No passage has yet been adduced from the suttas mentioning more than seven Buddhas but later books, such as the Buddha-vamsa and the introduction to the Jataka, describe twenty-five[752]. There are twenty-four Jain Tirthankaras and according to some accounts twenty-four incarnations of Vishnu. Probably all these lists are based on some calculation as to the proper allowance of saints for an aeon. The biographies of these Buddhas are brief and monotonous. For each sage they record the number of his followers, the name of his city, parents, and chief disciples, the tree under which he attained enlightenment, his height and his age, both in extravagant figures. They also record how each met Gotama in one of his previous births and prophesied his future glory. The object of these biographies is less to give information about previous Buddhas than to trace the career of Gotama as a Bodhisattva. This career began in the time of Dipankara, the first of the twenty-five Buddhas, incalculable ages ago, when Gotama was a hermit called Sumedha. Seeing that the road over which Dipankara had to pass was dirty, he threw himself down in the mire in order that the Buddha might tread on him and not soil his feet. At the same time he made a resolution to become a Buddha and received from Dipankara the assurance that ages afterwards his wish would be fulfilled. This incident, called pranidhana or the vow to become a Buddha, is frequently represented in the frescoes found in Central Asia.

The history of this career is given in the introduction to the Jataka and in the late Pali work called the Cariya-pitaka, but the suttas make little reference to the topic. They refer incidentally to Gotama's previous births[753] but their interest clearly centres in his last existence. They not infrequently use the word Bodhisattva to describe the youthful Gotama or some other Buddha before the attainment of Buddhahood, but in later literature it commonly designates a being now existing who will be a Buddha in the future. In the older phase of Buddhism attention is concentrated on a human figure which fills the stage, but before the canon closes we are conscious of a change which paves the way for the Mahayana. Our sympathetic respect is invited not only for Gotama the Buddha, but for the struggling Bodhisattva who, battling towards the goal with incredible endurance and self-sacrifice through lives innumerable, at last became Gotama.

It is only natural that the line of Buddhas should extend after as well as before Gotama. In the Pitakas there are allusions to such a posterior series, as when for instance we hear[754] that all Buddhas past and to come have had and will have attendants like Ananda, but Metteya the Buddha of the future has not yet become an important figure. He is just mentioned in the Digha Nikaya and Buddha-Vamsa and the Milinda Panha quotes an utterance of Gotama to the effect that "He will be the leader of thousands as I am of hundreds," but the quotation has not been identified.

The Buddhas enumerated are supreme Buddhas (Samma-sam-buddha) but there is another order called Pacceka (Sanskrit Pratyeka) or private Buddhas. Both classes attain by their own exertions to a knowledge of the four truths but the Pacceka Buddhas are not, like the supreme Buddhas, teachers of mankind and omniscient[755]. Their knowledge is confined to what is necessary for their own salvation and perfection. They are mentioned in the Nikayas as worthy of all respect[756] but are not prominent in either the earlier or later works, which is only natural, seeing that by their very definition they are self-centred and of little importance for mankind. The idea of the private Buddha however is interesting, inasmuch as it implies that even when the four truths are not preached they still exist and can be discovered by anyone who makes the necessary mental and moral effort. It is also noticeable that the superiority of a supreme Buddha lies in his power to teach and help others. A passionless and self-centred sage falls short of the ideal.



[Footnote 1: The frontier seems to be about Long. 65 deg. E.]

[Footnote 2: See Coedes's views about Srivijaya in B.E.F.E.O. 1918, 6. The inscriptions of Rajendracola I (1012-1042 A.D.) show that Hindus in India were not wholly ignorant of Indian conquests abroad.]

[Footnote 3: But the Japanese syllabaries were probably formed under Indian influence.]

[Footnote 4: Probably the Christian doctrine of the atonement or salvation by the death of a deity is an exception. I do not know of any Indian sect which holds a similar view. The obscure verse Rig Veda x. 13. 4 seems to hint at the self-sacrifice of a deity but the hymn about the sacrifice of Purusha (x. 90) has nothing to do with redemption or atonement.]

[Footnote 5: It is possible (though not, I think, certain) that the Buddha called his principal doctrines ariya in the sense of Aryan not of noble. But even the Blessed One may not have been infallible in ethnography. When we call a thing British we do not mean to refer it to the ancient Britons more than to the Saxons or Normans. And was the Buddha an Aryan? See V. Smith, Oxford History of India, p. 47 for doubts.]

[Footnote 6: This is not altogether true of the modern temple ritual.]

[Footnote 7: It is very unfortunate that English usage should make this word appear the same as Brahman, the name of a caste, and there is much to be said for using the old-fashioned word Brahmin to denote the caste, for it is clear, though not correct. In Sanskrit there are several similar words which are liable to be confused in English. In the nominative case they are:

(1) Brahmanah, a man of the highest caste.

(2) Brahmanam, an ancient liturgical treatise.

(3) Brahma, the Godhead, stem Brahman, neuter.

(4) Brahma, a masculine nominative also formed from the stem Brahman and used as the name of a personal deity.

For (3) the stem Brahman is commonly used, as being distinct from Brahma, though liable to be confounded with the name of the caste.]

[Footnote 8: For some years most scholars accepted the opinion that the Buddha died in 487 B.C. but the most recent researches into the history of the Saisunaga dynasty suggest that the date should be put back to 554 B.C. See Vincent Smith, Oxford History of India, p. 52.]

[Footnote 9: This is sometimes rendered simply by desire but desire in English is a vague word and may include feelings which do not come within the Pali tanha. The Buddha did not reprobate good desires. See Mrs Rhys David's Buddhism, p. 222 and E.R.E. s.v. Desire.]

[Footnote 10: It is practically correct to say that Buddhism was the first universal and missionary religion, but Mahavira, the founder of the Jains and probably somewhat slightly his senior, is credited with the same wide view.]

[Footnote 11: It may be conveniently and correctly called Pali Buddhism. This is better than Southern Buddhism or Hinayana, for the Buddhism of Java which lies even farther to the south is not the same and there were formerly Hinayanists in Central Asia and China.]

[Footnote 12: See Finot, J.A. 1912, n. 121-136.]

[Footnote 13: There is no Indian record of Bodhidharma's doctrine and its origin is obscure, but it seems to have been a compound of Buddhism and Vedantism.]

[Footnote 14: This is proved by coins and also by the Besnagar inscription.]

[Footnote 15: I do not think that this view is disproved by the fact that Patanjali and the scholiasts on Panini allude to images for they also allude to Greeks. For the contrary view see Sten Konow in I.A. 1909, p. 145. The facts are (a) The ancient Brahmanic ritual used no images. (b) They were used by Buddhism and popular Hinduism about the fourth century B.C. (c) Alexander conquered Bactria in 329 B.C. But allowance must be made for the usages of popular and especially of Dravidian worship of which at this period we know nothing.]

[Footnote 16: Few now advocate an earlier date such as 58 B.C.]

[Footnote 17: His authorship of The Awakening of Faith must be regarded as doubtful.]

[Footnote 18: Much of the Ramayana and Mahabharata must have been composed during this period, both poems (especially the latter) consisting of several strata.]

[Footnote 19: E.g. the Vyuhas of the Pancaratras, the five Jinas of the Mahayanists and the five Sadasiva tattvas. See Gopinatha Rao, Elements of Indian Iconography, vol. III p. 363.]

[Footnote 20: I draw a distinction between Saktism and Tantrism. The essence of Saktism is the worship of a goddess with certain rites. Tantrism means rather the use of spells, gestures, diagrams and various magical or sacramental rites, which accompanies Saktism but may exist without it.]

[Footnote 21: According to Census of India, 1911, Assam, p. 47, about 80,000 animists were converted to Hinduism in Goalpara between 1901 and 1911 by a Brahman called Sib Narayan Swami.]

[Footnote 22: It is said that in Burma Hindu settlers become absorbed in the surrounding Buddhists. Census of India, 1911, I. p. 120.]

[Footnote 23: The life and writings of Vasubandhu illustrate the transition from the Hina-to the Mahayana. In the earlier part of his life he wrote the Abhidharmakosa which is still used by Mahayanists in Japan as a text-book, though it does not go beyond Hinayanism. Later he became a Mahayanist and wrote Mahayanist works.]

[Footnote 24: As already mentioned, I think Saktism is the more appropriate word but Tantrism is in common use by the best authorities.]

[Footnote 25: In India proper there are hardly any Buddhists now. The Kumbhipathias, an anti-Brahmanic sect in Orissa, are said to be based on Buddhist doctrines and a Buddhist mission in Mysore, called the Sakya Buddhist Society, has met with some success. See Census of India, 1911, i. pp. 122 and 126.]

[Footnote 26: See the quotation in Schomerus, Der Saiva Siddhanta, p. 20 where a Saiva Hindu says that he would rather see India embrace Christianity than the doctrine of Sankara.]

[Footnote 27: Some think that the sect called Nimavats was earlier.]

[Footnote 28: The determination of his precise date offers some difficulties. See for further discussion Book v.]

[Footnote 29: The Kadianis and Chet Ramis in the N.W. Provinces are mentioned but even here the fusion seems to be chiefly between Islam and Christianity. See also the article Radha Soarai in E.R.E.]

[Footnote 30: According to the Census of 1911.]

[Footnote 31: There are curious survivals of paganism in out of the way forms of Christianity. Thus animal sacrifices are not extinct among Armenians and Nestorians. See E.R.E. article "Prayer for the Dead" at the end.]

[Footnote 32: The Buddhism of Siam and Burma is similar but in Siam it is a mediaeval importation and the early religious history of Burma is still obscure.]

[Footnote 33: Although stability is characteristic of the Hinayana its later literature shows a certain movement of thought phases of which are marked by the Questions of Milinda, Buddhaghosa's works and the Abhidhammattha Sangaha.]

[Footnote 34: E.g. the way a monastic robe should be worn and the Sima.]

[Footnote 35: I believe this to be the orthodox explanation but it is open to many objections.

(1) It is a mere phrase. If to create means to produce something out of nothing, then we have never seen such an act and to ascribe a sudden appearance to such an act is really no explanation. Perhaps an act of imagination or a dream may justly be called a creation, but the relation between a soul and its Creator is not usually regarded as similar to the relation between a mind and its fancies.

(2) The responsibility of God for the evil of the world seems to be greatly increased, if he is directly responsible for every birth of a child in unhappy conditions.

(3) Animals are not supposed to have souls. Therefore the production of an animal's mind is not explained by this theory and it seems to be assumed that such a complex mind ag a dog's can be explained as a function of matter, whereas there is something in a child which cannot be so explained.

(4) If a new immortal soul is created every time a birth takes place, the universe must be receiving incalculably large additions. For some philosophies such an idea is impossible. (See Bradley, Appearance and Reality, p. 502. "The universe is incapable of increase. And to suppose a constant supply of new souls, none of which ever perished, would clearly land us in the end in an insuperable difficulty.") But even if we do not admit that it is impossible, it at least destroys all analogy between the material and spiritual worlds. If all the bodies that ever lived continued to exist separately after death, the congestion would be unthinkable. Is a corresponding congestion in the spiritual world really thinkable?]

[Footnote 36: This seems to be the view of the Chandogya Up. VI. 12. As the whole world is a manifestation ol Brahman, so is the great banyan tree a manifestation of the subtle essence which is also present in its minute seeds.]

[Footnote 37: The Brihad Ar. Up. knows of samsara and karma but as matters of deep philosophy and not for the vulgar: but in the Buddhist Pitakas they are assumed as universally accepted. The doctrine must therefore have been popularized after the composition of the Upanishad. But some allowance must be made for the fact that the Upanishads and the earliest versions of the Buddhist Suttas were produced in different parts of India.]

[Footnote 38: Yet many instances are quoted from Celtic and Teutonic folklore to the effect that birds and butterflies are human souls, and Caesar's remarks about the Druids may not be wholly wrong.]

