His public life began with his appointment as military secretary to Governor Marcy. Martin Van Buren is said to have seen with his keen eye the valuable qualities in the young man, and the appointment was made at his instance. Seymour held this place through Marcy's three terms, 1833-39, and being very young, he became enamored with public life. In 1841 he was elected to the State Assembly as a Democrat, was re-elected three times, and in 1845 was chosen speaker, which office he filled with dignity and courtesy toward all. In 1842, while in the assembly, he was elected Mayor of Utica for one year, and was especially interested in all public matters pertaining to the welfare of that city.

In 1850 Mr. Seymour was an unsuccessful candidate for governor of his native State, being defeated by his personal friend, Washington Hurt, by a plurality of only 262 votes. Considering the hopeless condition of the Democratic party at that time, and his majority of 20,000 over the same competitor two years later, we can imagine something of his popularity at this early period. His first term as the executive of New York was marked by his veto of the prohibitory law which had been passed by the legislature, but his action in regard to the speedy completion of all public works then in progress and the interest he manifested in the diffusion of public education was very exemplary. However, in the ensuing election he was defeated by a plurality, this time, of only 309 votes. In 1862 Mr. Seymour was again elected governor over Wadsworth by nearly 11,000 majority.

The breaking out of the civil war found Mr. Seymour allied to that element of the Democratic party which made its views formally known at what has passed into history as the "Tweedle Hall" meeting. He was one of the principal speakers at this memorable peace convention and employed his eloquence in behalf of concession and conciliation, and pointedly inquired: "Shall we compromise after war or without war?" His position was analogous with many of the great men in both parties at this time. When hostilities had really begun his tone changed, and in his inaugural address, January 1st, 1863, his position was clearly defined as follows: "Under no circumstances can the division of the Union be conceded. We will put forth every exertion of power; we will use every policy of conciliation; we will guarantee them every right, every consideration demanded by the constitution and by that fraternal regard which must prevail in a common country; but we can never voluntarily consent to the breaking up of the union of these States or the destruction of the constitution."

President Lincoln telegraphed Mr. Seymour asking if he could raise and forward forthwith 20,000 troops to assist in repelling the threatened invasion by Lee, of Maryland and Pennsylvania. Within three days 12,000 soldiers were on their way to Gettysburg. The draft riots next occupied his attention. The National government passed a conscription act, March 3rd, enrolling all able-bodied citizens, between twenty and forty-five years of age, and in May the President ordered a draft of three hundred thousand men. The project was exceedingly unpopular, and was bitterly denounced on every hand, says Barnes. The anti-slavery measure of the administration had already occupied widespread hostility to the war.

While Pickett's noble southern troops were assaulting Cemetery Ridge at Gettysburg, inflammatory handbills were being circulated in New York city, which brought on a riot July 13th. The mob rose in arms, sacked houses, demolished the offices of the provost-marshal, burned the colored orphan asylum, attacked the police, and chased negroes; even women and children, wherever found, were chased, and if caught hung to the nearest lamp-post. Two millions of dollars' worth of property was destroyed. The Governor immediately went to New York, and on the 14th he issued two proclamations; one calling on the rioters to disperse; the other declaring the city in a state of insurrection. He divided the city into districts, which were placed under the control of military men, who were directed to organize the citizens; and 3,000 stands of arms were issued to these and other organizations. Boats were chartered to convey policemen and soldiers to any point on the shores of the island where disturbances were threatened. The Governor visited all the riotous districts in person, and by persuasion, as well as by the use of the force at his command, aided in quelling the disturbance.

During his term Governor Seymour commissioned more than 13,000 officers in the volunteer service of the United States. In August 1864 he presided over the Democratic National Convention at Chicago which nominated General McClellan for the presidency. Four years later, much against his will, he was nominated for the presidency himself and was defeated by General Grant, as any nominee of the Democratic party at that time would have been. He then retired to private life, dwelling in elegant repose at his pleasant home near Utica, New York, until his death which occurred February 12th, 1886.

His occasional addresses were charming to the hearer, and no man could deliver a more edifying speech at any celebration. He was an ardent lover of American history, particularly the history of his native State, and on all State topics he discoursed with learning and a charm peculiarly original. Notwithstanding the high position held by Mr. Seymour among the great men of his time his funeral was very simple. Rev. Dr. A. B. Goodrich offered a prayer at the residence of ex-Senator Roscoe Conkling, his brother-in-law, after which the regular services were conducted at the old Trinity Church. After the services the body was borne to Forest Hill Cemetery and placed in the Chapel of Roses.



WINFIELD S. HANCOCK.

A large man, finely proportioned with a most graceful carriage, and self-poise, and withal handsome, thus had nature endowed Winfield Scott Hancock, who was born in the county of Montgomery, Pennsylvania, February 14, 1824.

In 1844 he graduated from West Point with honor, and served with distinction in the war with Mexico, where he was commissioned lieutenant. Until the breaking out of the civil war he was stationed with his division in various parts of the country. Being recalled to Washington, he was commissioned a brigadier-general of volunteers, and served with great valor during the Peninsula campaign. For this and other meritorious conduct he was made a major-general, and commanded a division at the great battles of Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville.

But in the great and decisive battle of Gettysburg Hancock won his greatest laurels. General Meade, his commander, sent him to the field of Gettysburg to decide if battle should be given there, or if the army should fall back to another position. Hancock reported that Gettysburg was the proper place, and thus the little hamlet became famous in history; two days of terrific fighting passed; the afternoon of the third day arrives and the final charge is made upon the division commanded by Hancock.

About one o'clock one hundred and fifty-five guns suddenly opened on that one division. For two hours the air was fairly alive with shells. Every size and form of shell known to British or American gunnery shrieked, whirled, moaned, whistled and wrathfully fluttered over the ground, says Wilkinson. "As many as six in a second, constantly two in a second came screaming around the headquarters. They burst in the yard; burst next to the fence where the horses belonging to the aids and orderlies were hitched. The fastened animals reared and plunged with terror. One horse fell, then another; sixteen lay dead before the cannonade ceased. Through the midst of the storm of screaming and exploding shells an ambulance driven at full speed by its frenzied conductor presented the marvelous spectacle of a horse going rapidly on three legs, a hind one had been shot off at the hock. A shell tore up the little step at the headquarters cottage and ripped bags of oats as with a knife. Another shell soon carried off one of its two pillars. Soon a spherical case burst opposite the open door, another tore through the low garret, the remaining pillar went almost immediately to the howl of a fixed shot that Whitworth must have made. Soldiers in Federal blue were torn to pieces in the road and died with the peculiar yell that blends the extorted cry of pain with horror and despair."

"The Union guns," says Barnes, "replied for a time, and were then withdrawn to cool." Probably the experience of the veteran troops knew that they would soon be needed for closer work. The men lay crouching behind rocks and hiding in hollows, from the iron tempest which drove over the hill, anxiously awaiting the charge, which experience taught them, must follow. Finally the cannonade lulled, the supreme minute had come, and out of the woods swept the Confederate double battle-line, over a mile long, preceded by a cloud of skirmishers, and with wings on either side to prevent its being flanked. This was Lee's first charge, and upon it depended, as subsequently seen, the rise or fall of the Confederate cause.

A quarter of a mile away, and a hundred guns tore great gaps in the line, but the men closed up and sternly moved on. A thrill of admiration ran along the Union ranks as silently and with disciplined steadiness, that magnificent column of eighteen thousand men moved up the slope, with its red battle-flags flying, and the sun playing on its burnished bayonets. On they came on the run. Infantry volleys struck their ranks. Their ranks were broken, and their supports were scattered to the winds. Pickett's veterans and A. P. Hill's best troops went down. Out of that magnificent column of men, only one-fourth returned to tell the story. Three generals, fourteen field officers, and fourteen thousand men were either slain or captured. This was the supreme moment of the war; from that hour the Confederate cause waned and slowly died.

