The continuation of the controversy was not, however, wholly one-sided. In the silence of the daily press it seemed incumbent upon the more eager and professed friends of the South to take up the cudgels. Hence, in part, came the organization of the Southern Independence Association and the attempt to hold public meetings favourable to the South, in the early months of 1864. Much talk had been spent on the "British issue" involved in the war; there was now to be vigorous work to secure it[1385]. The Index plunged into vigorous denunciation of "The Manchester School, which, for convenience and truth, we had better for the future call the American School." Even the Government was attacked for its complacence under the "American danger" and for retaining as a member Milner-Gibson, who, in a recent speech, had shown that he shared Bright's views on democracy:

"That gentleman [Bright] could not be asked to enter the Cabinet in person. The country abhorred him; Parliament despised him; his inveterate habits of slander and vituperation, his vulgarity, and his incurable want of veracity, had made him so hateful to the educated classes that it would have required no common courage to give him office; his insolent sneers at royalty would have made his appointment little less than a personal insult to the Queen; and his bad temper would have made him an intolerable colleague in the Council. But Mr. Bright had another self; a faithful shadow, which had no ideas, no soul, no other existence but what it borrowed from him, while its previous life and education had accustomed it to the society of statesmen and of gentlemen[1386]."

Such expressions gained nothing for the Conservative cause; they were too evidently the result of alarm at the progress of Radical and pro-Northern sentiment. Goldwin Smith in a "Letter" to the Southern Independence Association, analysed with clarity the situation. Answering criticisms of the passionate mob spirit of Northern press and people, he accused the Times of having

"... pandered to the hatred of America among the upper classes of this country during the present war. Some of us at least had been taught by what we have lately seen not to shrink from an extension of the suffrage, if the only bad consequence of that measure of justice would be a change in government from the passions of the privileged class to the passions of the people.... History will not mistake the meaning of the loud cry of triumph which burst from the hearts of all who openly or secretly hated liberty and progress, at the fall, as they fondly supposed, of the Great Republic." British working men "are for the most part as well aware that the cause of those who are fighting for the right of labour is theirs, as any nobleman in your Association can be that the other cause in his[1387]."

The question of democracy as a political philosophy and as an institution for Great Britain was, by 1864, rapidly coming to the front in politics. This was very largely a result of the American Civil War. Roebuck, after the failure of his effort for mediation in 1863, was obsessed with a fear of the tendency in England. "I have great faith in my countrymen," he wrote, "but the experience of America frightens me. I am not ashamed to use the word frightened. During my whole life I have looked to that country as about to solve the great problem of self-government, and now, in my old age, the hopes of my youth and manhood are destroyed, and I am left to reconstruct my political philosophy, and doubt and hesitation beset me on every point[1388]." More philosophically Matthew Arnold, in 1864, characterized the rule of aristocracy as inevitably passing, but bent his thought to the discovery of some middle ground or method—some "influence [which] may help us to prevent the English people from becoming, with the growth of democracy, Americanized[1389]." "There is no longer any sort of disguise maintained," wrote Adams, "as to the wishes of the privileged classes. Very little genuine sympathy is entertained for the rebels. The true motive is apparent enough. It is the fear of the spread of democratic feeling at home in the event of our success[1390]."

The year 1864 had witnessed a rapid retreat by wiser Conservative elements in proclaming the "lesson" of American democracy—a retreat caused by alarm at the vigour with which Radicals had taken up the challenge. Conservative hopes were still fixed upon Southern success and Conservative confidence loudly voiced. Even the pride of the Times in the accuracy of its news and in its military forecasts was subordinated to the purpose of keeping up the courage of the faction it represented[1391]. Small wonder, then, that Delane, on receiving the news of Sherman's arrival before Savannah, should be made physically ill and write to Dasent: "The American news is a heavy blow to us as well as to the South." The next day he added: "I am still sore vexed about Sherman, but Chenery did his best to attenuate the mischief[1392]." "Attenuation" of Northern progress in arms was, indeed, attempted, but the facts of the military situation were too strong for continued concealment. From January, 1865, only the most stubborn of Southern friends could remain blind to the approaching Northern victory. Lord Acton, a hero-worshipper of the great Confederate military leader, "broke his heart over the surrender of Lee," but was moved also by keen insight as to the political meaning of that surrender[1393].

So assured were all parties in England that the great Civil War in America was closing in Northern victory that the final event was discounted in advance and the lines were rapidly being formed for an English political struggle on the great issue heralded as involved in the American conflict. Again, on the introduction of a motion in Parliament for expansion of the franchise the ultra-Conservatives attempted to read a "lesson" from America. The Quarterly for April, 1865, asserted that even yet "the mass of educated men in England retain the sympathy for the South which they have nourished ever since the conflict assumed a decided shape." America was plainly headed in the direction of a military despotism. Her example should warn England from a move in the same direction. "The classes which govern this country are in a minority," and should beware of majority rule. But events discredited the prophecy of a military despotism. The assassination of Lincoln gave opportunity not merely for a general outpouring of expressions of sympathy but also to the Radicals a chance to exalt Lincoln's leadership in democracy[1394].