[Footnote 39: Several other Europeans of eminence have let their minds play with the ideas of metempsychosis, pre-existence and karma, as for instance Giordano Bruno, Swedenborg, Goethe, Lessing, Lavater, Herder, Schopenhauer, Ibsen, von Helmont, Lichtenberg and in England such different spirits as Hume and Wordsworth. It would appear that towards the end of the eighteenth century these ideas were popular in some literary circles on the continent. See Bertholet, The Transmigration of Souls, pp. 111 ff. Recently Professor McTaggart has argued in favour of the doctrine with great lucidity and persuasiveness. Huxley too did not think it absurd. See his Romanes Lecture, Evolution and Ethics, Collected Essays, vol. IX. p. 61. As Deussen observes, Kant's argument which bases immortality on the realization of the moral law, attainable only by an infinite process of approximation, points to transmigration rather than immortality in the usual sense.]

[Footnote 40: The chemical elements are hardly an exception. Apparently they have no beginning and no end but there is reason to suspect that they have both.]

[Footnote 41: I know well-authenticated cases of Burmese and Indians thinking that the soul of a dead child had passed into an animal.]

[Footnote 42: Or again, when I wake up in the morning I am conscious of my identity because innumerable circumstances remind me of the previous day. But if I wake up suddenly in the night with a toothache which leaves room for no thought or feeling except the feeling of pain, is the fact that I experience the pain in any way lessened if for the moment I do not know who or where I am?]

[Footnote 43: I believe that a French savant, Colonel Rochas, has investigated in a scientific spirit cases in which hypnotized subjects profess to remember their former births and found that these recollections are as clear and coherent as any revelations about another world which have been made by Mrs Piper or other mediums. But I have not been able to obtain any of Col. Rochas's writings.]

[Footnote 44: I use the word soul merely for simplicity, but Buddhists and others might demur to this phraseology.]

[Footnote 45: But for a contrary view see Reincarnation, the Hope of the World by Irving S. Cooper. Even the Brihad Aran. Upan. (IV. 4. 3. 4) speaks of new births as new and more beautiful shapes which the soul fashions for itself as a goldsmith works a piece of gold.]

[Footnote 46: The increase of the human population of this planet does not seem to me a serious argument against the doctrine of rebirth for animals, and the denizens of other worlds may be supplying an increasing number of souls competent to live as human beings.]

[Footnote 47: Perhaps Russians in this as in many other matters think somewhat differently from other Europeans.]

[Footnote 48: Varieties of Religious Experience, p. 427. The chapter contains many striking instances of these experiences, collected mostly in the west.]

[Footnote 49: Compare St Teresa's Orison of Union, W. James, l.c. p. 408.]

[Footnote 50: Indian devotees understand how either Siva or Krishna is all in all, and thus too St Teresa understood the mystery of the Trinity. See W. James, l.c. p. 411.]

[Footnote 51: Turiya or caturtha.]

[Footnote 52: Indians were well aware even in early times that such a state might be regarded as equivalent to annihilation. Br. Ar. Up. II. 4. 13; Chand. Up. VIII. ii. 1.]

[Footnote 53: The idea is not wholly strange to European philosophy. See the passage from the Phaedo quoted by Sir Alfred Lyall. "Thought is best when the mind is gathered into herself and none of these things trouble her—neither sounds nor sights nor pain nor any pleasure—when she has as little as possible to do with the body and has no bodily sense or feeling, but is aspiring after being."]

[Footnote 54: Mr Bradley (Appearance and Reality, p. 498) says "Spirit is a unity of the manifold in which the externality of the manifold has utterly ceased." This seems to me one of the cases in which Mr Bradley's thought shows an interesting affinity to Indian thought.]

[Footnote 55: But also sometimes purusha.]

[Footnote 56: Even when low class yogis display the tortures which they inflict on their bodies, their object I think is not to show what penances they undergo but simply that pleasure and pain are alike to them.]

[Footnote 57: The sense of human dignity was strongest among the early Buddhists. They (or some sects of them) held that an arhat is superior to a god (or as we should say to an angel) and that a god cannot enter the path of salvation and become an arhat.]

[Footnote 58: Cf. Bosanquet, Gifford Lectures, 1912, p. 78. "History is a hybrid form of experience incapable of any considerable degree of being or trueness. The doubtful story of successive events cannot amalgamate with the complete interpretation of the social mind, of art, or of religion. The great things which are necessary in themselves, become within the narrative contingent or ascribed by most doubtful assumptions of insight to this actor or that on the historical stage. The study of Christianity is the study of a great world experience: the assignment to individuals of a share in its development is a problem for scholars whose conclusions, though of considerable human interest, can never be of supreme importance."]

[Footnote 59: The Chinese critic Hsieh Ho who lived in the sixth century of our era said: "In Art the terms ancient and modern have no place." This is exactly the Indian view of religion.]

[Footnote 60: The Varieties of Religious Experience, pp. 525-527 and A Pluralistic Universe, p. 310.]

[Footnote 61: And in Russia there are sects which prescribe castration and suicide.]

[Footnote 62: This, of course, does not apply to Buddhism in China, Japan and Tibet.]

[Footnote 63: This is not true of the more modern Upanishads which are often short treatises specially written to extol a particular deity or doctrine.]

[Footnote 64: Mahaparinibbana sutta. See the table of parallel passages prefixed to Rhys Davids's translation, Dialogues of the Buddha, II. 72.]

[Footnote 65: Much the same is true of the various editions of the Vinaya and the Mahavastu. These texts were produced by a process first of collection and then of amplification.]

[Footnote 66: The latter part of Mahabharata XII.]

[Footnote 67: Though European religions emphasize man's duty to God, they do not exclude the pursuit of happiness: e.g. Westminster Shorter Catechism (1647). Question 1, "What is the chief end of man? A. Man's chief end is to glorify God and to enjoy him for ever."]

[Footnote 68: Mrs Rhys Davids has brought out the importance of the will for Buddhist ethics in several works. See J.R.A.S. 1898, p. 47 and Buddhism, pp. 221 ff. See also Maj. Nik. 19 for a good example of Buddhist views as to the necessity and method of cultivating the will.]

[Footnote 69: Kaush. Up. III. 8.]

[Footnote 70: The words are kamacara and akamacara. Chand. Up. 8. 1-6.]

[Footnote 71: Mahavag. I. 6. E.g. Ajatasattu (Dig. Nik. 2, ad fin.) would have obtained the eye of truth, had he not been a parricide. The consequent distortion of mind made higher states impossible.]

[Footnote 72: But all general statements about Hinduism are liable to exceptions. The evil spirit Duhsaha described in the Markandeya Purana (chaps. L and LI) comes very near the Devil.]

[Footnote 73: I can understand that the immediate reality is a duality or plurality and that the one spirit may appear in many shapes.]

[Footnote 74: E.g. Chand. Up. V. 1. 2. Bri. Ar. Up. I. 3. In the Pancaratra we do hear of a jnanabhramsa or a fall from knowledge analogous to the fall of man in Christian theology. Souls have naturally unlimited knowledge but this from some reason becomes limited and obscured, so that religion is necessary to show the soul the right way. Here the ground idea seems to be not that any devil has spoilt the world but that ignorance is necessary for the world process, for otherwise mankind would be one with God and there would be no world. See Schrader, Introd. to the Pancaratra, pp. 78 and 83.]

[Footnote 75: The Satapatha Brahmana has a curious legend (XI. 1. 6. 8 ff.) in which the Creator admits that he made evil spirits by mistake and smites them. In the Karika of Gaudapada, 2. 19 it is actually said: Mayaisha tasya devasya yaya sammohitah svayam.]

[Footnote 76: He does not say this expressly and it requires careful statement in India where it is held strongly that God being perfect cannot add to his bliss or perfection by creating anything. Compare Dante, Paradiso, xxix. 13-18:

Non per aver a se di bene acquisto, ch' esser non puo, ma perche suo splendore potesse risplendendo dir: subsisto. In sua eternita di tempo fuore, fuor d' ogni altro comprender, come i piacque, s'aperse in nuovi amor l' eterno amore.]

[Footnote 77: The history of Japan and Tibet offers some exceptions.]

[Footnote 78: There are some exceptions, e.g. ancient Camboja, the Sikhs and the Marathas.]

[Footnote 79: But there are other kinds of worship, such as the old Vedic sacrifices which are still occasionally performed, and the burnt offerings (homa) still made in some temples. There are also tantric ceremonies and in Assam the public worship of the Vishnuites has probably been influenced by the ritual of Lamas in neighbouring Buddhist countries.]

[Footnote 80: This position is of great importance as tending to produce a similar arrangement of religious paraphernalia. The similarity disappears when Buddhist ceremonies are performed round Stupas out of doors.]

[Footnote 81: As explained elsewhere, I draw a distinction between Tantrism and Saktism.]

[Footnote 82: It does not seem to me to have given much inspiration to Rossetti in his Aatarte Syriaca.]

[Footnote 83: But in justice to the Tantras it should be mentioned that the Maha-nirvana Tantra, x. 79, prohibits the burning of widows.]

[Footnote 84: See Asiatic Review, July, 1916, p. 33.]

[Footnote 85: E.g. Vijayanagar, the Marathas and the states of Rajputana.]

[Footnote 86: According to the census of 1911 no less than 72 per cent. of the population live by agriculture.]

[Footnote 87: The chief exceptions are: (a) the Tibetan church has acquired and holds power by political methods. It is an exact parallel to the Papacy, but it has never burnt people. (b) In mediaeval Japan the great monasteries became fortified castles with lands and troops of their own. They fought one another and were a menace to the state. Later the Tokugawa sovereigns had the assistance of the Buddhist clergy in driving out Christianity but I do not think that their action can be compared either in extent or cruelty with the Inquisition. (c) In China Buddhism was in many reigns associated with a dissolute court and palace intrigues. This led to many scandals and great waste of money.]

[Footnote 88: See for instance Huxley's striking definition of Buddhism in his Romanes Lecture, 1893. "A system which knows no God in the western sense; which denies a soul to man: which counts the belief in immortality a blunder and the hope of it a sin: which refuses any efficacy to prayer and sacrifice: which bids men look to nothing but their own efforts for salvation: which in its original purity knew nothing of vows of obedience and never sought the aid of the secular arm: yet spread over a considerable moiety of the old world with marvellous rapidity and is still with whatever base admixture of foreign superstitions the dominant creed of a large fraction of mankind." But some of this is too strongly phrased. Early Buddhism counted the desire for heaven as a hindrance to the highest spiritual life, but if a man had not attained to that plane and was bound to be reborn somewhere, it did not question that his natural desire to be reborn in heaven was right and proper.]

[Footnote 89: It may of course be denied that Buddhism is a religion. In this connection some remarks of Mr Bradley are interesting. "The doctrine that there cannot be a religion without a personal God is to my mind entirely false" (Essays on Truth and Reality, p. 432). "I cannot accept a personal God as the ultimate truth" (ib. 449). "There are few greater responsibilities which a man can take on himself than to have proclaimed or even hinted that without immortality all religion is a cheat, all morality a self-deception" (Appearance and Reality, p. 510).]

[Footnote 90: Mahavamsa, xii. 29, xiv. 58 and 64. Dipavamsa, xn. 84 and 85, xiii. 7 and 8.]

[Footnote 91: Essays in Criticism, Second Series, Amiel.]

[Footnote 92: This definition of orthodoxy is due to St Vincent of Lerins. Quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus creditum est.]

[Footnote 93: I know that this statement may encounter objections, but I believe that few Indians would be surprised at the proposition that God is all things. Some might deny it, but as a familiar error.]

[Footnote 94: But orthodox Christianity really falls into the same difficulty. For if God planned the redemption of the world and we are saved by the death of Christ, then the Chief Priests, Judas, Pilate and the soldiers who crucified Christ are at least the instruments of salvation.]