All honor to Hancock, the hero of Gettysburg, who was borne bleeding from the field, not to resume active service until March, 1864, when he took a leading part in the battles of the Wilderness, Spottsylvania Court-House, North Anna, the second battle of Cold Harbor, and in the operations around Petersburg. After the war was over he was placed in command of the Middle Department, the Department of Missouri, of Louisiana and Texas, of Dakota, and on the death of General Meade, promoted to command the Department of the East, which position he held at his death.

In 1868 he was a very prominent candidate for the Democratic nomination, receiving 114-1/2 votes, but after an exciting contest, Horatio Seymour was nominated on the 22nd ballot. The next year he was tendered the Democratic nomination for Governor of his native State, but respectfully declined.

In 1880 he accepted the nomination from the same party for the highest honor within the gift of the party, but in the subsequent election was defeated by James A. Garfield, the Republican nominee. His last conspicuous appearance in public was at the funeral services of General Grant, where he acted as marshal of ceremonies. Scarcely six months were passed when we were startled with the news: Hancock is dead, and on February 13th, 1886, with military honors, but no elaborate display, he was laid at rest beside his father and beloved daughter. No long line of troops, no sound of dirges, no trappings of woe, marked the funeral of General Hancock. The man who had received the nomination of a great party for the highest honor in the nation's gift, who had turned the fortunes of many a battle, and whose calm courage in the midst of death had so often inspired the faltering regiments, was laid at rest quietly, without pomp or vain show, at Norristown, Pennsylvania.



GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN.

On the 3rd of December, 1826, was born in Philadelphia, a child who would one day become celebrated in the annals of history.

He enjoyed the privilege of a good education, graduating at the University of Pennsylvania, and when twenty years old he also graduated at West Point, ranking second in his class.

George B. McClellan was a brilliant scholar, and during the Mexican war won high esteem as an engineer. After the war he was engaged in various engineering projects, and rendered valuable service to the country by introducing bayonet exercises into the military tactics at West Point, and translating a French Manual of Bayonet Exercises, which was adapted to the United States service, and became an authority. In 1855-'6 he was a member of the Military Commission sent by the government to visit the seat of the Crimean war.

He resigned his commission in the regular army in 1857; became chief engineer of the Illinois Central Railroad, and in 1868 he also became Vice-President of the road; two years later, President of St. Louis and Cincinnati Railway. It is difficult to surmise what he might have become as a railway magnate but for the civil war.

At the outbreak of hostilities he became the major-general of Ohio volunteers, and by skillful generalship and bravery, succeeded in driving the rebels out of West Virginia, which made him commander-in-chief of the Army of the Potomac. General McClellan was over-cautious, and lingered about Washington with about 200,000 men, drilling and preparing for the battle. Succumbing to popular clamor he moved out toward Richmond.

Then followed the Peninsula campaign, wherein McClellan was forced to change his base, accomplishing one of the most masterly retreats in the annals of history. Being relieved of the command by Pope, who also failed, he was re-instated and fought the bloody battle of Antietam. In this battle he foiled the Confederate project of invasion, but popular clamor demanded his removal, as it was thought he followed up his victory too leisurely. This virtually ended his military services, and on November 8th, 1864, he resigned his commission. After his unsuccessful canvass for the presidency he, with his family, sailed for Europe, where he remained until 1868, when he returned to the United States and took up his residence at Orange, New Jersey. Henceforth he followed his profession as an engineer.

In 1877 he was elected Governor of New Jersey. On October 29th, 1885, he died at his residence in New York city from the effects of heart disease.

We do not propose to pose as a champion of McClellan's wrongs, real or supposed, but in reviewing his life the following facts are worthy of thought: He was in command at a time when the whole North were laboring under a delusion as to the requirements of the war, and it is doubtful if any general would have succeeded at this time. The fact that such an able general as Hooker was relieved after one reverse, leads one to wonder what might have been the fate of even Grant had he commanded at this time. However, it is not for us to say, but certain it is, that no greater military tactician was to be found among the generals of our late war, and as such he deserves credit.



ULYSSES SIMPSON GRANT.

When a man is energetic and determines to be somebody in the world—which is praiseworthy so long as that energy is guided by propriety and a just conception of right—there are always scores, hundreds, perhaps thousands of people who endeavor to depreciate that man's reward.

No other excuse can be assigned for the slander and vituperation which has from time to time been heaped upon the fair reputation of General U. S. Grant.

Born in obscurity at Point Pleasant, Ohio, April 27th, 1822, his life is a fitting type of the possibilities of our glorious institutions. Through the influence of Hon. Thomas L. Hamer he was admitted at West Point in 1839. Personally, at this early age, he detested war and was opposed to accepting the opportunity, but his father persuaded him to go, and his name was blunderingly registered as U. S., instead of H. U., hence he was ever after known as U. S. Grant.

In 1843 he graduated, ranking twenty-first in a class of thirty-nine. It will be remembered that Lee and McClellan each ranked second when they graduated. At this time Grant was not taken with war, and probably evinced little interest in army tactics. The Mexican war came on and Grant here distinguished himself, rising to the rank of captain. After the war he was stationed at Detroit, and Sacketts Harbor, but this kind of inactivity was ill-suited to the restless nature of Grant; he therefore resigned.

Having married a Miss Dent, of St. Louis, he accordingly moved onto a farm near that city. The next few years he was engaged on the farm, in a real estate office in St. Louis, and at the outbreak of the civil war was in business with his father, dealing in leather. When the news of the fall of Fort Sumter reached Galena he immediately raised a company and marched to Springfield where they tendered their services to the governor. Grant acted as mustering officer until, being commissioned colonel of the Twenty-first Illinois Volunteers, he took the field. His first great victory was the capture of Fort Donelson with 15,000 prisoners. When asked by the Confederate general what terms of surrender was expected his answer was, "No terms other than an unconditional and immediate surrender can be accepted. I propose to move upon your works at once." The fall of Fort Donelson and the capture of its garrison being the first substantial victory that had crowned the Union cause, together with the above described answer to General Buckner, brought the name of General Grant prominently before the country.

Pittsburgh Landing followed and then Grant determined to take Vicksburg. All his generals declared the plan he proposed unmilitary and impossible, but after several unsuccessful attempts the Gibraltar of the Mississippi was captured, and this time 27,000 prisoners taken. Now came the battle of Chattanooga. General Halleck in speaking of this battle said:

"Considering the strength of the rebel position, and the difficulty of storming his intrenchments, the battle of Chattanooga must be considered the most remarkable in history. Indeed it is so. After Grant had turned the Confederate right flank, Sherman was intercepted between Longstreet and Bragg, thus cutting Longstreet entirely out, and preventing another junction being possible. Resolutions of thanks were passed in Ohio and New York, and Congress created Grant a Lieutenant-General, a commission which had been held by no one since General Scott resigned. Indeed, if ever a General deserved honor, Grant had won it; he had opened the Mississippi to navigation, and had captured nearly 100,000 prisoners and arms."

He was now commander of all the Federal forces. He at once inaugurated two campaigns to be carried on at once. One under Sherman, against Atlanta commanded by the skillful rebel General Johnson; the other under Meade, directed against Lee and the Confederate capitol. Sherman advanced upon Atlanta, and the success of his famous march to the sea is well-known.

The capture of Lee was a far more difficult undertaking. After various flanking movements and costly assaults, the problem of taking Lee narrowed itself down to a siege of Petersburg. Grant perceived that his only hope lie in literally starving the Confederate army out by cutting off all resources as far as practicable. Lee attempted to draw off attention toward Washington, but General Sheridan drove Early out of the Shenandoah Valley, devastating the country to such an extent that it was impossible to forage an army there should Lee attempt such a maneuver again. Time wore away, and on the 9th of April, 1865, Grant captured the Confederate army under Lee, thus virtually ending the war.

On July 25, 1866, he was made general of the United States army; the rank having been created for him, he was the first to hold it. At the next Republican Convention, Grant was nominated for President on the first ballot, and was elected over Seymour, and was re-elected a second term by an increased majority.

When his public services were finished he started in company with his wife, son Jesse, and a few friends. They set sail from Philadelphia on the 17th of May, 1877. They visited nearly all the countries of Europe, and part of those of Africa and Asia. On this trip the Grant party were the guests of nearly all the crowned heads of those foreign countries, everywhere receiving the most exalted honors it has ever been the pleasure of an American to enjoy, and on his return to the United States they were the recipients of an ovation in many of the principal cities of this country.

