John Skydmore's letter, dated from the castle of Cerreg Cennen, not only fixes Owyn Glyndowr at Carmarthen on Thursday, July the 5th; but acquaints us also with his purpose to proceed thence into Pembrokeshire, whilst his friends had undertaken to reduce the castles of Glamorgan. It is addressed to John Fairford, Receiver of Brecknock.

"Worshipful Sir,—I recommend me to you. And forasmuch as I may not spare no man from this place away from me to certify neither the King, nor my lord the Prince, of the mischief of these countries about, nor no man may pass by no way hence, I pray you that ye certify them how all Carmarthenshire, Kedwelly, Carnwalthan, and Yskenen be sworn to Owyn yesterday; and he lay [to nyzt was] last night in the castle of Drosselan with Rees ap Griffuth. And there I was, and spake with him upon truce, and prayed of a safe-conduct under his seal to send home my wife and her mother, and their [mayne] company. And he would none grant me. And on this day he is about the town of Carmarthen, and there thinketh to abide till he may have the town and the castle: and his purpose is thence into Pembrokeshire; for he [halt (p. 388) him siker] feels quite sure of all the castles and towns in Kedwelly, Gowerland, and Glamorgan, for the same countries have undertaken the sieges of them till they be won. Wherefore write to Sir Hugh Waterton, and to all that ye suppose will take this matter to heart, that they excite the King hitherwards in all haste to avenge him on some of his false traitors, the which he has overmuch cherished, and rescue the towns and castles in the countries, for I dread full sore there be too few true men in them. I can no more as now: but pray God help you and us that think to be true. Written at the castle of Carreg Kennen, the fifth day of July. "Yours, JOHN SKYDMORE."[347]

[Footnote 347: The custody of Carreg Kennen (Karekenny) was granted to John Skydmore, 2 May 1402.]

Two other letters, which internal evidence compels us to assign to this year,—the first to the 7th of July (two days only after John Skydmore's), the second to the 11th of the same month,—carry on Owyn's proceedings with perfect consistency. They were written by the Constable of Dynevor Castle, and seem to have been addressed to the Receiver of Brecknock, and by him to have been forwarded to the King's council. "The first gives us no exalted notion of the Constable's courage: 'A siege is ordained for the castle I keep, and that is great peril for me. Written in haste and in dread.' The second informs us of the extent of force with which Glyndowr was then moving in his inroads; when threatening the castle of Dynevor, he mustered 8240 (eight thousand and twelve score) spears, such as they were."[348]

[Footnote 348: Ellis.]

The first letter, written on Saturday, July 7, ("the Fest of St. Thomas the Martir,") he seems to have posted off immediately on the news reaching Dynevor that Carmarthen had surrendered to Owyn, (p. 389) without waiting to ascertain the accuracy of the report; for, in his second letter, he tells us that they had not yet resolved whether to burn the town or no.

"Dear Friend,—I do you to wit that Owyn Glyndowr, Henry Don, Rees Duy, Rees ap Gv. ap Llewellyn, Rees Gether, have won the town of Carmarthen, and Wygmer the Constable had yielded the castle to Carmarthen; and have burnt the town, and slain more than fifty men: and they be in purpose to Kedwelly, and a siege is ordained at the castle I keep, and that is great peril for me, and all that be with me; for they have made a vow that they will [al gat] at all events have us dead therein. Wherefore I pray you not to beguile us, but send to us warning shortly whether we may have any help or no; and, if help is not coming, that we have an answer, that we may steal away by night to Brecknock, because we fail victuals and men [and namlich], especially men. Also Jenkyn ap Ll. hath yielden up the castle of Emlyn with free will; and also William Gwyn, and many gentles, are in person with Owyn.... Written at Deynevour, in haste and in dread, in the feast of St. Thomas the Martyr.[349] "JENKYN HANARD, "Constable de Dynevour."

[Footnote 349: This letter was probably written on Saturday, July 7, 1403,—that is, on the Translation of St. Thomas the Martyr.]