[Footnote 95: Wm James, Psychology, pp. 203 and 216.]

[Footnote 96: I quote this epitome from Wildon Carr's Henri Bergson, The Philosophy of Change, because the phraseology is thoroughly Buddhist and appears to have the approval of M. Bergson himself.]

[Footnote 97: Romanes Lecture, 1893.]

[Footnote 98: Appearance, p. 298.]

[Footnote 99: Thus the Svetasvatara Up. says that the whole world is filled with the parts or limbs of God and metaphors like sparks from a fire or threads from a spider seem an attempt to express the same idea. Br. Ar. Up. 2. 1. 20; Mund. Up. 2. 1. 1.]

[Footnote 100: Appearance, p. 244; Essays on Truth, p. 409; Appearance, p. 413. Though the above quotations are all from Mr Bradley I might have added others from Mr Bosanquet's Gifford Lectures and from Mr McTaggart.]

[Footnote 101: "The plurality of souls in the Absolute is therefore appearance and their existence not genuine ... souls like their bodies, are as such nothing more than appearance—Neither (body and soul) is real in the end: each is merely phenomenal." Appearance, pp. 305-307.]

[Footnote 102: Since I wrote this I have read Mr Wells' book God the Invisible King. Mr Wells knows that he is indebted to oriental thought and thinks that European religion in the future may be so too, but I do not know if he realizes how nearly his God coincides with the Mahayanist conception of a Bodhisattva such as Avalokita or Manjusri. These great beings have, as Bodhisattvas, a beginning: they are not the creators of the world but masters and conquerors of it and helpers of mankind: they have courage and eternal youth and Manjusri "bears a sword, that clean discriminating weapon." Like most Asiatics, Mr Wells cannot allow his God to be crucified and he draws a distinction between God and the Veiled Being, very like that made by Indians between Isvara and Brahman.]

[Footnote 103: The Malay countries are the only exception.]

[Footnote 104: Thus Motoori (quoted in Aston's Shinto, p. 9) says "Birds, beasts, plants and trees, seas and mountains and all other things whatsoever which deserve to be dreaded and revered for the extraordinary and pre-eminent powers which they possess are called Kami."]

[Footnote 105: This impersonality is perhaps a later characteristic. The original form of the Chinese character for T'ien Heaven represented a man. The old Finnish and Samoyede names for God—Ukko and Num—perhaps belong to this stage of thought.]

[Footnote 106: See the account of the Faunus message in this book.]

[Footnote 107: The chief exception in Sanskrit is the Rajatarangini, a chronicle of Kashmir composed in 1148 A.D. There are also a few panegyrics of contemporary monarchs, such as the Harshacarita of Bana, and some of the Puranas (especially the Matsya and Vayu) contain historical material. See Vincent Smith, Early History of India, chap. I, sect. II, and Pargiter Dynasties of the Kali Age. The Greek and Roman accounts of Ancient India have been collected by McCrindle in six volumes 1877-1901.]

[Footnote 108: The inscriptions of the Chola Kings however (c. 1000 A.D.) seem to boast of conquests to the East of India. See Coedes "Le royaume de Crivijaya" in B.E.F.E.O. 1918]

[Footnote 109: Very different opinions have been held as to whether this date should be approximately 1500 B.C. or 3000 B.C. The strong resemblance of the hymns of the Rig Veda to those of the Avesta is in favour of the less ancient date, but the date of the Gathas can hardly be regarded as certain.]

[Footnote 110: Linguistically there seems to be two distinct divisions, the Dravidians and the Munda (Kolarian).]

[Footnote 111: The affinity between the Dravidian and Ural-Altaic groups of languages has often been suggested but has met with scepticism. Any adequate treatment of this question demands a comparison of the earliest forms known in both groups and as to this I have no pretension to speak. But circumstances have led me to acquire at different times some practical acquaintance with Turkish and Finnish as well as a slight literary knowledge of Tamil and having these data I cannot help being struck by the general similarity shown in the structure both of words and of sentences (particularly the use of gerunds and the constructions which replace relative sentences) and by some resemblances in vocabulary. On the other hand the pronouns and consequently the conjugation of verbs show remarkable differences. But the curious Brahui language, which is classed as Dravidian, has negative forms in which pa is inserted into the verb, as in Yakut Turkish, e.g. Yakut bis-pa-ppin, I do not cut; Brahui khan-pa-ra, I do not see. The plural of nouns in Brahui uses the suffixes k and t which are found in the Finnish group and in Hungarian.]

[Footnote 112: See the legend in the Sat. Brah. I. 4. 1. 14 ff.]

[Footnote 113: This much seems sure but whereas European scholars were till recently agreed that he died about 487 B.C. it is now suggested that 543 may be nearer the true date. See Vincent Smith in Oxford History of India, 1920, p. 48.]

[Footnote 114: Pali Takkasila. Greek Taxila. It was near the modern Rawal Pindi and is frequently mentioned in the Jatakas as an ancient and well-known place.]

[Footnote 115: Most of them are known by the title of Satakarni.]

[Footnote 116: But perhaps not in language. Recent research makes it probable that the Kushans or Yueeh-chih used an Iranian idiom.]

[Footnote 117: Fleet and Franke consider that Kanishka preceded the two Kadphises and began to reign about 58 B.C.]

[Footnote 118: He appears to have been defeated in these regions by the Chinese general Pan-Chao about 90 A.D. but to have been more successful about fifteen years later.]

[Footnote 119: Or Hephthalites. The original name seems to have been something like Haptal.]

[Footnote 120: Strabo XV. 4. 73.]

[Footnote 121: Hist. Nat. VI. 23. (26).]

[Footnote 122: For authorities see Vincent Smith, Early History of India, 1908, p. 401.]

[Footnote 123: The inscriptions of Asoka mention four kingdoms, Pandya, Keralaputra, Cola and Satiyaputra.]

[Footnote 124: Hinduism is often used as a name for the mediaeval and modern religion of India, and Brahmanism for the older pre-Buddhist religion. But one word is needed as a general designation for Indian religion and Hinduism seems the better of the two for this purpose.]

[Footnote 125: Excluding Burma the last Census gives over 300,000. These are partly inhabitants of frontier districts, which are Indian only in the political sense, and partly foreigners residing in India.]

[Footnote 126: Only tradition preserves the memory of an older and freer system, when warriors like Visvamitra were able by their religious austerities to become Brahmans. See Muir's Sanskrit texts, vol. I. pp. 296-479 on the early contests between Warriors and Brahmans. We hear of Kings like Janaka of Videha and Ajatasatru of Kasi who were admitted to be more learned than Brahmans but also of Kings like Vena and Nahusha who withstood the priesthood "and perished through want of submissiveness." The legend of Parasurama, an incarnation of Vishnu as a Brahman who destroyed the Kshatriya race, must surely have some historical foundation, though no other evidence is forthcoming of the events which it relates.]

[Footnote 127: In southern India and in Assam the superiors of monasteries sometimes exercise a quasi-episcopal authority.]

[Footnote 128: Sat. Brahm. v. 3. 3. 12 and v. 4. 2. 3.]

[Footnote 129: The Markandeya Purana discusses the question how Krishna could become a man.]

[Footnote 130: See for instance The Holy Lives of the Azhvars by Alkondavilli Govindacarya. Mysore, 1902, pp. 215-216. "The Dravida Vedas have thus as high a sanction and authority as the Girvana (i.e. Sanskrit) Vedas."]

[Footnote 131: I am inclined to believe that the Lingayat doctrine really is that Lingayats dying in the true faith do not transmigrate any more.]

[Footnote 132: E.g. Brih.-Ar. III. 2. 13 and IV. 4. 2-6.]

[Footnote 133: This is the accepted translation of dukkha but perhaps it is too strong, and uneasiness, though inconvenient for literary reasons, gives the meaning better.]

[Footnote 134: The old Scandinavian literature with its gods who must die is equally full of this sense of impermanence, but the Viking temperament bade a man fight and face his fate.]

[Footnote 135: But see Rabindrannath Tagore: Sadhana, especially the Chapter on Realization.]

[Footnote 136: Cf. Shelley's lines in Hellas:—

"Worlds on worlds are rolling ever From creation to decay, Like the bubbles on a river Sparkling, bursting, borne away."]

[Footnote 137: Nevertheless deva is sometimes used in the Upanishads as a designation of the supreme spirit.]

[Footnote 138: E.g. Brih.-Ar. Up. IV. 3. 33 and the parallel passages in the Taittiriya and other Upanishads.]

[Footnote 139: The principal one is the date of Asoka, deducible from an inscription in which he names contemporary Seleucid monarchs.]

[Footnote 140: E.g. a learned Brahman is often described in the Sutta Pitaka as "a repeater (of the sacred words) knowing the mystic verses by heart, one who had mastered the three Vedas, with the indices, the ritual, the phonology, the exegesis and the legends as a fifth."]

[Footnote 141: There had been time for misunderstandings to arise. Thus the S^{.}atapatha Brahmana sees in the well-known verse "who is the God to whom we shall offer our sacrifices" an address to a deity named Ka (Sanskrit for who) and it would seem that an old word, uloka, has been separated in several passages into two words, u (a meaningless particle) and loka.]

[Footnote 142: Recent scholars are disposed to fix the appearance of Zoroaster between the middle of the seventh century and the earlier half of the sixth century B.C. But this date offers many difficulties. It makes it hard to explain the resemblances between the Gathas and the Rig Veda and how is it that respectable classical authorities of the fourth century B.C. quoted by Pliny attribute a high antiquity to Zoroaster?]

[Footnote 143: This applies chiefly to the three Samhitas or collections of hymns and prayers. On the other hand there was no feeling against the composition of new Upanishads or the interpolation and amplification of the Epics.]

[Footnote 144: The Hotri recites prayers while other priests perform the act of sacrifice. But there are several poems in the Rig Veda for which even Indian ingenuity has not been able to find a liturgical use.]

[Footnote 145: Thus the Pali Pitakas speak of the Tevijja or threefold knowledge of the Brahmans.]

[Footnote 146: Or it may be that the ancestors of the Persians were also in the Panjab and retired westwards.]

[Footnote 147: R.V. v. 3. 1.]

[Footnote 148: See the Ganesatharvasirsha Upan. and Gopinatha Rao. Hindu Iconography, vol. I. pp. 35-67.]

[Footnote 149: See R.V. III. 34. 9. i. 130. 8; iv. 26. 2. vi. 18. 3; iv. 16. 13.]

[Footnote 150: In one singular hymn (R.V. x. 119) Indra describes his sensations after drinking freely, and in the Satapatha Brahmana (V. 5. 4. 9 and XII. 7. 1. 11) he seems to be represented as suffering from his excesses and having to be cured by a special ceremony.]

[Footnote 151: In some passages of the Upanishads he is identified with the atman (e.g. Kaushitaki Up. III. 8), but then all persons, whether divine or human, are really the atman if they only knew it.]

[Footnote 152: A.V. IV. 16. 2.]

[Footnote 153: The Indian alphabets are admittedly Semitic in origin.]

[Footnote 154: See Mahabhar. I. xvii-xviii and other accounts in the Ramayana and Puranas.]

[Footnote 155: It has also been conjectured that Sk. Asura=Ashur, the God of Assyria, and that Sumeru or Sineru (Meru)=Sumer or Shinar, see J.R.A.S. 1916, pp. 364-5.]

[Footnote 156: Rig V. I. 164. 46.]

[Footnote 157: For instance chap. III. of the Chandogya Upanishad, which compares the solar system to a beehive in which the bees are Vedic hymns, is little less than stupendous, though singular and hard for European thought to follow.]

[Footnote 158: I presume that the strong opinion expressed in Caland and Henri's Agnishloma p. 484 that the sacrifice is merely a do ut des operation refers only to the earliest Vedic period and not to the time of the Brahmanas.]