His success seems to have been the outgrowth of hard study and ability to perform the most exhaustive labor without fatigue. The scenes of his later days were clouded with the intrigues of a stock gambler, but the stain that the Grant-Ward failure seemed likely to throw on the spotless reputation of General Grant was wiped away when the facts were brought to light, and a new lustre was added to his fame by the self-sacrifice shown in the final settlement.

General Grant proved to be a writer of no low order, and his autobiography is a very readable book. On July 23rd, 1885, the General surrendered to a loathsome cancer, and the testimonials of devotion shown the honored dead; and the bereaved family throughout the civilized world, indicated the stronghold upon the hearts of the people held by the dead General.



STONEWALL JACKSON.

The true name of this most remarkable man was Thomas Jonathan Jackson; few people, however, would recognize by that name to whom was referred. At the battle of Bull Run, when the Confederates seemed about to fly, General Bee suddenly appearing in view of his men, pointing to Jackson's column exclaimed: "There stands Jackson like a stone-wall." From that hour the name he received by ordinance of water was supplanted by that received in a baptism of fire.

Stonewall Jackson was born at Clarksburg, Virginia, January 21st, 1824. He graduated at West Point in time to serve in the Mexican war, where he became distinguished for gallant service and was brevetted as captain, and finally major. After serving a number of years in the regular army he resigned to become professor and instructor in military tactics in the Virginia Military Academy, situated at Lexington, Kentucky. He was considered at this time a most peculiar man, being very eccentric in his habits. At the breaking out of the civil war he naturally sided with his State, and it is believed that he was sincere. It is said that Jackson never fought a battle without praying earnestly for the success of his people. As has been intimated, he saved the day for the Confederacy at Bull Run.

McClellan was promised the assistance of General McDowell and forty thousand men who had been left at headquarters for the protection of the capital. It was well-known that a combined attack on Richmond was designed immediately upon the junction of the two great armies. To prevent the execution of this plan Jackson was ordered to drive the Federal forces out of the Shenandoah Valley and threaten Washington. He accomplished this by one of the most brilliant campaigns of the war. He crossed the mountains and drove the army of Fremont back, and returning to the Valley with all speed defeated Banks at every turn; indeed, it was only by the most rapid marching that the Federals escaped across the Potomac.

McDowell was suspended from joining McClellan and ordered to co-operate in crushing Jackson. Jackson, with a force of scarcely twenty thousand men, had opposed to him, bent upon his destruction, fully seventy thousand men, and four major-generals; his defeat seemed certain, yet by a most rapid and skillful march he eluded pursuit until his army had reached a point from which his line of retreat was safe, when he turned upon his enemy and defeated Fremont at Cross Keys June 8th, and Shields at Port Republic the next day. Having thus accomplished the purpose of the campaign, he hastened to join Lee in his attack on McClellan. As before stated, this was a most brilliant campaign. Not only was McDowell prevented from joining McClellan, but McClellan became alarmed as to his own safety, and resolved to change his base from the York to the James. This forced upon him the Peninsula campaign, which resulted in the Union army being driven back to Washington. For this and other important services he was made a major-general. Being placed in immediate control of nearly half of Lee's entire army, he made one of his characteristic movements; gaining Pope's rear, fell upon the Union forces with a terrible ferocity which carried all before it. By a rapid movement in the Antietam campaign Jackson captured Harper's Ferry and eleven thousand men, and then, by a forced march, rejoined Lee in time to take an important part in the battle of Antietam two days afterward.

At Fredericksburg he was made a lieutenant-general. He soon controlled two-thirds of the Confederate forces, and at Chancellorsville he made a secret march of over fifteen miles mostly by forest roads, and gaining Hooker's right fell upon it by surprise, and drove it in rout upon the main body. The engagement being apparently over he rode into the woods to reconnoiter, having with him a small escort. Upon his return they were mistaken for Union scouts and fired upon by his own men. Several of the escort were killed, and Jackson received three balls, one through each hand and one which shattered his shoulder. He was at length carried to the rear where his arm was amputated. Pneumonia set in, however, which was the immediate cause of his death. His last words were, "Let us cross over and rest under the shade of the trees."

Stonewall Jackson was considered by the Confederates to have been their most brilliant commander, and his death had much to do with the overthrow of their Government.



GENERAL ROBERT E. LEE.

Robert E. Lee was born in Virginia, at the town of Stafford, June 19th, 1807. He was son of Colonel Henry Lee, of revolutionary fame. He had a commanding military bearing, was a most graceful horseman; he came from good "fighting stock," and as there never was a braver man drew sword, he was well calculated to become the beau-ideal of the Southern Confederacy.

When eighteen years of age he entered the military academy at West Point, where, after a four years' course, he graduated. One thing, General Lee, as a cadet, was an example well worthy of imitation, as he, during his whole four years' course, never received a reprimand, and graduated second only to one in his class. From 1829 until 1834, he served as assistant engineer in the building of forts in the South, and later was assistant astronomer; aiding in determining the boundary of Ohio. When the Mexican war broke out he was appointed chief engineer for the army under General Scott.

During this war he served with great distinction, being successively breveted major, lieutenant-colonel and colonel, and was wounded once; certain it is that Robert E. Lee gave ample proof of his ability in the Mexican war. In the interim between the Mexican and Civil wars he served his country in various ways, being for some three years superintendent of the West Point Military Academy.

In 1855 two new regiments were formed. Of the second regiment Albert Sidney Johnson was made colonel; Lee, lieutenant-colonel; Hardee and Thomas, majors; Van Dorn and Kirby Smith, captains; among the lieutenants were Stoneman and Hood. One can see that the officers of that regiment were composed of men of no small calibre. When Lincoln was elected Lee was in Texas, but he obtained a leave of absence and hurried to his home in Virginia. General Lee was held in very high esteem by General Scott, who was then at the head of all the Union armies. General Scott was getting very old, too old for active service, and it is stated that he felt strongly inclined to name Lee as his successor, but Lee had other views on the question and he joined his fortune with that of the South.

Perhaps a letter written to his sister will more clearly portray Lee's convictions and motives at the breaking out of hostilities than anything that can be found elsewhere in history:—"The whole South is in a state of revolution into which Virginia has been drawn after a long struggle; and though I recognize no necessity for this state of things and would have forborne and pleaded to the end for redress of grievances, real or supposed, yet in my own person I had to meet the question whether I should take part against my native State. With all my devotion to the Union and the feeling of loyalty and duty of an American citizen, I have not been able to make up my mind to raise my hand against my relatives, my children, my home."

These were the words of General Lee to his sister. The idea of certain power reserved from the "central power," as they termed it, had been inculcated since Jefferson and Madison drew up the Kentucky and Virginia resolution in 1798. Upon these did Calhoun claim authority to rest justified when he fostered the idea of State Rights. Had it not been for a sudden wave of popular politics which swept Jefferson into power it might have been Thomas Jefferson or James Madison who would have been known in history as the author of the Nullification Acts which did not come until Calhoun's day.

This doctrine had been taught in the South for several generations, and had enlarged with rolling. The profitable use of slaves helped to sustain it, and it is no wonder, to a careful observer, that these people were carried away by rebellion, when he takes into consideration these things, the characteristics of the people, etc. As it was with Lee, so it was with the South, and despite assertions to the contrary, we believe that Robert E. Lee was sincere, and not looking after glory any more than other officers of recognized ability, who cast their fortunes with the North.

Then, too, Lee gained his position at the head of the Southern army only after one general had been killed, another wounded, and another stricken with a paralytic stroke; he coming fourth in order.

On June 3d, 1862, Lee received his commission, and immediately launched out upon a series of battles known as the seven-days battle, in which he succeeded in driving McClellan from before Richmond. Pope was now placed in command of the Union forces, and Lee signally defeated him in the second battle of Bull Run. Now he attempted his first invasion of the North, and was forced back in the battle of Antietam. Retreating into Virginia, he massed his forces at Fredericksburg. The North being dissatisfied with the slow manner in which McClellan was following Lee, placed Burnside in command, who attacked Lee in his position, but was signally repulsed by the Confederates. He next met Hooker at Chancellorsville, and again success attended the standard of Lee.