In this letter the Constable says that Owyn's forces were in purpose to Kedwelly: the second letter refers to Owyn's purpose having been altered by the formidable approach of the Baron of Carew towards St. Clare. This was probably on Monday, July 9, the third day after the surrender of Carmarthen. The Tuesday night he slept at Locharn (Laugharne). Through the Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, the (p. 390) little garrison of Dynevor were negociating with him; for he was resolved to win that castle, and to make it his head-quarters. On that Wednesday, the Constable tells us, that Owyn intended, should he come to terms with the Baron of Carew, to return to Carmarthen for his share of the spoil, and to determine on the utter destruction of the town, or its preservation. By a letter sent from the Mayor and burgesses of Caerleon to the Mayor and burgesses of Monmouth,—the propriety of referring which to this very year can scarcely be questioned,—we are informed that the Baron of Carew was not so easily tempted from his allegiance as some other "false traitors" in that district; and that he defeated and put to the sword a division of Owyn Glyndowr's army on the 12th of July,—the very day probably after the date of the Constable's last letter. This fact, when admitted, increases in importance; because it proves that as late, at least, as July 12th, Owyn Glyndowr, though generally successful in that campaign, was not without a formidable enemy there; and therefore by no means at liberty to quit the country at a moment's warning, or to leave his adherents without the protection of his forces and his own presence.

* * * * *

Copy of the second letter from the Constable of Dynevor:

"Dear Friend,—I do you to wit that Owyn was in purpose to Kedwelly, and the Baron of Carew was coming with a great retinue towards St. Clare, and so Owyn changed his purpose, and rode to meet the Baron; and that night he lodged at St. Clare, and destroyed all the country about. And on Tuesday they were at treaties all day, and that night he lodged him at the town of Locharn, six miles out of the town of Carmarthen. The intention is, if the Baron and he accord in treaty, then he turneth again to Carmarthen for his part of the good, and Rees Duy[350] (p. 391) his part. And many of the great masters stand yet in the castle of Carmarthen; for they have not yet made their ordinance whether the castle and town shall be burnt or no; and therefore, if there is any help coming, haste them all haste towards us, for every house is full about us of their poultry, and yet wine and honey enough in the country, and wheat and beans, and all manner of victuals. And we of the castle of Dynevor had treaties with him on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday; and now he will ordain for us to leave that castle, [for ther a castyth to ben y serkled thince,] for that was the chief place in old time. And Owyn's muster on Monday was eight thousand and twelve score spears, such as they were. Other tidings I not now; but God of Heaven send you and us from all enemies! Written at Dynevor this Wednesday in haste."

[Footnote 350: This partisan of Owyn, who is here said to have gone to share with him in the spoil of Carmarthen, partook even in greater bitterness of his cup of affliction. He was taken prisoner and beheaded. The Chronicle of London asserts that his quarters were salted, and sent to different parts of the kingdom; but this assertion, in an affair of little importance, shows how small reliance can be placed on anonymous records. The King, by writ of privy seal, 29 May 1412, commands Rees Duy's body, then in the custody of his officers, to be buried in some consecrated cemetery. It had perhaps been exposed for some time. MS. Donat. 4599, p. 128.]

The despatch from the burgesses of Carleon, after stating that seven hundred men, whom Owyn had sent forwards as pioneers and to search the ways, were to a man slain by the Lord of Carew's men on the 12th day of July, records an anecdote so characteristic of Owyn's superstition, that, whilst examining his conduct, we may scarcely pass it by unnoticed. He sent after Hopkyn ap Thomas of Gower, inasmuch (p. 392) as he held him Master of Brut, (i. e. skilled in the prophecies of Merlin,) to learn from him what should befal him, and he told him that he should be taken within a brief time between Carmarthen and Gower under a black banner. [The Author finds the next sentence so obscure that he leaves it to the interpretation of the reader.] "Knowelichyd that thys blake baner scholde dessese hym, and nozt that he schold be take undir hym."

In weighing the evidence brought to light by these original despatches, it will be necessary to have a few dates immediately present to our mind.

We have it under the King's own hand, that, when he was at Higham Ferrers, he believed himself to be on his road northward to form a junction with Hotspur and his father Northumberland, and together with them (of whose allegiance and fidelity he apparently had not hitherto entertained any suspicion) to make a joint expedition against the Scots. This letter is dated July 10, 1403.