[Footnote 159: Thus both the Vedas and the Tantras devote considerable space to rites which have for object the formation of a new body for the sacrificer. Compare for instance the Aitareya Brahmana (I. 18-21: II. 35-38: III. 2 and VI. 27-31) with Avalon's account of Nyasa, in his introduction to the Mahanirvana Tantra pages cvii-cxi.]

[Footnote 160: There is considerable doubt as to what was the plant originally known as Soma. That described in the Vedas and Brahmanas is said to grow on the mountains and to have a yellow juice of a strong smell, fiery taste and intoxicating properties. The plants used as Haom (Hum) by the modern Parsis of Yezd and Kerman are said to be members of the family Asclepiadaceae (perhaps of the genus Sarcostemma) with fleshy stalks and milky juice, and the Soma tested by Dr Haug at Poona was probably made from another species of the same or an allied genus. He found it extremely nasty, though it had some intoxicating effect. (See his Aitareya Brdh-mana n. p. 489.)]

[Footnote 161: An ordinary sacrifice was offered for a private person who had to be initiated and the priests were merely officiants acting on his behalf. In a Sattra the priests were regarded as the sacrificers and were initiated. It had some analogy to Buddhist and Christian monastic foundations for reading sutras and saying masses.]

[Footnote 162: The political importance of the Asvamedha lay in the fact that the victim had to be let loose to roam freely for a year, so that only a king whose territories were sufficiently extensive to allow of its being followed and guarded during its wanderings could hope to sacrifice it at the end.]

[Footnote 163: R.V. x. 136 and x. 190.]

[Footnote 164: Even the Upanishads (e.g. Chand. III. 17, Mahanar. 64) admit that a good life which includes tapas is the equivalent of sacrifice. But this of course is teaching for the elect only. The Brih.-Aran. Up. (V. ii) contains the remarkable doctrine that sickness and pain, if regarded by the sufferer as tapas, bring the same reward.]

[Footnote 165: So too in the Taittiriya Upanishad tapas is described as the means of attaining the knowledge of Brahman (III. 1-5).]

[Footnote 166: Any ritual without knowledge may be worse than useless. See Chand. Up. I. 10. 11.]

[Footnote 167: See the various narratives in the Chandogya, Br.-Aran. and Kaushitaki Upanishads. The seventh chapter of the Chandogya relating how Narada, the learned sage, was instructed by Sanatkumara or Skanda, the god of war, seems to hint that the active military class may know the great truths of religion better than deeply read priests who may be hampered and blinded by their learning. For Skanda and Narada in this connection see Bhagavad-gita x. 24, 26.]

[Footnote 168: For the necessity of a teacher see Kath. Up. II. 8.]

[Footnote 169: See especially the bold passage at the end of Taitt. Upan. II. "He who knows the bliss of Brahman ... fears nothing. He does not torment himself by asking what good have I left undone, what evil have I done?"]

[Footnote 170: The word Upanishad probably means sitting down at the feet of a teacher to receive secret instruction: hence a secret conversation or doctrine.]

[Footnote 171: Some allusions in the older Upanishads point to this district rather than the Ganges Valley as the centre of Brahmanic philosophy. Thus the Brihad-Aranyaka speaks familiarly of Gandhara.]

[Footnote 172: Cat. Adyar Library. The Rig and Sama Vedas have two Upanishads each, the Yajur Veda seven. All the others are described as belonging to the Atharva Veda. They have no real connection with it, but it was possible to add to the literature of the Atharva whereas it was hardly possible to make similar additions to the older Vedas.]

[Footnote 173: Debendranath Tagore composed a work which he called the Brahmi Upanishad in 1848. See Autobiography, p. 170. The sectarian Upanishads are of doubtful date, but many were written between 400 and 1200 A.D. and were due to the desire of new sects to connect their worship with the Veda. Several are Saktist (e.g. Kaula, Tripura, Devi) and many others show Saktist influence. They usually advocate the worship of a special deity such as Ganesa, Surya, Rama, Nri Simha.]

[Footnote 174: Br.-Aran. VI. 1, Ait. Aran. II. 4, Kaush. III. 3, Prasna, II. 3, Chand. V. 1. The apologue is curiously like in form to the classical fable of the belly and members.]

[Footnote 175: Br.-Aran. VI. 2, Chand. V. 3]

[Footnote 176: Br.-Aran. II. 1, Kaush. IV. 2.]

[Footnote 177: The composite structure of these works is illustrated very clearly by the Brihad-Aranyaka. It consists of three sections each concluding with a list of teachers, namely (a) adhyayas 1 and 2, (b) adh. 3 and 4, (c) adh. 5 and 6. The lists are not quite the same, which indicates some slight difference between the sub-schools which composed the three parts, and a lengthy passage occurs twice in an almost identical form. The Upanishad is clearly composed of two separate collections with the addition of a third which still bears the title of Khila or supplement. The whole work exists in two recensions.]

[Footnote 178: The Eleven translated in the Sacred Books of the East, vols. I and XV, include the oldest and most important.]

[Footnote 179: Thus the Aitareya Brahmana is followed by the Aitareya Aranyaka and that by the Aitareya-Aranyaka-Upanishad.]

[Footnote 180: R.V. X. 121. The verses are also found in the Atharva Veda, the Vajasaneyi, Taittiriya, Maitrayani, and Kathaka Samhitas and elsewhere.]

[Footnote 181: R.V. X. 129.]

[Footnote 182: IV. 5. 5 and repeated almost verbally II. 4. 5 with some omissions. My quotation is somewhat abbreviated and repetitions are omitted.]

[Footnote 183: The sentiment is perhaps the same as that underlying the words attributed to Florence Nightingale: "I must strive to see only God in my friends and God in my cats."]

[Footnote 184: It will be observed that he had said previously that the Atman must be seen, heard, perceived and known. This is an inconsistent use of language.]

[Footnote 185: Chandogya Upanishad VI.]

[Footnote 186: In the language of the Upanishads the Atman is often called simply Tat or it.]

[Footnote 187: I.e. the difference between clay and pots, etc. made of clay.]

[Footnote 188: Yet the contrary proposition is maintained in this same Upanishad (III. 19. 1), in the Taittiriya Upanishad (II. 8) and elsewhere. The reason of these divergent statements is of course the difficulty of distinguishing pure Being without attributes from not Being.]

[Footnote 189: The word union is a convenient but not wholly accurate term which covers several theories. The Upanishads sometimes speak of the union of the soul with Brahman or its absorption in Brahman (e.g. Maitr. Up. VI. 22, Sayujyatvam and asabde nidhanam eti) but the soul is more frequently stated to be Brahman or a part of Brahman and its task is not to effect any act of union but simply to know its own nature. This knowledge is in itself emancipation. The well-known simile which compares the soul to a river flowing into the sea is found in the Upanishads (Chand. VI. 10. 1, Mund. III. 2, Prasna, VI. 5) but Sankara (on Brahma S. I. iv. 21-22) evidently feels uneasy about it. From his point of view the soul is not so much a river as a bay which is the sea, if the landscape can be seen properly.]

[Footnote 190: The Mandukya Up. calls the fourth state ekatmapratyayasara, founded solely on the certainty of its own self and Gaudapada says that in it there awakes the eternal which neither dreams nor sleeps. (Kar. I. 15. See also III. 34 and 36.)]

[Footnote 191: Br.-Aranyaka, IV. 3. 33.]

[Footnote 192: Cf. Bradley, Appearance and Reality, p. 244. "The perfect ... means the identity of idea and existence, attended also by pleasure."]

[Footnote 193: Tait. Up. II. 1-9. See too ib. III. 6.]

[Footnote 194: Br.-Aran. III. 8. 10. See too VI. 2.15, speaking of those who in the forest worship the truth with faith.]

[Footnote 195: Chandog. Up. IV. 10. 5.]

[Footnote 196: It occurs Katha. Up. II. v. 13, 15, also in the Svetasvatara and Mundaka Upanishads and there are similar words in the Bhagavad-gita. "This is that" means that the individual soul is the same as Brahman.]

[Footnote 197: The Nrisimhottaratapaniya Up. I. says that Isvara is swallowed up in the Turiya.]

[Footnote 198: But still ancient and perhaps anterior to the Christian era.]

[Footnote 199: Svet. Up. VI. 7.]

[Footnote 200: Svet. Up. IV. 3. Max Mueller's translation. The commentary attributed to Sankara explains nilah patangah as bhramarah but Deussen seems to think it means a bird.]

[Footnote 201: Chand. Up. vi. 14. 1. Sat. Brah. viii. 1. 4. 10.]

[Footnote 202: The Brahmans are even called low-born as compared with Kshatriyas and in the Ambattha Sutta (Dig. Nik. iii.) the Buddha demonstrates to a Brahman who boasts of his caste that the usages of Hindu society prove that "the Kshatriyas are higher and the Brahmans lower," seeing that the child of a mixed union between the castes is accepted by the Brahmans as one of themselves but not by the Kshatriyas, because he is not of pure descent.]

[Footnote 203: He had learnt the Veda and Upanishads. Brih.-Ar. iv. 2. 1.]

[Footnote 204: Chand. Up. v. 3. 7, Kaush. Up. iv., Brih.-Ar. Up. ii. 1. The Kshatriyas seem to have regarded the doctrine of the two paths which can be taken by the soul after death (devayana and pitriyana, the latter involving return to earth and transmigration) as their special property.]

[Footnote 205: Literally set in front, praefectus.]

[Footnote 206: Sat. Brah. ii. 4. 4. 5.]

[Footnote 207: Sat. Brah. iv. 1. 4. 1-6.]

[Footnote 208: The legends of Vena, Parasurama and others indicate the prevalence of considerable hostility between Brahmans and Kshatriyas at some period.]

[Footnote 209: Brahmacarin, Grihastha, Vanaprastha, Sannyasin.]

[Footnote 210: Thus in the Brih.-Aran. Yajnavalkya retires to the forest. But even the theory of three stages was at this time only in the making, for the last section of the Chandogya Up. expressly authorizes a religious man to spend all his life as a householder after completing his studentship and the account given of the stages in Chand. ii. 21 is not very clear.]

[Footnote 211: Sat. Brah. xi. 5. 6. 8. Cf. the lists in the Chandogya Upanishad vii. secs. 1, 2 and 7.]

[Footnote 212: In southern India at the present day it is the custom for Brahmans to live as Agnihotris and maintain the sacred fire for a few days after their marriage.]

[Footnote 213: See Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, vol. v. s.v.]

[Footnote 214: The Emperor Jehangir writing about 1616 implies that the Asramas, which he describes, were observed by the Brahmans of that time. See his Memoirs, edited by Beveridge, pp. 357-359.]

[Footnote 215: Sat. Brah. I. 7. 2. 1. Cf. Tait. Brah. VI. 3. 10. 5.]

[Footnote 216: Such as those built by Janasruti Pautrayana. See Chand. Up. IV. 1.]

[Footnote 217: Sat. Brah. XI. 4. 1. 1.]

[Footnote 218: Sat. Brah. ii. 2. 2. 6 and iv. 3. 4. 4.]

[Footnote 219: Sat. Brah. iv. 3. 4. 2.]

[Footnote 220: Vishnu Pur. iii. 5.]

[Footnote 221: Sat. Brah. iii. 8. 2. 24. Yajnavalkya is the principal authority cited in books i-v and x-xiv of this Brahmana, but not in books vi-ix, which perhaps represent an earlier treatise incorporated in the text.]

[Footnote 222: Or "in confidence." Sat. Brah. xi. 3. 1. 4.]

[Footnote 223: Brih.-Ar. iii. 2. 13.]

[Footnote 224: In the Pali Pitaka the Buddha is represented as preaching in the land of the Kurus.]

[Footnote 225: These are the Pali forms. The Sanskrit equivalents are Parivrajaka and Sramana.]