Flushed with the great victories of Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville, Lee once more started on an invasion of the North. Meade was now put at the head of the Union forces, who at once started in pursuit. They met at Gettysburgh, Pennsylvania. Three long days of terrible fighting resulted in the repulse of Lee, and he retreated south in good order. When he reached the Potomac he found it impassable. If Meade had followed Lee up now he might have gained a glorious victory, but he allowed Lee to escape into Virginia.

General Grant was now placed at the head of the Union forces and Lee found he had other metal with which to deal. Grant was not only made of different material but he could profit by the experience of his predecessors. Then, too, Grant had the great resources of the North behind him and the confidence of President Lincoln. Lee could never replace the 30,000 veterans lost at Gettysburg, but Grant could lose later 80,000 and the government was amply able to replace three times that number. Grant now commenced to starve Lee out, to wear the Confederacy threadbare. The history of the war from now until the close of the war is a series of flanking movements carried on by two most skillful generals. At last Lee was obliged to surrender on the 9th of April, 1865.

After the war he became president of Washington and Lee University, his great popularity and good management gaining for it a large patronage. He died on the 12th of October, 1870.



HENRY WILSON.

Great honor is due any man who rises from the shoe-maker's bench to be Vice-President of the United States. Such a man was Henry Wilson, who was born at Farmington, New Hampshire, February 16th, 1812. When yet a mere child he was apprenticed to a farmer, whom he was to serve until of age. Eleven long years did he serve this man, receiving only about one year's schooling during that time, but he borrowed books and read nearly one thousand volumes during the "wee sma' hours" of his apprenticeship. Upon obtaining his majority he started on foot for Natick, Massachusetts, and entered the town with all his worldly possessions in a bundle. Obtaining employment as a shoemaker he was thus occupied for the next two years. His course of reading, so faithfully followed, had made him proficient in history, but thirsting for additional knowledge he decided to attend school with the money he had saved. About this time he went to Washington, when the sight of slaves bought and sold excited his sympathy, and he decided to forever oppose with all his might the institution of bondage, which he always did, no matter how found. Upon his return he found his earnings swept away by the failure of the man to whom he had intrusted them. Accordingly he resumed the shoe business, but his light was beginning to be seen. He was invited to partake in the anti-slavery meetings, then so frequent in Massachusetts, and actively engaged in the campaign in which Harrison was elected President, making over sixty speeches.

In 1843 he was elected to the State Senate. Also manufactured shoes on an extended scale for the southern market. The old Whig party, with whom he had been so earnestly allied, proving itself unable to cope with the slave power, by rejecting the anti-slavery resolutions at the convention of 1843, he withdrew from it. Later, he was a conspicuous figure in the organization of the new Free Soil party, being the Chairman of the committee in his State, and editor of the Boston Republican. In 1850-52 he was president of the State Senate, and in '52 presided at the Free Soil contention at Pittsburgh. The next year he was the Free Soil candidate for Governor of Massachusetts, but was defeated. In 1855 he was chosen United States Senator, where he distinguished himself. When his colleague, Mr. Sumner, was attacked by Preston S. Brooks, Mr. Wilson fearlessly denounced it as a cowardly, not to say dastardly assault. He was immediately challenged by Mr. Brooks, but declined on the ground that dueling is a barbarous custom which the law of the country has branded as a crime. He was one of the leaders in the new Republican party movement.

During the civil war his labors were indefatigable for the Union, and in 1872 he was elected on that ticket with Grant by an overwhelming majority.

He died in office, November 22nd, 1875, and the boy shoemaker was mourned by a great nation. Truly, the price of success is patient toil.



ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

If one reads the life of Abraham Lincoln they are thoroughly convinced that the possibilities of our country are indeed very great. He was born in Hardin county, Kentucky, on the 14th day of February, 1809, of very poor parents, who lived in a log cabin.

Scarcely a boy in the country will read these lines but has tenfold the opportunity to succeed in the world as had Abraham Lincoln. When he was still a little boy his parents moved to Indiana, which was then a wilderness. Here, in a log cabin, he learned to read under the tuition of his mother and afterward received nearly a year's schooling at another log cabin a mile away,—nearly a year's schooling and all the schooling he ever received from a tutor!

But he loved books, he craved knowledge and eagerly did he study the few books which fell in his way. He kept a scrap-book into which he copied the striking passages and this practice enabled him to gain an education. Here he grew up, becoming famous for his great strength and agility; he was six foot four inches in his stockings and was noted as the most skillful wrestler in the country. When he was about twenty years old the Lincoln family moved to Illinois, settling ten miles from Decatur, where they cleared about fifteen acres and built a log cabin. Here is where Lincoln gained his great reputation as a rail-splitter. He had kept up his original system of reading and sketching, and from this period in his life he became a marked man—he was noted for his information. It makes little difference whether knowledge is gained in college or by the side of a pile of rails, as Lincoln was wont to study after his day's work was done.

In 1830 he took a trip on a flat-boat to New Orleans. It was on this trip that he first saw slaves chained together and whipped. Ever after, he detested the institution of slavery. Upon his return he received a challenge from a famous wrestler; he accepted and threw his antagonist. About this time he became a clerk in a country store, where his honesty and square dealing made him a universal favorite, and earned for him the sobriquet of 'Honest Abe.' He next entered the Black Hawk war, and was chosen captain of his company. Jefferson Davis also served as an officer in this war. In the fall of 1832 he was a candidate for the legislature, but was defeated. He then opened a store with a partner named Berry. Lincoln was made postmaster, but Berry proved a drunkard and spendthrift, bringing the concern to bankruptcy, and soon after died, to fill a drunkard's grave, leaving Lincoln to pay all the debts. But during all this time Lincoln had been improving his spare moments learning surveying, and for the next few years he earned good wages surveying.

He now decided to become a lawyer, and devoted his attention, so far as possible, to the accumulation of a thorough knowledge. At one period during his studies he walked, every Saturday, to Springfield, some eight miles away, to borrow and return books pertaining to his studies. These books he studied nights, and early in the morning, out of working hours. In 1834 he was once more a candidate for the legislature, and was triumphantly elected, being re-elected in 1836, 1838, and 1840. In 1837, when he had arrived at the age of twenty-eight, he was admitted to the bar, where he soon became noted as a very successful pleader before a jury. He was a Whig of the Henry Clay school, a splendid lawyer, and a ready speaker at public gatherings.

In 1836 he first met Stephen A. Douglas who was destined to be his adversary in the political arena for the next twenty years. Stephen A. Douglas was, or soon became the leader of the Democracy in Illinois and Lincoln spoke for the Whigs as against Douglas. In 1847 Lincoln was sent to Congress, being chosen over the renowned Peter Cartwright, who was the Democratic candidate. In Congress he vigorously opposed President Polk and the Mexican war, and proposed a bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, provided the inhabitants would vote for it. In 1855 he withdrew from the contest for the United States Senatorship in favor of Mr. Trumbull, whom he knew would draw away many Democratic votes and to Lincoln was due Trumbull's election. During the canvass he met Stephen A. Douglas in debate at Springfield, where he exploded the theory of 'Squatter Sovereignty' in one sentence, namely: "I admit that the emigrant to Kansas and Nebraska is competent to govern himself, but I deny his right to govern any other person without that person's consent."

In 1858 he had his great contest for the United States Senatorship with Douglas. At that time Judge Douglas was renowned throughout the nation as one of the ablest, if not the ablest of American speakers. Horace Greeley well said, "The man who stumps a State with Stephen A. Douglas and meets him day after day before the people has got to be no fool." The tremendous political excitement growing out of the 'Kansas-Nebraska Act,' and the agitation of the slavery question, in its relation to the vast territory of Kansas and Nebraska, convulsed the nation. The interest was greatly heightened from the fact that these two great gladiators, Stephen A. Douglas, the great mouth-piece of the Democratic party and champion of 'Squatter Sovereignty,' and Abraham Lincoln, a prominent lawyer, but otherwise comparatively unknown, the opponent of that popular measure and the coming champion of the anti-slavery party.

