroke. And if you kindly pour ointment on my wounds, it is all the same. I choose sin. I love sin. The wild beasts in the mountains are enticed by the hunters, and seize the bait, not knowing what they do. But I take this world with my eyes open, knowing that I am choosing destruction, and eating death. It is a shame for me to remain in such a miserable condition, while these boys are weeping over their sins, and I am ashamed. But such is the fact, and I expect to die as I have lived, and go to hell." He seemed to speak with sincerity, and Mr. Stoddard learned that he conversed with his people in a similar manner.
On the 16th of February, Mr. Stocking went to Geog Tapa, accompanied by Miss Fiske and John. Miss Fiske found herself surrounded by a company of females at the house of priest Abraham; and again, at the close of a meeting in the church, about fifty of the women present met her in the school-room, for conversation and prayer. A considerable number of them were evidently awakened, and a few gave evidence of real conversion. Yet there were opposers at Geog Tapa, who said, "Why all this ado? Must all we have done for salvation go for nothing? Have all our fathers gone to hell?"
Several of the converts in the seminary for boys having rooms near Mr. Stoddard's study, he could hear their voices from morning till night, as they pleaded in prayer, and their petitions came evidently from the depths of the soul. Their natural love for vivid metaphor, combined with much ardor, gave great vividness to their prayers. They begged that the dog might have a single crumb from the table of his master; at another time, they were smiting their breasts by the side of the publican; at another, they were prodigals, hungry, naked, and far from their father's house; again, they sink in the sea, and cry out, "Lord save me, I perish;" again, poor, diseased, outcast lepers, they came to the great Physician for a cure. Those who had given themselves to Christ, now built their house on the Rock of Ages, while the waters were roaring around them; now they washed the feet of their Redeemer with tears, and wiped them with the hairs of their head; and now, having become soldiers of the cross, they planted the blood-stained banner in the inner citadel of their souls.
Before the end of May, the boys' seminary was removed to Seir, to obviate the necessity of a long vacation, which might be injurious to the pupils in their peculiar state of feeling. Mr. Stoddard was often delighted, in walking about the mountains, to find pupils praying in secluded spots. A Mussulman once fell in with a pupil thus engaged, and having never before seen a Nestorian praying in secret, he stopped in silent wonder. The young man, on being asked what he was doing, commenced teaching the Mussulman how to pray, and so deeply interested him, that they kneeled down together, and the prayer was renewed in the Turkish language, that it might be intelligible to the stranger.
The estimated number of converts in the two seminaries, at the close of 1846, was fifty. The general aspect of Geog Tapa, containing a population of about a thousand, was much changed. Almost every one who had come to years of discretion, gave good attention to the preaching of the Gospel, and as many as fifty seemed to be true disciples. Cases of hopeful conversion were found in eight or ten other villages on the plain. Nor was the awakening restricted to the plain. Of one hundred and fifty hopeful converts, twelve were at Hakkie, and ten at Gawar, fifty miles further west, and both mountain villages.
An edition of the New Testament, with the ancient and modern Syriac in parallel columns, was printed near the close of 1846. The value to the Nestorians of having the Scriptures in their spoken language, cannot be estimated. The translation was made by Dr. Perkins from the original Greek, and the type was that made by Mr. Breath. Dr. Perkins entered at once upon a translation of the Old Testament from the Hebrew. Among the books that had been recently printed, was a new and enlarged edition of the Nestorian Hymn-book. The hymns were sung in all the social religious meetings of the Nestorians, and in some of their churches, and with most happy effect. The sentiments of the hymns, and much of their language, entered largely into the prayers of the people. The hymns were also committed to memory by not a few, who were unable to read. |
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