[Footnote 226: See for instance Mahav. II. 1 and III. 1.]

[Footnote 227: Dig. Nik. 1.]

[Footnote 228: See O. Schrader, Stand der indischen Philosophie zur Zeit Mahaviras und Buddhas, 1902.

See also Ang. Nik. vol. III. p. 276 and Rhys Davids' Dialogues of the Buddha, I. pp. 220 ff. But these passages give one an impression of the multitude of ascetic confraternities rather than a clear idea of their different views.]

[Footnote 229: It finds expression in two hymns of the Atharva Veda, XIX. 53 and 54. Cf. too Gaudap. Kar. 8. Kalat prasutim bhutanam manyante kalacintakah.]

[Footnote 230: Digha Nikaya II. The opinions of the six teachers are quoted as being answers to a question put to them by King Ajatasattu, namely, What is gained by renouncing the world? Judged as such, they are irrelevant but they probably represent current statements as to the doctrine of each sect. The six teachers are also mentioned in several other passages of the Digha and Maj. Nikayas and also in the Sutta-Nipata. It is clear that at a very early period the list of their names had become the usual formula for summarizing the teaching prevalent in the time of Gotama which was neither Brahmanic nor Buddhist.]

[Footnote 231: Dig. Nik. I. 23-28.]

[Footnote 232: A rather defiant materialism preaching, "Let us eat and drink for to-morrow we die," crops up in India in various ages though never very prominent.]

[Footnote 233: But possibly the ascetics described by it were only Digambara Jains.]

[Footnote 234: See especially the article Ajivikas by Hoernle, in Hastings' Dictionary of Religion. Also Hoernle, Uvasagadasao, appendix, pp. 1-29. Rockhill, Life of the Buddha, pp. 249 ff. Schrader, Stand der indischen Philosophie zur Zeit Mahaviras und Buddhas, p. 32. Sutrakritanga II. 6.]

[Footnote 235: Makkhali lived some time with Mahavira, but they quarrelled. But his followers, though they may not have been a united body so much as other sects, had definite characteristics.]

[Footnote 236: E.g. Sat. Brah. v. 4. 4. 13. "He thus encloses the Vaisya and Sudra on both sides by the priesthood and nobility and makes them submissive."]

[Footnote 237: See Sankhayana Aranyaka. Trans. Keith, pp. viii-xi, 78 85. Also Aitareya Aran. book v.]

[Footnote 238: Cf. the ritual for the Horse sacrifice. ['Sat]. Brah, xiii. 2. 8, and Hillebrandt, Vedische Opfer., p. 152.]

[Footnote 239: Supplemented by the Kausika Sutra, which, whatever its age may be, has preserved a record of very ancient usages.]

[Footnote 240: E.g. I. 10. This hymn, like many others, seems to combine several moral and intellectual stages, the level at which the combination was possible not being very high. On the one hand Varuna is the Lord of Law and of Truth who punishes moral offences with dropsy. On the other, the sorcerer "releases" the patient from Varuna by charms, without imposing any moral penance, and offers the god a thousand other men, provided that this particular victim is released.]

[Footnote 241: E.g. VII. 116, VI. 105, VI. 83.]

[Footnote 242: E.g. V. 7, XI. 9.]

[Footnote 243: E.g. V. 4, XIX. 39, IV. 37, II. 8, XIX. 34, VIII. 7.]

[Footnote 244: A. V XI. 6.]

[Footnote 245: See, for instance, Du Bose, The Dragon, Image and Demon, 1887, pp. 320-344.]

[Footnote 246: Atanatiya and Mahasamaya. Dig. Nik. XX. and XXXII.]

[Footnote 247: See Crooke's Popular Religion of Northern India, vol. II. chap. ii.]

[Footnote 248: In the Brahma-Jala and subsequent suttas of the Digha Nikaya.]

[Footnote 249: See Rhys Davids' Dialogues of the Buddha, vol. I. p. 7, note 4, and authorities there quoted.]

[Footnote 250: Krishna is perhaps mentioned in the Chand. Up. III. 17. 6, but in any case not as a deity.]

[Footnote 251: See, besides the translations mentioned below, Buehler, Ueber die indische Secte der Jainas 1887; Hoernle, Metaphysics and Ethics of the Jainas 1908; and Guerinot, Essai de Bibliographie Jaina and Repertoire d'Epigraphie Jaina; Jagmanderlal Jaini, Outlines of Jainism; Jacobi's article Jainism in E.R.E.. Much information may also be found in Mrs Stevenson's Heart of Jainism. Winternitz, Geschichte d. Indischen Literatur, vol. II. part II. (1920) treats of Jain literature but I have not been able to see it.]

[Footnote 252: In J.R.A.S. 1917, pp. 122-130 s.v. Venkatesvara argues that Vardhamana died about 437 B.C. and that the Niganthas of the Pitakas were followers of Parsva. His arguments deserve consideration but he seems not to lay sufficient emphasis on the facts that (a) according to the Buddhist scriptures the Buddha and Gosala were contemporaries, while according to the Jain scriptures Gosala and Vardhamana were contemporaries, (b) in the Buddhist scriptures Nataputta is the representative of the Niganthas, while according to the Jain scriptures Vardhamana was of the Nata clan.]

[Footnote 253: The atoms are either simple or compound and from their combinations are produced the four elements, earth, wind, fire and water, and the whole material universe. For a clear statement of the modern Jain doctrine about dharma and adharma, see Jagmanderlal Jaini, l.c. pp. 22 ff.]

[Footnote 254: Jiva, ajiva, asrava, bandha, samvara, nirjara, moksha. The principles are sometimes made nine by the addition of punya, merit, and papa, sin.]

[Footnote 255: Paudgalikam karma. It would seem that all these ideas about Karma should be taken in a literal and material sense. Karma, which is a specially subtle form of matter able to enter, stain and weigh down the soul, is of eight kinds (1 and 2) jnana- and darsana-varaniya impede knowledge and faith, which the soul naturally possesses; (3) mohaniya causes delusion; (4) vedaniya brings pleasure and pain; (5) ayushka fixes the length of life; (6) nama furnishes individual characteristics, and (7) gotra generic; (8) antaraya hinders the development of good qualities.]

[Footnote 256: Kevalam also called Jnana, moksha, nirvana. The nirvana of the Jains is clearly not incompatible with the continuance of intelligence and knowledge.]

[Footnote 257: Uttaradhyayana XXXVI. 64-68 in S.B.E. XLV. pp. 212-213.]

[Footnote 258: S.B.E. XLV. p. xxvii. Bhandarkar Report for 1883-4, pp. 95 ff.]

[Footnote 259: Somewhat similar seems to be the relation of Jainism to the Vaiseshika philosophy. It accepted an early form of the atomic theory and this theory was subsequently elaborated in the philosophy whose founder Kanada was according to the Jains a pupil of a Jain ascetic.]

[Footnote 260: E.g. see Acaranga S. I. 7. 6.]

[Footnote 261: They seem to have authority to formulate it in a form suitable to the needs of the age. Thus we are told that Parsva enjoined four vows but Mahavira five.]

[Footnote 262: When Gotama after attaining Buddhahood was on his way to Benares he met Upaka, a naked ascetic, to whom he declared that he was the Supreme Buddha. Then, said Upaka, you profess to be the Jina, and Gotama replied that he did, "Tasma 'ham Upaka jinoti." (Mahavag. I. 6. 10.)]

[Footnote 263: The exact period is 100 billion sagaras of years. A sagara is 100,000,000,000 palyas. A palya is the period in which a well a mile deep filled with fine hairs can be emptied if one hair is withdrawn every hundred years.]

[Footnote 264: See M. Bloomfield, Life and Stories of Parcvanatha (1919).]

[Footnote 265: See the discussions between followers of Parsva and Mahavira given in Uttaradhyayana XXIV. and Sutrakritanga II. 7.]

[Footnote 266: There are many references to the Niganthas in the Buddhist scriptures and the Buddha, while by no means accepting their views, treats them with tolerance. Thus he bade Siha, General of the Licchavis, who became his disciple after being an adherent of Nataputta to continue to give alms as before to Nigantha ascetics (Mahavag. VI. 32).]

[Footnote 267: Especially among the Ajivikas. Their leader Gosala had a personal quarrel with Mahavira but his teaching was almost identical except that he was a fatalist.]

[Footnote 268: Uttaradhyayana. XXIII. 29.]

[Footnote 269: According to Svetambara tradition there was a great schism 609 years after Mahavira's death. The canon was not fixed until 904 (? 454 A.D.) of the same era. The Digambara traditions are different but appear to be later.]

[Footnote 270: See especially Guerinot, Repertoire d'Eipigraphie Jaina]

[Footnote 271: So Buehler, Pillar Edict no. VIII. Senart Inscrip. de Piyadasi II. 97 translates somewhat differently, but the reference to the Jains is not disputed.]

[Footnote 272: Rock Edict VI.]

[Footnote 273: Rice (Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, 1909, p. 310) thinks that certain inscriptions at Sravana Belgola in Mysore establish that this tradition is true and also that the expedition was accompanied by King Candragupta who had abdicated and become a Jain ascetic. But this interpretation has been much criticised. It is probably true that a migration occurred and increased the differences which ultimately led to the division into Svetambaras and Digambaras.]

[Footnote 274: Guerinot, Epig. Jaina, no. 11.]

[Footnote 275: Rice, Mysore and Coorg from the Inscriptions, 1909, pp. 113-114, 207-208.]

[Footnote 276: Similar tolerance is attested by inscriptions (e.g. Guerinot, nos. 522 and 5776) recording donations to both Jain and Saiva temples.]

[Footnote 277: They also make a regular practice of collecting and rearing young animals which the owners throw away or wish to kill.]

[Footnote 278: Or Sthanakavasi. See for them Census of India, 1911, 1. p. 127 and Baroda, p. 93. The sect waa founded about A.D. 1653.]

[Footnote 279: Their names are as follows in Jain Prakrit, the Sanskrit equivalent being given in bracketa:

1. *Ayarangasuttam (Acaranga). 2. *Suyagadangam (Sutrakritangam). 3. Thanangam (Stha.). 4. Samavayangam. 5. Viyahapannatti (Vyakhyaprajnapti). This work is commonly known as the Bhagavati. 6. Nayadhammakahao (Jnatadharmakatha). 7. *Uvasagadasao (Upasakadasah). 8. *Antagadadasao (Antakritad.). 9. *Anuttarovavaidasao (Anuttaraupapatikad.). 10. Panhavagaranaim (Prasnavyakaranani). 11. Vivagasuyam (Vipakasrutam).

The books marked with an asterisk have been translated by Jacobi (S.B.E. vols. XXII. and XIV.), Hoernle and Barnett. See too Weber, Indischie Studien, Bd. XVI. pp. 211-479 and Bd. XVIII. pp. 1-90.]

[Footnote 280: It is called Arsha or Ardha-Magadhi and is the literary form of the vernacular of Berar in the early centuries of the Christian era. See H. Jacobi, Ausgewaehlte Erzaehlungen in Maharashtri, and introduction to edition of Ayaranga-sutta.]

[Footnote 281: The titles given in note 2 illustrate aome of its peculiarities.]

[Footnote 282: When I visited Sravana Belgola in 1910, the head of the Jains there, who professed to be a Digambara, though dressed in purple raiment, informed me that their sacred works were partly in Sanskrit and partly in Prakrit. He showed me a book called Trilokasara.]

[Footnote 283: But see Jagmanderlal Jaini, l.c. appendix V.]

[Footnote 284: Compare for instance Uttaradyayana X., XXIII. and XXV. with the Sutta-Nipata and Dhammapada.]

[Footnote 285: I have only visited establishments in towns. Possibly Yatis who follow a severer rule may be found in the country, especially among Digambaras.]