The question at issue was immense—permanent, not transient—universal, not local, and the debate attracted profound attention on the part of the people, whether Democratic or Free Soil, from the Kennebec to the Rio Grande. Mr. Douglas held that the vote of the majority of the people of a territory should decide this as well as all other questions concerning their domestic or internal affairs. Mr. Lincoln, on the contrary, urged the necessity of an organic enactment, excluding slavery in any form—this last to be the condition of its admission into the Union as a State. The public mind was divided and the utterances and movements of every public man were closely scanned. Finally, after the true western style, a joint discussion, face to face, between Lincoln and Douglas, as the two representative leaders, was proposed and agreed upon. It was arranged that they should have seven great debates, one each at Ottawa, Freeport, Charleston, Jonesboro, Galesburg, Quincy, and Alton.

Processions and cavalcades, bands of music and cannon-firing made every day a day of excitement. But the excitement was greatly intensified from the fact that the oratorical contests were between two such skilled debaters, before mixed audiences of friends and foes, to rejoice over every keen thrust at the adversary, and again to be cast down by each failure to 'give back as good,' or to parry the thrust so aimed.

In personal appearance, voice, gesture and general platform style, nothing could exceed the dissimilarity of these two speakers. Mr. Douglas possessed a frame or build particularly attractive; a natural presence which would have gained for him access to the highest circles, however courtly, in any land; a thickset, finely built, courageous man, with an air as natural to him as breath, of self-confidence that did not a little to inspire his supporters with hope. That he was every inch a man no friend or foe ever questioned. Ready, forceful, animated, keen, playful, by turns, and thoroughly artificial; he was one of the most admirable platform speakers that ever appeared before an American audience, his personal geniality, too, being so abounding that, excepting in a political sense, no antagonism existed between him and his opponent.

Look at Lincoln. In personal appearance, what a contrast to his renowned opponent. Six feet and four inches high, long, lean and wiry in motion; he had a good deal of the elasticity and awkwardness which indicated the rough training of his early life; his face genial looking, with good humor lurking in every corner of its innumerable angles. Judge Douglas once said, "I regard Lincoln as a kind, amiable and intelligent gentleman, a good citizen and an honorable opponent." As a speaker he was ready, precise, fluent and his manner before a popular assembly was just as he pleased to make it; being either superlatively ludicrous or very impressive. He employed but little gesticulation but when he desired to make a point produced a shrug of the shoulders, an elevation of the eyebrows, a depression of his mouth and a general malformation of countenance so comically awkward that it scarcely ever failed to 'bring down the house.' His enunciation was slow and distinct, and his voice though sharp and piercing at times had a tendency to dwindle into a shrill and unpleasant tone. In this matter of voice and commanding attitude, the odds were decidedly in favor of Judge Douglas.

Arrangements having been consummated, the first debate took place at Ottawa, in Lasalle county, and a strong Republican district. The crowd in attendance was a large one, and about equally divided—the enthusiasm of the Democracy having brought more than a due proportion of their numbers to hear and see their favorite leader. The thrilling tones of Douglas, his manly defiance against the principles he believed to be wrong assured his friends, if any assurance were wanting, that he was the same unconquered and unconquerable Democrat that he had proved to be for the previous twenty-five years.

Douglas opened the discussion and spoke one hour; Lincoln followed, the time assigned him being an hour and a half, though he yielded a portion of it. It was not until the second meeting, however, that the speakers grappled with those profound public questions that had thus brought them together, and in which the nation was intensely interested. The debates were a wonderful exhibition of power and eloquence.

In the first debate Mr. Douglas arraigned his opponent for the expression in a former speech of a "House divided against itself," etc.,—referring to the slavery and anti-slavery sections of the country; and Mr. Lincoln defended those ideas as set forth in the speech referred to. As Mr. Lincoln's position in relation to one or two points growing out of the former speech referred to, had attracted great attention throughout the country, he availed himself of the opportunity of this preliminary meeting to reply to what he regarded as common misconceptions. "Anything," he said, "that argues me into the idea of perfect social and political equality with the negro is but a specious and fantastic arrangement of words, by which a man can prove a horse-chestnut to be a chestnut horse. I will say here, while upon this subject, that I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it now exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so. I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between the white and black races. There is a physical difference between the two which, in my judgment, will probably forever forbid their living together upon a footing of perfect equality, and inasmuch as it becomes a matter of necessity that there must be a difference I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong, having the superior position. I have never said anything to the contrary, but I hold that notwithstanding all this, there is no reason in the world why the negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumerated in the Declaration of Independence—the right to life, liberty, and the pursuits of happiness. I hold that he is as much entitled to these as the white man. I agree with Judge Douglas he is not my equal in many respects—certainly not in color, perhaps not in moral and intellectual endowment. But in the right to eat the bread without the leave of any one else, which his own hand earns, he is my equal, and the equal of Judge Douglas, and the equal of every living man."

Touching the question of respect or weight of opinion due to deliverance of the United States Supreme Court—an element which entered largely into this national contest, Mr. Lincoln said: "This man—Douglas—sticks to a decision which forbids the people of a territory from excluding slavery, and he does so, not because he says it is right in itself—he does not give any opinion on that, but because it has been decided by the Court, and being decided by the Court, he is, and you are bound to take it in your political action as law; not that he judges at all of its merits, but because a decision of the Court is to him a 'Thus saith the Lord.' He places it on that ground alone, and you will bear in mind that thus committing himself unreservedly to this decision, commits him to the next one just as firmly as to this. He did not commit himself on account of the merit or demerit of the decision, but is a 'Thus saith the Lord.' The next decision, as much as this, will be a 'Thus saith the Lord.' There is nothing that can divert or turn him away from this decision. It is nothing that I point out to him that his great prototype, General Jackson, did not believe in the binding force of decisions—it is nothing to him that Jefferson did not so believe. I have said that I have often heard him approve of Jackson's course in disregarding the decision of the Supreme Court, pronouncing a national bank unconstitutional. He says: I did not hear him say so; he denies the accuracy of my recollection. I say he ought to know better than I, but I will make no question about this thing, though it still seems to me I heard him say it twenty times. I will tell him, though, that he now claims to stand on the Cincinnati platform which affirms that Congress cannot charter a national bank, in the teeth of that old standing decision that Congress can charter a bank. And I remind him of another piece of history on the question of respect for judicial decisions, and it is a piece of Illinois history belonging to a time when the large party to which Judge Douglas belonged were displeased with a decision of the Supreme Court of Illinois, because they had decided that a Governor could not remove a Secretary of State. I know that Judge Douglas will not deny that he was then in favor of oversloughing that decision by the mode of adding five new judges, so as to vote down the four old ones. Not only so, but it ended in the judge's sitting down on that very bench, as one of the five new judges so as to break down the four old ones." In this strain Mr. Lincoln occupied most of his time. But the debate was a very equal thing, and the contest did not prove a 'walk over' either way.

At the meeting in Ottawa Mr. Lincoln propounded certain questions to which Judge Douglas promptly answered. Judge Douglas spoke in something of the following strain: "He desires to know if the people of Kansas shall form a constitution by means entirely proper and unobjectionable, and ask admission into the Union as a State before they have the requisite population for a member of Congress, whether I will vote for that admission? Well, now, I regret exceedingly that he did not answer that interrogatory himself before he put it to me, in order that we might understand and not be left to infer on which side he is. Mr. Trumbull during the last session of Congress voted from the beginning to the end against the admission of Oregon, although a free State, because she had not the requisite population. As Mr. Trumbull is in the field fighting for Mr. Lincoln, I would like to have Mr. Lincoln answer his own question and tell me whether he is fighting Trumbull on that issue or not. But I will answer his question. In reference to Kansas it is my opinion that as she has population enough to constitute a slave State, she has people enough for a free State. I will not make Kansas an exceptional case to the other States of the Union. I made that proposition in the Senate in 1856, and I renewed it during the last session in a bill providing that no territory of the United States should form a constitution and apply for admission until it had the requisite population. On another occasion I proposed that neither Kansas nor any other territory should be admitted until it had the requisite population. Congress did not adopt any of my propositions containing this general rule, but did make an exception of Kansas. I will stand by that exception. Either Kansas must come in as a free State, with whatever population she may have, or the rule must be applied to all the other territories alike."