Five days only at the furthest intervened between the date of this letter and the King's proclamation at Burton on Trent (still on his journey northward) to the sheriffs to raise their counties, and join him to resist the Percies, whose rebellion had then suddenly been made known to him. This proclamation is dated July 16, 1403. Four days only elapsed between the issuing of this proclamation and the death of Hotspur, with the total discomfiture of his followers in Hateley Field, where the battle of Shrewsbury was fought on Saturday, 21st of July, the very week on the Monday of which he had first heard of the revolt of the Percies.

If the dates relating to Owyn's proceedings,—some ascertained beyond further question, and others admitted on the ground of high probability, approaching certainty, with which the documents above quoted supply us,—are laid side by side with these indisputable facts, the inference from the comparison seems unavoidable, that Owyn was never made acquainted with the expectation on the part (p. 393) of his allies of so early a struggle with the King's forces in England; (indeed the conflict evidently was unexpected by Hotspur himself;) that Owyn was in the most remote corner of South Wales when the battle was fought; and that probably the sad tidings of Hotspur's overthrow reached him without his ever having been apprised (at least in time) that the Percy needed his succour.



APPENDIX, No. II. (p. 394)

LYDGATE.

Extracts from the Dedication to Henry of Monmouth of his poem, "The Death of Hector:"

"For through the world it is known to every one, And flying Fame reports it far and wide, That thou, by natural condition, In things begun wilt constantly abide; And for the time dost wholly set aside All rest; and never carest what thou dost spend Till thou hast brought thy purpose to an end. And that thou art most circumspect and wise, And dost effect all things with providence, As Joshua did by counsel and advice, Against whose sword there is none can make defence: And wisdom hast by heavenly influence With Solomon to judge and to discern Men's causes, and thy people to govern. For mercy mixt with thy magnificence, Doth make thee pity all that are opprest; And to withstand the force and violence Of those that right and equity detest. With David thou to piety art prest; And like to Julius Caesar valorous, That in his time was most victorious. And in thine hand (like worthy Prince) dost hold Thy sword, to see that of thy subjects none Against thee should presume with courage bold And pride of heart to raise rebellion; (p. 395) And in the other, sceptre to maintain True justice while among us thou dost reign. More than good heart none can, whatsoe'er he be, Present nor give to God nor unto man, Which for my part I wholly give to thee, And ever shall as far forth as I can; Wherewith I will (as I at first began) Continually, not ceasing night nor day, With sincere mind for thine estate thus pray.

"The time when I this work had fully done By computation just, was in the year One thousand and four hundred twenty-one Of Jesus Christ, our Lord and Saviour dear; And in the eighth year complete of the reign Of our most noble lord and sovereign King Henry the Fifth.

"In honour great, for by his puissant might He conquered all Normandy again, And valiantly, for all the power of France; And won from them his own inheritance, And forced them his title to renew To all the realm of France, which doth belong To him, and to his lawful heirs by true Descent, (the which they held from him by wrong And false pretence,) and, to confirm the same, Hath given him the honour and the name Of Regent of the land for Charles his life; And after his decease they have agreed, Thereby to end all bloody war and strife, That he, as heir, shall lawfully succeed Therein, and reign as King of France by right, As by records, which extant are to light, It doth appear. And I will never cease, both night and day, With all my heart unto the Lord to pray

"For HIM, by whose commandment I tooke (p. 396) On me (though far unfit to do the same) To translate into English verse this booke, Which Guido wrote in Latin, and doth name 'The Siege of Troy;' and for HIS sake alone, I must confess that I the same begun, When Henry, whom men Fourth by name did call, My Prince's father, lived, and possest The crown. And though I be but rustical, I have therein not spared to do my best To please my Prince's humour."

This poem, "The Life and Death of Hector," was published after the marriage of Henry with Katharine, and before her arrival in England. Among its closing sentiments are the following, intended probably as an honest warning to his royal master, that in the midst of life we are in death, and that the messenger from heaven knocks at the palace of the conquering monarch with no less suddenness than at the cottage of his humblest subject. How appropriate was the warning! Henry did not survive the publication of this poem more than a single year.