[Footnote 286: In Gujarat they are called Cho-mukhji and it is said that when a Tirthankara preached in the midst of his audience each side saw him facing them. In Burma the four figures are generally said to be the last four Buddhas.]

[Footnote 287: This seems clear from the presence in Burma of the curvilinear sikra and even of copies of Indian temples, e.g. of Bodh-Gaya at Pagan. Burmese pilgrims to Gaya might easily have visited Mt Parasnath on their way.]

[Footnote 288: I have this information from the Jain Guru at Sravana Belgola. He said that Gomatesvara (who seems unknown to the Svetambaras) waa a Kevalin but not a Tirthankara.]

[Footnote 289: Two others, rather smaller, are known, one at Karkal (dated 1431) and one at Yannur. These images are honoured at occasional festivals (one was held at Sravana Belgola in 1910) attended by a considerable concourse of Jains. The type of the statues is not Buddhist. They are nude and represent sages meditating in a standing position whereas Buddhists prescribe a sitting posture for meditation.]

[Footnote 290: The mountain of Satrunjaya rises above Palitana, the capital of a native state in Gujarat. Other collections of temples are found on the hill of Parasnath in Bengal, at Sonagir near Datia, and Muktagiri near Gawilgarh. There are also a good many on the hills above Rajgir.]

[Footnote 291: The strength of Buddhism in Burma and Siam is no doubt largely due to the fact that custom obliges every one to spend part of his life—if only a few days—as a member of the order.]

[Footnote 292: One might perhaps add to this list the Skoptsy of Russia and the Armenian colonies in many European and Asiatic towns.]

[Footnote 293: Throughout this book I have not hesitated to make use of the many excellent translations of Pali works which have been published. Students of Indian religion need hardly be reminded how much our knowledge of Pali writings and of early Buddhism owes to the labours of Professor and Mrs Rhys Davids.]

[Footnote 294: Sanskrit Sutra, Pali Sutta. But the use of the words is not quite the same in Buddhist and Brahmanic literature. A Buddhist sutta or sutra is a discourse, whether in Pali or in Sanskrit; a Brahmanic sutra is an aphorism. But the 227 divisions of the Patimokkha are called Suttas, so that the word may have been originally used in Pali to denote short statements of a single point. The longer Suttas are often called Suttanta.]

[Footnote 295: E.g. Maj. Nik. 123 about the marvels attending the birth of a Buddha.]

[Footnote 296: See some further remarks on this subject at the end of chap. XIII. (on the Canon).]

[Footnote 297: Also Sakya or Sakka. The Sanskrit form is Sakya.]

[Footnote 298: See among other passages the Ambattha Sutta of the Digha Nikaya in which Ambattha relates how he saw the Sakyas, old and young, sitting on grand seats in this hall.]

[Footnote 299: But in Cullavagga VII. 1 Bhaddiya, a cousin of the Buddha who is described as being the Raja at that time, says when thinking of renouncing the world "Wait whilst I hand over the kingdom to my sons and my brothers," which seems to imply that the kingdom was a family possession. Rajja perhaps means Consulship in the Roman sense rather than kingdom.]

[Footnote 300: E.g. the Sonadanda and Kutadanta Suttas of the Digha Nikaya.]

[Footnote 301: Sanskrit Kapilavastu: red place or red earth.]

[Footnote 302: Tradition is unanimous that he died in his eightieth year and hitherto it has been generally supposed that this was about 487 B.C., so that he would have been born a little before 560. But Vincent Smith now thinks that he died about 543 B.C. See J.R.A.S. 1918, p. 547. He was certainly contemporary with kings Bimbisara and Ajatasattu, dying in the reign of the latter. His date therefore depends on the chronology of the Saisunaga and Nanda dynasties, for which new data are now available.]

[Footnote 303: It was some time before the word came to mean definitely the Buddha. In Udana 1.5, which is not a very early work, a number of disciples including Devadatta are described as being all Buddha.]

[Footnote 304: The Chinese translators render this word by Ju-lai (he who has come thus). As they were in touch with the best Indian tradition, this translation seems to prove that Tathagata is equivalent to Tatha-agata not to Tatha-gata and the meaning must be, he who has come in the proper manner; a holy man who conforms to a type and is one in a series of Buddhas or Jinas.]

[Footnote 305: See the article on the neighbouring country of Magadha in Macdonell and Keith's Vedic Index.]

[Footnote 306: Cf. the Ratthapala-sutta.]

[Footnote 307: Mahav. I. 54. 1.]

[Footnote 308: Devadutavagga. Ang. Nik. III. 35.]

[Footnote 309: But the story is found in the Mahapadana-sutta. See also Winternitz, J.R.A.S. 1911, p. 1146.]

[Footnote 310: He mentions that he had three palaces or houses, for the hot, cold and rainy seasons respectively, but this is not necessarily regal for the same words are used of Yasa, the son of a Treasurer (Mahav. 1. 7. 1) and Anuruddha, a Sakyan noble (Cullav. VII. 1. 1).]

[Footnote 311: In the Sonadanda-sutta and elsewhere.]

[Footnote 312: The Pabbajja-sutta.]

[Footnote 313: Maj. Nik. Ariyapariyesana-sutta. It is found in substantially the same form in the Mahasaccaka-sutta and the Bodhirajakumara-sutta.]

[Footnote 314: The teaching of Alara Kalama led to rebirth in the sphere called akincan-nayatanam or the sphere in which nothing at all is specially present to the mind and that of Uddaka Ramaputta to rebirth in the sphere where neither any idea nor the absence of any idea is specially present to the mind. These expressions occur elsewhere (e.g. in the Mahaparinibbana-sutta) as names of stages in meditation or of incorporeal worlds (arupabrahmaloka) where those states prevail. Some mysterious utterances of Uddaka are preserved in Sam. Nik. XXXV. 103.]

[Footnote 315: Underhill, Introd. to Mysticism, p. 387.]

[Footnote 316: Sam. Nik. XXXVI. 19.]

[Footnote 317: The Lalita Vistara says Alara lived at Vesali and Uddaka in Magadha.]

[Footnote 318: The following account is based on Maj. Nik. suttas 85 and 26. Compare the beginning of the Mahavagga of the Vinaya.]

[Footnote 319: Maj. Nik. 12. See too Dig. Nik. 8.]

[Footnote 320: If this discourse is regarded as giving in substance Gotama's own version of his experiences, it need not be supposed to mean much more than that his good angel (in European language) bade him not take his own life. But the argument represented as appealing to him was that if spirits sustained him with supernatural nourishment, entire abstinence from food would be a useless pretence.]

[Footnote 321: The remarkable figures known as "fasting Buddhas" in Lahore Museum and elsewhere represent Gotama in this condition and show very plainly the falling in of the belly.]

[Footnote 322: Asava. The word appears to mean literally an intoxicating essence. See e.g. Vinaya, vol. IV. p. 110 (Rhys Davids and Oldenburg's ed.). Cf. the use of the word in Sanskrit.]

[Footnote 323: Naparam itthattayati. Itthattam is a substantive formed from ittham thus. It was at this time too that he thought out the chain of causation.]

[Footnote 324: Tradition states that it was on this occasion that he uttered the well-known stanzas now found in the Dhammapada 154-5 (cf. Theragatha 183) in which he exults in having, after long search in repeated births, found the maker of the house. "Now, O maker of the house thou art seen: no more shalt thou make a house." The lines which follow are hard to translate. The ridge-pole of the house has been destroyed (visankhitam more literally de-com-posed) and so the mind passes beyond the sankharas (visankharagatam). The play of words in visankhitam and visankhara can hardly be rendered in English.]

[Footnote 325: As Rhys Davids observes, this expression means "to found the Kingdom of Righteousness" but the metaphor is to make the wheels of the chariot of righteousness move unopposed over all the Earth.]

[Footnote 326: At the modern Sarnath.]

[Footnote 327: It is from this point that he begins to use this title in speaking of himself.]

[Footnote 328: Similar heavenly messages were often received by Christian mystics and were probably true as subjective experiences. Thus Suso was visited one Whitsunday by a heavenly messenger who bade him cease his mortifications.]

[Footnote 329: It is the Pipal tree or Ficus religiosa, as is mentioned in the Digha Nikaya, XIV. 30, not the Banyan. Its leaves have long points and tremble continually. Popular fancy says this is in memory of the tremendous struggle which they witnessed.]

[Footnote 330: Such are the Padhana-sutta of the Sutta-Nipata which has an air of antiquity and the tales in the Mahavagga of the Samyutta-Nikaya. The Mahavagga of the Vinaya (I. 11 and 13) mentions such an encounter but places it considerably later after the conversion of the five monks and of Yasa.]

[Footnote 331: The text is also found in the Samyutta-Nikaya.]

[Footnote 332: Concisely stated as suffering, the cause of suffering, the suppression of suffering and the method of effecting that suppression.]

[Footnote 333: Writers on Buddhism use this word in various forms, arhat, arahat and arahant. Perhaps it is best to use the Sanskrit form arhat just as karma and nirvana are commonly used instead of the Pali equivalents.]

[Footnote 334: I.15-20.]

[Footnote 335: Brahmayoni. I make this suggestion about grass fires because I have myself watched them from this point.]

[Footnote 336: This meal, the only solid one in the day, was taken a little before midday.]

[Footnote 337: I. 53-54.]

[Footnote 338: His father.]

[Footnote 339: I.e. the Buddha's former wife.]

[Footnote 340: Half brother of the Buddha and Suddhodana'a son by Mahaprajapati.]

[Footnote 341: Jataka, 356.]

[Footnote 342: Mahavag. III. 1.]

[Footnote 343: Thus we hear how Dasama of Atthakam (Maj. Nik. 52) built one for fifteen hundred monks, and Ghotamukha another in Pataliputta, which bore his name.]

[Footnote 344: Maj. Nik. 53.]

[Footnote 345: Cullavag. VI. 4.]

[Footnote 346: Probably sheds consisting of a roof set on posts, but without walls.]

[Footnote 347: Translated by Rhys Davids, American Lectures, pp. 108 ff.]

[Footnote 348: E.g. Maj. Nik. 62.]

[Footnote 349: But in Maj. Nik. II. 5 he says he is not bound by rules as to eating.]

[Footnote 350: Maj. Nik. 147.]

[Footnote 351: In an exceedingly curious passage (Dig. Nik. IV.) the Brahman Sonadanda, while accepting the Buddha's teaching, asks to be excused from showing the Buddha such extreme marks of respect as rising from his seat or dismounting from his chariot, on the ground that his reputation would suffer. He proposes and apparently is allowed to substitute less demonstrative salutations.]

[Footnote 352: Cullavagga V. 21 and Maj. Nik. 85.]

[Footnote 353: Visakha, a lady of noted piety. It was probably a raised garden planted with trees.]

[Footnote 354: Maj. Nik. 110.]

[Footnote 355: Dig. Nik. No. 2. Compare Jataka 150, which shows how much variation was permitted in the words ascribed to the Buddha.]

[Footnote 356: Sam. Nik. XLII. 7.]

[Footnote 357: Mahaparinib-sutta, 6. 20. The monk Subhadda, in whose mouth these words are put, was apparently not the person of the same name who was the last convert made by the Buddha when dying.]

[Footnote 358: His personal name was Upatissa.]

[Footnote 359: This position was also held, previously no doubt, by Sagata.]

[Footnote 360: Mahavag. X. 2. Compare the singular anecdote in VI. 22 where the Buddha quite unjustifiably suspects a Doctor of making an indelicate joke. The story seems to admit that the Buddha might be wrong and also that he was sometimes treated with want of respect.]

[Footnote 361: VII. 2 ff.]

[Footnote 362: The introductions to Jatakas 26 and 150 say that Ajatasattu built a great monastery for him at Gayasisa.]

[Footnote 363: The Buddha says so himself (Dig. Nik. II.) but does not mention the method.]

[Footnote 364: The Dhamma-sangani defines courtesy as being of two kinds: hospitality and considerateness in matters of doctrine.]