Mr. Douglas next proceeded to answer another question proposed by Mr. Lincoln, namely: Whether the people of a territory can, in any lawful way, against the wishes of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State constitution. Said Judge Douglas: "I answer emphatically, as Mr. Lincoln has heard me answer a hundred times from every stump in Illinois, that in my opinion the people of a territory can, by lawful means, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State constitution. Mr. Lincoln knew that I had answered that question over and over again. He heard me argue the Nebraska Bill on that principle all over the State in 1854, in 1855 and in 1856, and he has no excuse for pretending to be in doubt as to my position. It matters not what way the Supreme Court may hereafter decide as to the abstract question, whether slavery may or may not go into a territory under the constitution, the people have the lawful means to introduce it or exclude it as they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour unless it is supported by local police regulations. Those police regulations can only be established by the local legislature, and if the people are opposed to slavery they will elect representatives to that body who will, by unfriendly legislation, effectually prevent the introduction of it into their midst. If, on the contrary, they are for it their legislation will favor its extension. Hence, no matter what the decision of the Supreme Court may be on that abstract question, still the right of the people to make a slave territory or free territory is perfect and complete under the Nebraska Bill."

It was with great vigor and adroitness that the two great combatants went over the ground at the remaining five places of debate, all of which were attended and listened to by immense concourses. On both sides the speeches were able, eloquent, exhaustive. It was admitted by Lincoln's friends that on several occasions he was partly foiled, or at least badly bothered, while on the other hand the admirers of Douglas allowed that in more than one instance he was flatly and fairly floored by Lincoln. It was altogether about an equal match in respect to ability, logic, and eloquence. Both of them were self-made men; both of them were able lawyers and politicians; both sprang from obscurity to distinction; both belonged to the common people; and both were strong and popular with the masses.

Though defeated by an unfair apportionment of the legislative districts for the senatorship, yet Lincoln so ably fought the great Douglas with such wonderful power as to surprise the nation. Heretofore but little known out of his native State; this debate made him one of the two most conspicuous men in the nation, and the excitement was intensified from the fact that both from that hour were the chosen opponents for the coming presidential contest.

At the ensuing presidential contest Lincoln was elected to the presidency, and the gory front of secession was raised. Forgetting past differences, Douglas magnanimously stood shoulder to shoulder with Lincoln in behalf of the Union. It was the olive branch of genuine patriotism. But while proudly holding aloft the banner of his nation in the nation councils, and while yet the blood of his countrymen had not blended together and drenched the land, the great senator was suddenly snatched from among the living in the hour of the country's greatest need; while the brave Lincoln was allowed to see the end—the cause triumphant, when he was also called from death unto life.

Lincoln elected, though he was, and admitted to have received his election fairly and triumphantly, was yet of necessity compelled to enter Washington, like a thief in the night, to assume his place at the head of the nation. Lincoln met the crisis calmly but firmly. He had watched the coming storm and he asked, as he bade adieu to his friends and fellow-citizens, their earnest prayers to Almighty God that he might have wisdom and help to see the right path and pursue it. Those prayers were answered. He guided the ship of State safely through the most angry storm that ever demanded a brave and good pilot. We can only gaze in awe on the memory of this man. He seemingly knew in a moment, when placed in a trying position that would have baffled an inferior mind, just what to do for the best interest of the nation.

Mr. Lincoln had unsurpassed fitness for the task he had to execute. Without anything like brilliancy of genius, without breadth of learning or literary accomplishments, he had that perfect balance of thoroughly sound faculties which gave him the reputation of an almost infallible judgment. This, combined with great calmness of temper, inflexible firmness of will, supreme moral purpose, and intense patriotism made up just that character which fitted him, as the same qualities fitted Washington, for the salvation of his country in a period of stupendous responsibility and eminent peril.

Although far advanced on the question of slavery, personally, he was exceedingly careful about pushing measures upon a country he knew was hardly prepared as yet to receive such sweeping legislation. An acquaintance once said: 'It is hard to believe that very nearly one-half of the Republican party were opposed to the issue of the proclamation of emancipation.' Thus Lincoln avoided all extremes, and this quality alone made him eminently fit to govern. Yet, when necessary, he was stern and unrelenting. When the British minister desired to submit instructions from his government, stating that that government intended to sustain a neutral relation, he refused to receive it officially. When France demanded recognition by the United States of the government of Maximilian, in Mexico, he steadily refused. He was firm as a rock; he would ride post haste twenty miles to pardon a deserter, but under no consideration could he be induced to suspend hostilities against a people who were trying to destroy the Union. All sorts of political machinery was invented to manufacture public opinion and sentiment against him, but he was triumphantly re-elected in 1864.

The morning of Lincoln's second inauguration was very stormy, but the sky cleared just before noon, and the sun shone brightly as he appeared before an immense audience in front of the capitol, and took the oath and delivered an address, alike striking for its forcible expressions and conciliatory spirit. He spoke something as follows:

"On the occasion corresponding to this, four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. * * * Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish; and the war came. * * * Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any man should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not that we be not judged. The prayer of both could not be answered. That of neither has been fully. * * * With malice toward none, with charity for all, with the firmness in the right, as God gives us light to see the right, let us finish the work we are in to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphans, to all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations."

He hated slavery from the beginning, but was not an abolitionist until it was constitutional to be so. At the head of the nation, when precedents were useless, he was governed by justice only. He was singularly fortunate in the selection of his cabinet officers, and the reason was he never allowed prejudice to prevent his placing a rival in high office.

Yes, Mr. Lincoln is probably the most remarkable example on the pages of history, showing the possibilities of our country. From the poverty in which he was born, through the rowdyism of a frontier town, the rudeness of frontier society, the discouragement of early bankruptcy, and the fluctuations of popular politics, he rose to the championship of Union and freedom when the two seemed utterly an impossibility; never lost his faith when both seemed hopeless, and was suddenly snatched from earth when both were secured. He was the least pretentious of men, and when, with the speed of electricity, it flashed over the Union that the great Lincoln—shot by an assassin—was no more, the excitement was tremendous. The very heart of the republic throbbed with pain and lamentation. Then the immortal President was borne to his last resting-place in Springfield, Illinois. All along the journey to the grave, over one thousand miles, a continual wail went up from friends innumerable, and they would not be comforted. Never was there a grander, yet more solemn funeral accorded to any, ancient or modern. He was a statesman without a statesman's craftiness, politician without a politician's meanness, a great man without a great man's vices, a philanthropist without a philanthropist's dreams, a christian without pretensions, a ruler without the pride of place or power, an ambitious man without selfishness, and a successful man without vanity. Humble man of the backwoods, boatman, axman, hired laborer, clerk, surveyor, captain, legislator, lawyer, debater, orator, politician, statesman. President, savior of the republic, emancipator of a race, true christian, true man.

Gaze on such a character; does it not thrill your very soul and cause your very heart to bleed that such a man should be shot by a dastardly assassin? Yet on the 14th of April, 1865, J. Wilkes Booth entered the private box of the President, and creeping stealthily from behind, as become the dark deed which he contemplated, deliberately shot Abraham Lincoln through the head, and the country lost the pilot in the hours when she needed him so much.



EDWARD EVERETT.

Among the more eminent of eminent men stands Edward Everett in the annals of American history. We do not give his history to show how he struggled through privations, overcoming all obstacles, until victory at last crowned his efforts, as so many of our great men have been obliged to do, but we do delineate his achievements to illustrate what hard work will do, provided a man has ability to develop. Yes, to show what hard work will do. But some will say, 'Well, that does sound well, but I guess if Edward Everett had been an ordinary man no amount of hard work would have made him the Edward Everett of history'; another may say, 'That's so, it is foolish to argue as you do, and hold up such men as examples, intimating that their success is the result of hard work'; and still another may say, 'Say what you will, you cannot gain-say the factor of opportunities, of 'luck,' if you choose to so designate it.'