"For by Troy's fall it plainly doth appear That neither king nor emperor hath here

"A permanent estate to trust unto. Therefore to Him that died upon the rood (And was content and willing so to do, And for mankind did shed his precious blood,) Lift up your minds, and pray with humble heart That He his aid unto you will impart. For, though you be of extreme force and might, Without his help it will you nought avail; And He doth give man victory in fight, And with a few is able to prevail, And overcome an army huge and strong: And by his grace makes kings and princes long

"To reign here on the earth in happiness; (p. 397) And tyrants, that to men do offer wrong And violence, doth suddenly suppress, Although their power be ne'er so great and strong. And in his hand his blessings all reserveth For to reward each one as he deserveth.

"To whom I pray with humble mind and heart, And so I hope all you will do no less, That of his grace He would vouchsafe to impart And send all joy, welfare, and happiness, Health, victory, tranquillity, and honour, Unto the high and mighty conqueror.

"King Henry the Fifth, that his great name May here on earth be extolled and magnified While life doth last; and when he yields the same Into his hands, he may be glorified In heaven among the saints and angels bright, There to serve the God of power and might.

"At whose request this work I undertook, As I have said. God He knows when I this work began, I did it not for praise of any man,

"But for to please the humour and the hest Of my good lord and princely patron, Who [dis]dained not to me to make request To write the same, lest that oblivion By tract of time, and time's swift passing by, Such valiant act should cause obscured to be;

"As also 'cause his princely high degree Provokes him study ancient histories, Where, as in mirror, he may plainly see How valiant knights have won the masteries In battles fierce by prowess and by might, To run like race, and prove a worthy knight.

"And as they sought to climb to honour's seat, (p. 398) So doth my Lord seek therein to excel, That, as his name, so may his fame be great, And thereby likewise idleness expel; For so he doth to virtue bend his mind, That hard it is his equal now to find.

"To write his princely virtues, and declare His valour, high renown, and majesty, His brave exploits and martial acts, that are Most rare, and worthy his great dignity, My barren head cannot devise by wit To extol his fame by words and phrases fit.

"This worthy Prince, whom I so much commend, (Yet not so much as well deserves his fame,) By royal blood doth lineally descend From Henry King of England, Fourth by name, His eldest son, and heir to the crown, And, by his virtues, Prince of high renown.

"For by the graft the fruit men easily know, Encreasing the honour of his pedigree; His name Lord Henry, as our stories show, And by his title Prince of Wales is he. Who with good right, his father being dead, Shall wear the crown of Britain on his head.

"This mighty Prince hath made me undertake To write the siege of Troy, the ancient town, And of their wars a true discourse to make; From point to point as Guido set it down, Who long since wrote the same in Latin verse, Which in the English now I will rehearse."

In the poem called the "Siege of Troy," written in different metre, Lydgate, addressing Henry, "O most worthy Prince! of Knighthood (p. 399) source and well!" thus proceeds to state the circumstances under which he wrote his work:

"God I take highly to witness That I this work of heartily low humbless Took upon me of intention, Devoid of pride and presumption, For to obey without variance My Lord's bidding fully and pleasance; Which hath desire, soothly for to sayn, Of very knighthood to remember again The wortheness (if I shall not lie) And the prowess of old chivalry, Because he hath joy and great dainty To read in books of antiquity To find only virtue to sow By example of them, and also to eschew The cursed vice of sloth and idleness; So he enjoyeth in virtuous business, In all that longeth to manhood, dare I sayn, He busyeth ever. And thereto is so fain To haunt his body in plays martial, Through exercise to exclude sloth at all, (After the doctrine of Vigetius.) Thus is he both manful and virtuous, More passingly than I can of him write; I want cunning his high renown to indite, So much of manhood men may in him seen. And for to wit whom I would mean, The eldest son of the noble King Henry the Fourth; of knighthood well and spring; In whom is showed of what stock that he grew, The root is virtue; Called Henry eke, the worthy Prince of Wales, Which me commanded the dreary piteous tale Of them of Troy in English to translate; The siege, also, and the destruction, Like as the Latin maketh mention, For to complete, and after Guido make, (p. 400) So I could, and write it for his sake; Because he would that to high and low The noble story openly were knowe In our tongue, about in every age, And written as well in our language As in Latin and French it is; That of the story the truth we not miss, No more than doth each other nation; This was the fine of his intention. The which emprise anon I 'gin shall In his worship for a memorial. And of the time to make mention, When I began on this translation, It was the year, soothly to sayn, Fourteen complete of his Father's reign."