[Footnote 365: Maj. Nik. 75.]

[Footnote 366: Mahav. vi. 31. 11.]

[Footnote 367: Cullavag. x. 1. 3.]

[Footnote 368: Mahaparinib. V. 23. Perhaps the Buddha was supposed to be giving Ananda last warnings about his besetting weakness.]

[Footnote 369: Udana 1. 8.]

[Footnote 370: Compare too the language of Angela of Foligno (1248-1309) "By God's will there died my mother who was a great hindrance unto me in following the way of God: my husband died likewise and all my children. And because I had commenced to follow the aforesaid way and had prayed God that he would rid me of them, I had great consolation of their deaths, although I did also feel some grief." Beatae Angelae de Fulginio Visionum et Instructionum Liber. Cap. ix.]

[Footnote 371: No account of this event has yet been found in the earliest texts but it is no doubt historical. The versions found in the Jataka and Commentaries trace it back to a quarrel about a marriage, but the story is not very clear or consistent and the real motive was probably that indicated above.]

[Footnote 372: See Rhys Davids, Dialogues, II. p. 70 and Przyluski's articles (in J.A. 1918 ff.) Le Parinirvana et les funerailles du Bouddha where the Pali texts are compared with the Mulasarvastivadin Vinaya and with other accounts.]

[Footnote 373: This was probably written after Pataliputra had become a great city but we do not know when its rise commenced.]

[Footnote 374: She was a noted character in Vesali. In Mahavag. viii. 1, people are represented as saying that it was through her the place was so flourishing and that it would be a good thing if there were some one like her in Rajagaha.]

[Footnote 375: The whole passage is interesting as displaying even in the Pali Canon the germs of the idea that the Buddha is an eternal spirit only partially manifested in the limits of human life. In the Mahaparinib.-sutta Gotama is only voluntarily subject to natural death.]

[Footnote 376: The phrase occurs again in the Sutta-Nipata. Its meaning is not clear to me.]

[Footnote 377: The text seems to represent him as crossing first a streamlet and then the river.]

[Footnote 378: It is not said how much time elapsed between the meal at Cunda's and the arrival at Kusinara but since it was his last meal, he probably arrived the same afternoon.]

[Footnote 379: Cf. Lyall's poem, on a Rajput Chief of the Old School, who when nearing his end has to leave his pleasure garden in order that he may die in the ancestral castle.]

[Footnote 380: Dig. Nik. 17 and Jataka 95.]

[Footnote 381: It is said that this discipline was efficacious and that Channa became an Arhat.]

[Footnote 382: It is difficult to find a translation of these words which is both accurate and natural in the mouth of a dying man. The Pali text vayadhamma sankhara (transitory-by-nature are the Sankharas) is brief and simple but any correct and adequate rendering sounds metaphysical and is dramatically inappropriate. Perhaps the rendering "All compound things must decompose" expresses the Buddha's meaning best. But the verbal antithesis between compound and decomposing is not in the original and though sankhara is etymologically the equivalent of confection or synthesis it hardly means what we call a compound thing as opposed to a simple thing.]

[Footnote 383: The Buddha before his death had explained that the corpse of a Buddha should be treated like the corpse of a universal monarch. It should be wrapped in layers of new cloth and laid in an iron vessel of oil. Then it should be burnt and a Dagoba should be erected at four cross roads.]

[Footnote 384: The Mallas had two capitals, Kusinara and Pava, corresponding to two subdivisions of the tribe.]

[Footnote 385: Theragatha 557 ff. Water to refresh tired and dusty feet is commonly offered to anyone who comes from a distance.]

[Footnote 386: Mahavag. VIII. 26.]

[Footnote 387: E.g. Therigatha 133 ff. It should also be remembered that orientals, particularly Chinese and Japanese, find Christ's behaviour to his mother as related in the gospels very strange.]

[Footnote 388: E.g. Roja, the Malta, in Mahavag. VI. 36 and the account of the interview with the Five Monks in the Nidanakatha (Rhys Davids, Budd. Birth Stories, p. 112).]

[Footnote 389: E.g. Maj. Nik. 36.]

[Footnote 390: Dig. Nik. XVII. and V.]

[Footnote 391: Maj. Nik. 57.]

[Footnote 392: Mahaparib. Sutta, I. 61.]

[Footnote 393: The earliest sources for these legends are the Mahavastu, the Sanskrit Vinayas (preserved in Chinese translations), the Lalita Vistara, the Introduction to the Jataka and the Buddha-carita. For Burmese, Sinhalese, Tibetan and Chinese lives of the Buddha, see the works of Bigandet, Hardy, Rockhill and Schiefner, Wieger and Beal. See also Foucher, Liste indienne des actes du Buddha and Hackin, Scenes de la Vie du Buddha d'apres des peintures tibetaines.]

[Footnote 394: It was the full moon of the month Vaisakha.]

[Footnote 395: The best known of the later biographies of the Buddha, such as the Lalita Vistara and the Buddha-carita of Asvaghosha stop short after the Enlightenment.]

[Footnote 396: There are some curious coincidences of detail between the Buddha and Confucius. Both disliked talking about prodigies (Analects. V11. 20) Confucius concealed nothing from his disciples (ib. 23), just as the Buddha had no "closed fist," but he would not discuss the condition of the dead (Anal. xi. 11), just as the Buddha held it unprofitable to discuss the fate of the saint after death. Neither had any great opinion of the spirits worshipped in their respective countries.]

[Footnote 397: Maj. Nik. 143.]

[Footnote 398: The miraculous cure of Suppiya (Mahavag. VI. 23) is no exception. She was ill not because of the effects of Karma but because, according to the legend, she had cut off a piece of her flesh to cure a sick monk who required meat broth. The Buddha healed her.]

[Footnote 399: The most human and kindly portrait of the Buddha is that furnished by the Commentary on the Thera- and Theri-gatha. See Thera-gatha xxx, xxxi and Mrs Rhys Davids' trans. of Theri-gatha, pp. 71, 79.]

[Footnote 400: John xvii. 9. But he prayed for his executioners.]

[Footnote 401: John vii. 19-20.]

[Footnote 402: See chap. VIII. of this book.]

[Footnote 403: Cullavag, IX, I. IV.]

[Footnote 404: Sam. Nik. LVI. 31.]

[Footnote 405: Udana VI. 4. The story is that a king bade a number of blind men examine an elephant and describe its shape. Some touched the legs, some the tusks, some the tail and so on and gave descriptions accordingly, but none had any idea of the general shape.]

[Footnote 406: Or "determined."]

[Footnote 407: Or form: rupa.]

[Footnote 408: The word Jiva, sometimes translated soul, is not equivalent to atman. It seems to be a general expression for all the immaterial side of a human being. It is laid down (Dig. Nik. VI. and VII.) that it is fruitless to speculate whether the Jiva is distinct from the body or not.]

[Footnote 409: Sanna like many technical Buddhist terms is difficult to render adequately, because it does not cover the same ground as any one English word. Its essential meaning is recognition by a mark. When we perceive a blue thing we recognize it as blue and as like other blue things that we have marked. See Mrs Rhys Davids, Dhamma-Sangani, p. 8.]

[Footnote 410: The Samyutta-Nikaya XXII. 79. 8 states that the Sankharas are so-called because they compose what is compound (sankhatam).]

[Footnote 411: Maj. Nik. 44.]

[Footnote 412: In this sense Sankhara has also some affinity to the Sanskrit use of Samskara to mean a sacramental rite. It is the essential nature of such a rite to produce a special effect. So too the Sankharas present in one existence inevitably produce their effect in the next existence. For Sankhara see also the long note by S.Z. Aung at the end of the Compendium of Philosophy (P.T.S. 1910).]

[Footnote 413: The use of this word for Vinnana is, I believe, due to Mrs Rhys Davids.]

[Footnote 414: See especially Maj. Nik. 38.]

[Footnote 415: Pali, Khanda. But it has become the custom to use the Sanskrit term. Cf. Karma, nirvana.]

[Footnote 416: See Sam. Nik. XII. 62. For parallels to this view in modern times see William James, Text Book of Psychology, especially pp. 203, 215, 216.]

[Footnote 417: Cf. Milinda Panha II. 1. 1 and also the dialogue between the king of Sauvira and the Brahman in Vishnu Pur. II. XIII.]

[Footnote 418: Vis. Mag. chap. XVI. quoted by Warren, Buddhism in Translations, p. 146. Also it is admitted that vinnana cannot be disentangled and sharply distinguished from feeling and sensation. See passages quoted in Mrs Rhys Davids, Buddhist Psychology, pp. 52-54.]

[Footnote 419: Sam. Nik. XXII. 22. 1.]

[Footnote 420: With reference to a teacher dhamma is the doctrine which he preaches. With reference to a disciple, it may often be equivalent to duty. Cf. the Sanskrit expressions: sva-dharma, one's own duty; para-dharma, the duty of another person or caste.]

[Footnote 421: Dhamma-s. 1044-5.]

[Footnote 422: II. 3. 8.]

[Footnote 423: Dig. Nik. XI. 85.]

[Footnote 424: Name and form is the Buddhist equivalent for subject and object or mind and body.]

[Footnote 425: Mrs Rhys Davids, Buddhist Psychology, p. 39.]

[Footnote 426: Sam. Nik. xxxv. 93.]

[Footnote 427: The same formula is repeated for the other senses.]

[Footnote 428: See Maj. Nik. 36 for his own experiences and Dig. Nik. 2. 93-96.]

[Footnote 429: In Dig. Nik. xxiii. Payasi maintains the thesis, regarded as most unusual (sec. 5), that there is no world but this and no such things as rebirth and karma. He is confuted not by the Buddha but by Kassapa. His arguments are that dead friends whom he has asked to bring him news of the next world have not done so and that experiments performed on criminals do not support the idea that a soul leaves the body at death. Kassapa's reply is chiefly based on analogies of doubtful value but also on the affirmation that those who have cultivated their spiritual faculties have intuitive knowledge of rebirth and other worlds. But Payasi did not draw any distinction between rebirth and immortality as understood in Europe. He was a simple materialist.]

[Footnote 430: The more mythological parts of the Pitakas make it plain that the early Buddhists were not materialists in the modern sense. It is also said that there are formless worlds in which there is thought, but no form or matter.]

[Footnote 431: See too the story of Godhika's death. Sam. Nik. I. iv. 3 and Buddhaghosa on Dhammap. 57.]

[Footnote 432: No. 38 called the Mahatanhasankhaya-suttam.]

[Footnote 433: See too Dig. Nik. n. 63, "If Vinnana did not descend into the womb, would body and mind be constituted there?" and Sam. Nik. xii. 12. 3, "Vinnana food is the condition for bringing about rebirth in the future."]

[Footnote 434: Uppajjati is the usual word.]

[Footnote 435: Ariyasaccani. Rhys Davids translates the phrase as Aryan truths and the word Ariya in old Pali appears not to have lost its national or tribal sense, e.g. Dig. Nik. n. 87 Ariyam ayatanam the Aryan sphere (of influence). But was a religious teacher preaching a doctrine of salvation open to all men likely to describe its most fundamental and universal truths by an adjective implying pride of race?]

[Footnote 436: In Maj. Nik. 44 the word dukkha is replaced by sakkaya, individuality, which is apparently regarded as equivalent in meaning. So for instance the Noble Eightfold path is described as sakkaya-nirodha-gamini patipada.]

[Footnote 437: Theragatha 487-493, and Puggala Pan. iv. 1.]

[Footnote 438: But it has not been proved so far as I know.]

[Footnote 439: Sam. Nik. XV. 3.]

[Footnote 440: Buddhist works sometimes insist on the impurity of human physical life in a way which seems morbid and disagreeable. But this view is not exclusively Buddhist or Asiatic. It is found in Marcus Aurelius and perhaps finds its strongest expression in the De Contemptu Mundi of Pope Innocent III (in Pat. Lat. ccxvii. cols. 701-746).]