We do not gain-say anything; we simply point to history; read for yourself. Take eminent men, read their lives, and see if seven-tenths, at least, of our great men did not acquire success through their own effort. Read carefully and see if they did not largely MAKE their own opportunities. True, all cannot be Everetts or Clays, but by extraordinary effort and careful thought, any one will better his or her condition. Sickness may come, they will be the better prepared. Losses will be more easily met and discharged. No man ever succeeded by waiting for something to turn up. The object of this work is not to make people delude themselves by any conceited ideas, but to encourage, to inspire, to enkindle anew the fires of energy laying dormant. The point is, it is not a 'slumbering genius' within people that it is our desire to stimulate, but a 'slumbering energy.' We are content that others should take care of the 'genius'; we are satisfied that any influence, no matter from what source it comes, that will awaken dormant energies will do the world more good than ten times the same amount of influence trying to prove that we are fore ordained to be somebody or nobody.

Mr. Everett was a man who fully comprehended and appreciated this fact. All great men understand that it is the making the most of one's talents that makes the most of our chances which absolutely tells. Rufus Choate believed in hard work. When some one said to him that a certain fine achievement was the result of accident, he exclaimed: "Nonsense. You might as well drop the Greek alphabet on the ground and expect to pick up the Illiad." Mr. Beecher has well said that every idle man has to be supported by some industrious man. Hard labor prevents hard luck. Fathers should teach their children that if any one will not work neither shall he attain success. Let us magnify our calling and be happy, but strive to progress. As before said, Mr. Everett fully understood all this and great men innumerable could be quoted in support of this doctrine.

The year 1794 must ever be memorable, as the year in which Mr. Everett was ushered into the world, in which he was to figure as so prominent a factor. We have written a long preamble, but it is hoped that the reader has taken enough interest thus far to fully take in the points which we have endeavored to make, and it is further hoped that such being the case, the reader will, by the light of those ideas, read and digest the wonderful character before us.

Undoubtedly Everett possessed one of the greatest minds America has ever produced, but if he had rivaled Solomon in natural ability, he could not have entered Harvard College as a student at the age of thirteen had he not been an indefatigable worker, and will any man delude himself into the belief that he could have graduated from such a school at the age of only seventeen, and at the head of his class, had he not exercised tremendous energy. Still further do any of the readers who chance to read this volume think that he was picked up bodily and placed in the ministerial chair vacated by the gifted Buckminister when he was only nineteen because he was lucky? A city preacher at nineteen! Occupying one of the first pulpits in the land at nineteen! "Why, he was gifted." Of course he was, and he was a tremendous worker. Thus was his success enhanced.

At twenty he was appointed to a Greek professorship in Harvard College, and qualified himself by travel in Europe for four years. During that time he acquired that solid information concerning the history and principles of law, and of the political systems of Europe, which formed the foundation of that broad statesmanship for which he was afterward distinguished. During his residence in Europe his range of study embraced the ancient classics, the modern languages, the history and principles of the civil and public law, and a comprehensive examination of the existing political systems of Europe. He returned home, and from that time until his death he was recognized as one of the greatest orators of his time. In 1825 to 1835 he was a distinguished member of the national congress. He then served three successive terms as governor of Massachusetts. In 1814 he was appointed minister to the English court. It was an important mission, for the relations of his government with that of England, then wore a grave aspect. His official career in London was a marked success. His personal accomplishments made him a friend and favorite with the leading men and families of England. After this he was sent as a commissioner to China, and after his return from abroad, he was at once chosen President of Harvard College.

He entered upon the duties of this new office with his characteristic energy and enthusiasm, but ill-health compelled his resignation at the end of three years. Upon the death of his bosom friend, Daniel Webster, he was appointed to succeed to Webster's position at the head of President Fillmore's cabinet. Before the close of his duties as Secretary of State, he was chosen by the Massachusetts State Legislature to a seat in the National Senate. Once more overwork compelled his withdrawal from active responsibility, and in May, 1854, under the advice of his physician, he resigned his seat. But he was content to remain idle only a few months when he entered with great zeal upon a new enterprise.

The project of purchasing Mount Vernon and beautifying it as a memento of esteem to the 'Nation's father' attracted his attention, and his efforts in behalf of the association to raise money for the above-named object netted over $100,000, besides his valuable time, and paying his own expenses. He afterwards raised many more thousands of dollars for the benefit of numerous charitable societies and objects. Emerging from private life at the opening of the civil war he gave himself incessantly to the defense of the Union. He died on the 14th of January, 1865, and was mourned throughout the whole North. Eulogies innumerable were called forth by the death of this intellectual phenomenon of the nineteenth century.



EDWIN M. STANTON.

Edwin M. Stanton, whom President Lincoln selected for his Secretary of War, notwithstanding the fact that he had served in the cabinet of Buchanan, was born at Steubenville, Ohio, December 19th, 1814, and died in Washington, D. C., December 24th, 1869.

When fifteen years old he became a clerk in a book-store in his native town, and with money thus accumulated, was enabled to attend Kenyon College, but at the end of two years was obliged to re-enter the book-store as a clerk.

Thus through poverty he was deterred from graduating, but knowledge is just as beneficial, whether acquired in school or out. Thurlow Weed never had the advantages of a college, but stretched prone before the sap-house fire, he laid the foundation upon which he built that splendid reputation as an able editor; Elihu Buritt never saw the inside of a college school-room as a student, but while at the anvil, at work as a blacksmith, with book laying on a desk near, he framed the basis of that classical learning which made him, as master of forty different languages, the esteemed friend of John Bright and others of the most noted people the world has ever known.

As it was with them, so it was with Stanton. He had but little advantages, but he would not 'down.' It is said that if Henry Ward Beecher had gone to sea, as he desired to do, he would not have long remained, for in him was even then a 'slumbering genius,' But he himself once said that had it not been for his great love of work he never could have half succeeded. Ah, that's it; if ability to accomplish hard 'digging' is not genius, it is the best possible substitute for it. A man may have in him a 'slumbering genius,' but unless he put forth the energy, his efforts will be spasmodic, ill-timed and scattered.

"Full many a gem, of purest ray serene The dark, unfathomed caves of ocean bear; Full many a flower is born to blush unseen, And waste its sweetness on the desert air."

Young men, there is truth hidden in these words, despite what some writers would make you think. They would argue that if you are to be a Milton, a Cromwell, a Webster, or a Clay, that you cannot help it, do what you will. Possibly, this may be so; it may not be thought proper for me to dispute their lordship, but it does seem to me that such arguments can give but little hope; if they have influence at all it cannot be an inspiring one. No, never mind the reputation; never pine to be a Lincoln, or a Garfield, but if you feel that your chances in youth are equal to theirs, take courage—WORK.

If you are a farmer strive to excel all the surrounding farmers. If a boot-black, make up your mind to monopolize the business on your block. Faculty to do this is the 'best possible substitute for a slumbering genius,' if perchance you should lack that 'most essential faculty to success.' At any rate, never wait for the 'slumbering genius' to show itself,—if you do, it will never awake but slumber on through endless time, and leave you groping on in midnight darkness.

But to return to Stanton. Whether he possessed a 'slumbering genius' does not appear, but certain it is that by down-right HARD WORK he gained a knowledge of the law, and was admitted to the bar in 1836, when in his twenty-first year. While yet a young lawyer he was made prosecuting attorney of Harrison county. In 1842 he was chosen reporter of the Ohio Supreme Court, and published three volumes of reports.

In 1847 he moved to Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, but for nine years afterward retained his office in Steubenville, as well as that in Pittsburgh. In 1857 his business had so expanded that he found it necessary to move to Washington, D. C., the seat of the United States Supreme Court. His first appearance before the United States Supreme Court was in defence of the State of Pennsylvania against the Wheeling and Belmont Bridge Company, and thereafter his practice rapidly increased.