Though this Preface was written when Henry was still Prince of Wales, the work was not finished till he had ascended the throne; when the poet sent it into the world with this charge, which he calls "L'Envoy:"

"Go forth, my book! veiled with the princely grace Of him that is extolled for excellence Throughout the world, but do not show thy face Without support of his magnificence."

TESTIMONY OF OCCLEVE. (p. 401)

The interesting circumstances under which the poet represents the following dialogue to have taken place are detailed in the body of the work.[351] The old man addresses Occleve as his son, and the poet calls his aged monitor father.

[Footnote 351: See page 331.]

Father. "My Lord the Prince,—knoweth he thee not? If that thou stood in his benevolence, He may be salve unto thine indigence."

Son. "No man better: next his father,—our Lord the Liege His father,—he is my good gracious Lord."

F. "Well, Son! then will I me oblige, And God of heaven vouch I to record, That, if thou wilt be fully of mine accord, Thou shalt no cause have more thus to muse, But heaviness void, and it refuse. Since he thy good Lord is, I am full sure His grace shall not to thee be denied. Thou wotst well he benign is and demure To sue unto: not is his ghost maistried[352] With danger; but his heart is full applied To grant, and not the needy to warn his grace. To him pursue, and thy relief purchase. What shall I call thee—what is thy name?"

S. "Occlive[353] (Father mine), men callen me."

F. "Occlive? Son!"—S. "Yes, Father, the same."

F. "Thou wert acquainted with Chaucer 'pardie?" (p. 402)

S. "God save his soul! best of any wight."

F. "Syn thou mayst not be paid in the Exchequer, Unto my Lord the Prince make instance That thy patent unto the Hanaper May changed be."—S. "Father, by your sufferance, It may not so: because of the ordinance, Long after this shall no grant chargeable Over pass. Father mine, this is no fable."

F. "An equal charge, my Son, in sooth Is no charge, I wot it well indeed. What! Son mine! Good heart take unto thee. Men sayen, 'Whoso of every grass hath dread, Let him beware to walk in any mead.' Assay! assay! thou simple-hearted ghost; What grace is shapen thee, thou not wost. ——Now, syn me thou toldest My Lord the Prince is good Lord thee to; No maistery is to thee, if thou woldest To be relieved, wost thee what to do. Write to him a goodly tale or two, On which he may disport him by night, And his free grace shall on thee light. Sharp thy pen, and write on lustily; Let see, my Son, make it fresh and gay, Utter thine art if thou canst craftily; His high prudence hath insight very To judge if it be well made or nay. Wherefore, Son, it is unto thee need Unto thy work take thee greater heed. But of one thing be well ware in all wise, On flattery that thou thee not found, For thereof (Son) Solomon the Wise, As that I have in his Proverbs found, Saith thus: 'They that in feigned speech abound, And glossingly unto their friends talk, Spreaden a net before them, where they walk.' This false treason common is and rife; Better were it thou wert at Jerusalem (p. 403) Now, than thou wert therein defective. Syn my Lord the Prince is (God hold his life!) To thee good Lord, good servant thou thee quit To him and true, and it shall thee profit. Write him nothing that sowneth to vice, Kyth[354] thy love in matter of sadness. Look if thou find canst any treatise Grounded on his estate's wholesomeness; Which thing translate, and unto his highness, As humbly as thou canst, it thou present. Do thus, my Son."—S. "Father! I assent, With heart as trembling as the leaf of asp."[355]

[Footnote 352: The Author has not formed any satisfactory opinion as to the meaning of the phrase "his ghost maistried with danger." Perhaps it implies that the spirit of the Prince was not under the control of such passions as would render it a service of danger to prefer a suit to him.]

[Footnote 353: In some MSS. it is "Hoccleve."]

[Footnote 354: "Kyth thy love," means "make thy love known." Our word "kith," in the proverb "kith and kin," means persons of our acquaintance.]

[Footnote 355: Bib. Reg. 17. D. 6. p. 34.]



END OF VOLUME I.

LONDON: PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTLEY, Dorset Street, Fleet Street.