[Footnote 441: As a general rule suicide is strictly forbidden (see the third Parajika and Milinda, iv. 13 and 14) for in most cases it is not a passionless renunciation of the world but rather a passionate and irritable protest against difficulties which simply lays up bad karma in the next life. Yet cases such as that of Godhika (see Buddhaghosa on the Dhammapada, 57) seem to imply that it is unobjectionable if performed not out of irritation but by one who having already obtained mental release is troubled by disease.]

[Footnote 442: Pali Paticca-samuppada. Sanskrit Pratitya-samutpada.]

[Footnote 443: Sam. Nik. xii. 10.]

[Footnote 444: Dig. Nik. XV.]

[Footnote 445: "Contact comes from consciousness: sensation from contact: craving from sensation: the sankharas from craving: consciousness from the sankharas: contact from consciousness" and so on ad infinitum. See Mil. Pan. 51.]

[Footnote 446: Dig. Nik. XV.]

[Footnote 447: Sam. Nik. XII. 53. Cf. too the previous sutta 51. In the Abhidhamma Pitaka and later scholastic works we find as a development of the law of causation the theory of relations (paccaya) or system of correlation (patthana-nayo). According to this theory phenomena are not thought of merely in the simple relation of cause and effect. One phenomenon can be the assistant agency (upakaraka) of another phenomenon in 24 modes. See Mrs Rhys Davids' article Relations in E.R.E.]

[Footnote 448: Mrs Rhys Davids, Dhamma-sangani, pref. p. lii. "The sensory process is analysed in each case into (a) an apparatus capable of reaching to an impact not itself: (b) an impinging form (rupam): (c) contact between (a) and (b): (d) resultant modification of the mental continuum, viz. first, contact of a specific sort, then hedonistic result or intellectual result or presumably both."]

[Footnote 449: See e.g. Maj. Nik. 38.]

[Footnote 450: This does not mean that the same name-and-form plus consciousness which dies in one existence reappears in another.]

[Footnote 451: Maj. Nik. 120 Sankharuppatti sutta.]

[Footnote 452: He should make it a continual mental exercise to think of the rebirth which he desires.]

[Footnote 453: So too in the Sankhya philosophy the samskaras are said to pass from one human existence to another. They may also remain dormant for several existences and then become active.]

[Footnote 454: Maj. Nik. 9 Sammaditthi sutta.]

[Footnote 455: Sam. Nik. xxii. 126.]

[Footnote 456: Mahavag. i. 23. 4 and 5:]

Ye dhamma hetuppabhava tesam hetum Tathagato Aha tesanca yo nirodho evamvadi Mahasamano ti.

The passage is remarkable because it insists that this is the principal and essential doctrine of Gotama. Compare too the definition of the Dhamma put in the Buddha's own mouth in Majjhima, 79: Dhammam te desessami: imasmim sati, idam hoti: imass' uppada idam upajjhati, etc.]

[Footnote 457: The Sankhya might be described as teaching a law of evolution, but that is not the way it is described in its own manuals.]

[Footnote 458: Take among hundreds of instances the account of the Buddha's funeral.]

[Footnote 459: The Anguttara Nikaya, book iv. chap. 77, forbids speculation on four subjects as likely to bring madness and trouble. Two of the four are kamma-vipako and loka-cinta. An attempt to make the chain of causation into a cosmic law would involve just this sort of speculation.]

[Footnote 460: The Pitakas insist that causation applies to mental as well as physical phenomena.]

[Footnote 461: Sam. Nik. xii. 35.]

[Footnote 462: Vis. Mag. xvii. Warren, p. 175.]

[Footnote 463: See Waddell, J.R.A.S. 1894, pp. 367-384: Rhys Davids, Amer. Lectures, pp. 155-160.]

[Footnote 464: Sam. Nik. XII. 61. See too Theragatha, verses 125 and 1111, and for other illustrative quotations Mrs Rhys Davids, Buddhist Psychology, pp. 34, 35.]

[Footnote 465: But see Maj. Nik. 79, for the idea that there is something beyond happiness.]

[Footnote 466: Dig. Nik. 22.]

[Footnote 467: Sutta-Nipata, 787.]

[Footnote 468: Padhanam. But in later Buddhism we also find the idea that nirvana is something which comes only when we do not struggle for it.]

[Footnote 469: Metta, corresponding exactly to the Greek [Greek: agapei] of the New Testament.]

[Footnote 470: III. 7. The translation is abbreviated.]

[Footnote 471: More literally, "All the occasions which can be used for doing good works."]

[Footnote 472: Sutta-Nipata, 1-8, S.B.E. vol. X. p. 25 and see also Ang. Nik. IV. 190 which says that love leads to rebirth in the higher heavens and Sam. Nik. XX. 4 to the effect that a little love is better than great gifts. Also Questions of Milinda, 4. 4. 16.]

[Footnote 473: Ang. Nik. 1. 2. 4.]

[Footnote 474: Cf. too Mahavag. VIII. 22 where a monk is not blamed for giving the property of the order to his parents.]

[Footnote 475: Sati is the Sanskrit Smriti.]

[Footnote 476: Dhammap. 160.]

[Footnote 477: Bhag-gita, 3. 27.]

[Footnote 478: Vishnu Pur. II. 13. The ancient Egyptians also, though for quite different reasons, did not accept our ideas of personality. For them man was not an individual unity but a compound consisting of the body and of several immaterial parts called for want of a better word souls, the ka, the ba, the sekhem, etc., which after death continue to exist independently.]

[Footnote 479: Ueber den Stand der indischen Philosophie zur Zeit Mahaviras und Buddhas, 1902. And On the problem of Nirvana in Journal of Pali Text Society, 1905. See too Sam. Nik. XXII. 15-17.]

[Footnote 480: Maj. Nik. 22.]

[Footnote 481: Compare also the sermon on the burden and the bearer and Sam Nik. XXII. 15-17. It is admitted that Nirvana is not dukkha and not aniccam and it seems to be implied it is not anattam.]

[Footnote 482: See the argument with Yamaka in Sam. Nik. XXII. 85.]

[Footnote 483: See Sam. Nik. III., XXII. 97.]

[Footnote 484: Also pannakkhandha or vijja.]

[Footnote 485: Dig. Nik. II.]

[Footnote 486: These exercises are hardly possible for the laity.]

[Footnote 487: See chap. XIV. for details.]

[Footnote 488: Sanskrit Nirvana: Pali Nibbana.]

[Footnote 489: Maj. Nik. 26.]

[Footnote 490: E.g. the words addressed to Buddha, nibbuta nuna sa nari yassayam idiso pati. Happy is the woman who has such a husband. In the Anguttara Nikaya, III. 55 the Brahman Janussoni asks Buddha what is meant by Sanditthikam nibbanam, that is nirvana which is visible or belongs to this world. The reply is that it is effected by the destruction of lust, hatred and stupidity and it is described as akalikam, ehipassikam opanayikam, paccattam veditabbam vinnuhi—difficult words which occur elsewhere as epithets of Dhamma and apparently mean immediate, inviting (it says "come and see"), leading to salvation, to be known by all who can understand. For some views as to the derivation of nibbana, nibbuto, etc. see J.P.T.S. 1919, pp. 53 ff. But the word nirvana occurs frequently in the Mahabharata and was probably borrowed by the Buddhists from the Brahmans.]

[Footnote 491: Or sa-upadi.]

[Footnote 492: But parinirvana is not always rigidly distinguished from nirvana, e.g. Sutta Nipata, 358. And in Cullavag. VI. 4. 4 the Buddha describes himself as Brahmano parinibbuto. Parinibbuto is even used of a horse in Maj. Nik. 65 ad fin.]

[Footnote 493: Sam. Nik. XXII. 1. 18.]

[Footnote 494: Vimuttisukham and brahmacariyogadham sukham.]

[Footnote 495: Maj. Nik. 139, cf. also Ang. Nik. II. 7 where various kinds of sukham or happiness are enumerated, and we hear of nekkhammasukham nirupadhis, upekkhas, aruparamanam sukham, etc.]

[Footnote 496: E.g. Maj. Nik. 9 Ditthe dhamme dukkhass' antakaro hoti.]

[Footnote 497: Ang. Nik. V. xxxii.]

[Footnote 498: Maj. Nik. 79.]

[Footnote 499: Asankhatadhatu, cf. the expression asankharaparinibbayi. Pugg. Pan. l. 44.]

[Footnote 500: Tabulated in Mrs Rhys Davids' translation, pp. 367-9.]

[Footnote 501: Such a phrase as Nibbanassa sacchikiriyaya "for the attainment or realization of Nirvana" would be hardly possible if Nirvana were annihilation.]

[Footnote 502: Udana VII. near beginning.]

[Footnote 503: These are the formless stages of meditation. In Nirvana there is neither any ordinary form of existence nor even the forms of existence with which we become acquainted in trances.]

[Footnote 504: This negative form of expression is very congenial to Hindus. Thus many centuries later Kabir sung "With God is no rainy season, no ocean, no sunshine, no shade: no creation and no destruction: no life nor death: no sorrow nor joy is felt .... There is no water, wind, nor fire. The True Guru is there contained."]

[Footnote 505: IV. 7. 13 ff.]

[Footnote 506: See also Book VII. of the Milinda containing a long list of similes illustrating the qualities necessary for the attainment of arhatship. Thirty qualities of arhatship are mentioned in Book VI. of the same work. See also Mahaparinib. Sut. III. 65-60 and Rhys Davids' note.]

[Footnote 507: E.g. Dig. Nik. xvi. ii. 7, Cullavag. ix. 1. 4.]

[Footnote 508: E.g. Pugg. Pan. 1. 39. The ten fetters are (1) sakkayaditthi, belief in the existence of the self, (2) vicikiccha, doubt, (3) silabbataparamaso, trust in ceremonies of good works, (4) kamarago, lust, (5) patigho, anger, (6) ruparago, desire for rebirth in worlds of form, (7) aruparago, desire for rebirth in formless worlds, (8) mano, pride, (9) uddhaccam, self-righteousness, (10) avijja, ignorance.]

[Footnote 509: There is some diversity of doctrine about the Sakadagamin. Some hold that he has two births, because he comes back to the world of men after having been born once meanwhile in a heaven, others that he has only one birth either on earth or in a devaloka.]

[Footnote 510: Avyakatani. The Buddha, being omniscient, sabannu, must have known the answer but did not declare it, perhaps because language was incapable of expressing it]

[Footnote 511: Jiva not atta. ]

[Footnote 512: Maj. Nik. 63.]

[Footnote 513: Sam. Nik. xvii. 85.]

[Footnote 514: Maj. Nik. 72.]

[Footnote 515: Which is said not to grow up again.]

[Footnote 516: It may be that the Buddha had in his mind the idea that a flame which goes out returns to the primitive invisible state of fire. This view is advocated by Schrader (Jour. Pali Text Soc. 1905, p. 167). The passages which he cites seem to me to show that there was supposed to be such an invisible store from which fire is born but to be less conclusive as proving that fire which goes out is supposed to return to that store, though the quotation from the Maitreyi Up. points in this direction. For the metaphor of the flame see also Sutta-Nipata, verses 1074-6.]

[Footnote 517: XLIV. 1.]

[Footnote 518: Maj. Nik. 9, ad init. Asmiti ditthim ananusayam samuhanitva.]

[Footnote 519: See especially Sutta-Nipata, 1076 Atthan gatassa na pamanam atthi, etc.]

[Footnote 520: Sam. Nik. XXII. 85.]

[Footnote 521: Maj. Nik. 22, Alagaddupama-suttam.]

[Footnote 522: Later in the same Sutta: Kevalo paripuro baladhammo.]

[Footnote 523: Four emphatic synonyms in the original.]