In 1858 he was employed by the national government as against the government of Mexico on land titles, deeds, etc. This great legal success, together with several others, won for him a national reputation. It has been stated by one of the leading jurists in the United States that the cause of nine out of ten of the failures in the legal profession is laziness, so common in lawyers, after being admitted to the bar. Once in, they seem to think that they have but to 'sit and wait' for business. Possibly their eye has, at one time or another, caught those sentiments so dear to some writers in regard to 'the slumbering genius.' Be that as it may, it is very evident that Stanton had never been idle, and was seldom obliged to 'refer to his library' before answering questions in relation to the law.

He was called to the high position of attorney-general in President Buchanan's cabinet, and on January 11th, 1862, nine months after the inauguration of Lincoln, he was placed in the most responsible position in his cabinet at that time,—Secretary of War. His labors in this department were indefatigable, and many of the most important and successful movements of the war originated with him. Never, perhaps, was there a more illustrious example of the right man in the right place. It seemed almost as if it were a special Provincial interposition to incline the President to go out of his own party and select this man for this most responsible of all trusts, save his own.

With an unflinching force, an imperial will, a courage never once admitting the possibility of failure, and having no patience with cowards, compromisers or self-seekers; with the most jealous patriotism he displaced the incompetent and exacted brave, mighty, endeavor of all, yet only like what he EXACTED OF HIMSELF. He reorganized the war with HERCULEAN TOIL. Through all those long years of war he thought of, saw, labored for one end—VICTORY. The amount of work he does in some of these critical months was absolutely amazing by its comprehension of details, the solution of vexed questions, the mastery of formidable difficulties, wonder was it his word sometimes cut like a sharp, quick blow, or that the stroke of his pen was sometimes like a thunderbolt. It was not the time for hesitation, or doubt, or even argument. He meant his imperiled country should be saved, and whatever by half-loyalty or self-seeking seemed to stand in the way only attracted the lightning of his power.

The nation owes as much to him as to any one who in council or in field contributed to its salvation. And his real greatness was never more conspicuous than at the time of Mr. Lincoln's assassination. His presence of mind, his prompt decision, his unfailing faith and courage strengthened, those about him, and prevented the issue of a frightful panic and disorder following that unexpected assault upon the life of the republic. To have equipped, fed, clothed and organized a million and a-half of soldiery, and when their work was done in two days, to have remanded them back to the peaceful industries from which they had been called; to have had the nation's wealth at his disposal, and yet so incorruptible that hundreds of millions could pass through his hands and leave him a poor man at the end of his commission, shattered in health, yet from necessity obliged to resume his legal practice, must for all time rank him among the world's phenomena. Such a man, so true, so intent upon great objects must many a time have thwarted the greed of the corrupt, been impatient with the hesitation of the imbecile, and fiercely indignant against half-heartedness and disloyalty. Whatever faults, therefore, his enemies may allege, these will all fade away in the splendor with which coming ages will ennoble the greatest of war ministers in the nineteenth century. He will be remembered as "one who never thought of self, and who held the helm in sunshine and in storm with the same untiring grip."

Nor were his services less valuable to his country when, after the surrender of the Confederate armies, the rebellion was transferred to the White House, and he stood the fearless, unflinching patriot against the schemes and usurpations of its accidental occupant. Mr. Stanton entered on his great trust in the fullest prime of manhood, equal, seemingly, to any possible toil and strain. He left his department incurably shorn of health. He entered upon it in affluence, with a large and remunerative practice. He left it without a stain on his hands, but with his fortune lessened and insufficient. Yet, when it was contemplated by some of his friends, after his retirement, to tender him a handsome gift of money, he resolutely and unhesitatingly forbade it, and the project had to be abandoned. He was as truly a sacrifice to his country as was the brave soldier who laid down his life in the prison-pen or sanctified the field with his blood. For an unswerving and passionate patriotism, for a magnificent courage, for rare unselfishness, for transcendent abilities, for immeasurable services to his country; the figure of the greatest war minister in modern times will tower with a noble grandeur, as undimmed and enviable a splendor as that of any in the history of the Republic; which, like his friend and co-worker, the great Lincoln, he gave his life to save.



ANDREW JOHNSON.

The life-career of the seventeenth president of the United States well illustrates the spirit and genius of our free institutions. Four of the incumbents of the national executive chair were born in North Carolina. Of these, the subject of this sketch was one, being born in the above-named State, December 29th, 1808.

His father, who died in 1812, was sexton of a church and porter in the State bank. Extreme poverty prevented Andrew from receiving any schooling, and at the age of ten he was apprenticed to a tailor. A gentleman was in the habit of visiting the shop and reading to the workmen, generally from the 'American Speaker.' Andrew became intensely interested, especially in the extracts from the speeches of Pitt and Fox. He determined to learn to read, and having done this he devoted all his leisure hours to the perusal of such books as he could obtain. In the summer of 1824, a few months before his apprenticeship expired, he got into trouble by throwing stones at an old woman's house, and ran away to escape the consequences. He went to Lauren's Court House, South Carolina, and obtained work as a journeyman tailor.

In May, 1826, he returned to Raleigh. Mr. Selby, his former employer, had moved into the country, and Johnson walked twenty miles to see him, apologized for his misdemeanor and promised to pay him for his unfulfilled time. Selby required security, which Johnson could not furnish, and he went away disappointed. In September he went to Tennessee, taking with him his mother, who was dependent upon him for support. He worked a year at Greenville when he married, and finally settled, deciding to make that town his home.

Thus far his education had been confined to reading; but now, under the tuition of his wife, he learned to 'write and cipher.' During this time he became prominent in a local debating society, formed of resident young men and students of Greenville College. One student says; "On approaching the village there stood on the hill by the highway a solitary little house, perhaps ten feet square,—we invariably entered when passing. It contained a bed, two or three stools, and a tailor's platform. We delighted to stop because one lived here whom we knew well outside of school and made us welcome; one who would amuse us by his social good nature, taking more than ordinary interest in us, and catering to our pleasure."

Mr. Johnson, taking an interest in local politics, organized a workingman's party in 1828, to oppose the 'aristocrat element,' which had always ruled the town. Considerable excitement ensued, and Johnson was elected an alderman by a large majority. He rose to be mayor, member of the State legislature, and a representative in Congress, holding the last office for ten years.

In 1853 he was elected governor, and re-elected in 1855. The contest was exciting, and violence and threats of murder were frequent. At one meeting Johnson appeared with pistol in his hand, laid it on the desk, and said: "Fellow-citizens, I have been informed that part of the business to be transacted on the present occasion is the assassination of the individual who now has the honor of addressing you. I beg respectfully to propose that this be the first business in order: therefore if any man has come here to-night for the purpose indicated, I do not say to him let him speak, but let him shoot." After pausing for a moment, with his hand on his pistol, he said, "Gentlemen, it appears that I have been misinformed. I will now proceed to address you upon the subject that has brought us together."

Mr. Johnson's next office was as a member of the national Senate, where he ably urged the passage of a bill granting to every settler 160 acres of public land. When Tennessee passed the ordinance of secession he remained steadfast for the Union. Although a Democrat, he had opposed many of their measures in the interest of slavery, and now gravitated toward the Republican party. In nearly every city of his native State he was burned in effigy; at one time a mob entered a railroad train on which he was known to be and attempted to take him, but he met them with a pistol in each hand, and drove them steadily before him off the train. His loyal sentiments, his efforts to aid Union refugees, and the persecution he received at home commended him to the North. In 1862 he was appointed military governor of Tennessee, in which position he upheld the Federal cause with great ability and zeal. In the winter of 1861-2 large numbers of Unionists were driven from their homes in East Tennessee, who sought refuge in Kentucky. Mr. Johnson met them there, relieved the immediate wants of many from his own purse and used his influence with the national government for the establishment of a camp where these refugees found shelter, food and clothing, and were to a large extent organized into companies and mustered into the national service. His own wife and child were turned out of their home and his property confiscated. All through his duties as military governor of Tennessee Johnson displayed great ability and discharged the duties of his office fearlessly, amid eminent personal peril.