In July Great Britain was holding elections for a new Parliament. Not a single member who had supported the cause of the North failed of re-election, several additional Northern "friends" were chosen, and some outspoken members for the South were defeated. Adams thought this a matter deserving special notice in America, and prophesied a new era approaching in England:

"As it is, I cannot resist the belief that this period marks an era in the political movement of Great Britain. Pure old-fashioned conservatism has so far lost its hold on the confidence of the country that it will not appear in that guise any more. Unless some new and foreign element should interpose, I look for decided progress in enlarging the popular features of the constitution, and diminishing the influence of the aristocracy.... It is impossible not to perceive traces of the influence of our institutions upon all these changes.... The progress of the liberal cause, not in England alone, but all over the world, is, in a measure, in our hands[1395]."

The "Liberal progress" was more rapid, even, than Adams anticipated. Palmerston, ill for some months past, died on October 18, 1865. Russell succeeded him as head of the Ministry, and almost immediately declared himself in favour of Parliamentary reform even though a majority in both Houses was still opposed to such a measure. Russell's desertion of his earlier attitude of "finality" on franchise expansion correctly represented the acceptance, though unwillingly, by both political parties of the necessity of reform. The battle, long waged, but reaching its decisive moment during the American Civil War, had finally gone against Conservatism when Lee surrendered at Appomatox. Russell's Reform Bill of 1866 was defeated by Tory opposition in combination with a small Whig faction which refused to desert the "principle" of aristocratic government—the "government by the wise," but the Tories who came into power under Derby were forced by the popular demand voiced even to the point of rioting, themselves to present a Reform Bill. Disraeli's measure, introduced with a number of "fancy franchises," which, in effect, sought to counteract the giving of the vote to British working-men, was quickly subjected to such caustic criticism that all the planned advantages to Conservatism were soon thrown overboard, and a Bill presented so Radical as to permit a transfer of political power to the working classes[1396]. The Reform Bill of 1867 changed Great Britain from a government by aristocracy to one by democracy. A new nation came into being. The friends of the North had triumphed.

Thus in addition to the play of diplomatic incidents, the incidental frictions, the effect on trade relations, the applications of British neutrality, and the general policy of the Government, there existed for Great Britain a great issue in the outcome of the Civil War—the issue of the adoption of democratic institutions. It affected at every turn British public attitude, creating an intensity and bitterness of tone, on both sides, unexampled in the expressions of a neutral people. In America this was little understood, and American writers both during the war and long afterwards, gave little attention to it[1397]. Immediately upon the conclusion of the war, Goldwin Smith, whose words during the conflict were bitter toward the aristocracy, declared that "the territorial aristocracy of this country and the clergy of the Established Church" would have been excusable "if they could only have said frankly that they desired the downfall of institutions opposed to their own, instead of talking about their sympathy for the weak, and their respect for national independence, and their anxiety for the triumph of Free Trade[1398]." This was stated before the democratic hope in England had been realized. Three years later the same staunch friend of the North, now removed to America and occupying a chair of history at Cornell University, wrote of the British aristocracy in excuse of their attitude: "I fought these men hard; I believed, and believe now, that their defeat was essential to the progress of civilization. But I daresay we should have done pretty much as they did, if we had been born members of a privileged order, instead of being brought up under the blessed influence of equality and justice[1399]."

Such judgment and such excuses will appear to the historian as well-founded. But to Americans who conceived the Civil War as one fought first of all for the preservation of the nation, the issue of democracy in England seemed of little moment and little to excuse either the "cold neutrality" of the Government or the tone of the press. To Americans Great Britain appeared friendly to the dissolution of the Union and the destruction of a rival power. Nationality was the issue for the North; that democracy was an issue in America was denied, nor could it, in the intensity of the conflict, be conceived as the vital question determining British attitude. The Reform Bill of 1867 brought a new British nation into existence, the nation decrying American institutions was dead and a "sister democracy" holding out hands to the United States had replaced it, but to this the men who had won the war for the North long remained blind. Not during the generation when Americans, immersed in a life and death struggle for national existence, felt that "he who is not for me is against me," could the generally correct neutrality of the British Government and the whole-hearted support of Radical England be accepted at their true value to the North. For nearly half a century after the American Civil War the natural sentiments of friendship, based upon ties of blood and a common heritage of literature and history and law, were distorted by bitter and exaggerated memories.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1323: See my article, "The Point of View of the British Traveller in America," Pol. Sci. Quarterly, June, 1914.]

[Footnote 1324: Alexander Mackay, The Western World; or Travels in the United States in 1846-47.]

[Footnote 1325: Ibid., Fourth Edition, London, 1850, Vol. III, p. 24.]

[Footnote 1326: Hugh Seymour Tremenheere, The Constitution of the United States compared with Our Own, London, 1854.]

[Footnote 1327: e.g., William Kelly, Across the Rocky Mountains from New York to California, London, 1852. He made one acute observation on American democracy. "The division of parties is just the reverse in America to what it is in England. In England the stronghold of democracy is in the large towns, and aristocracy has its strongest supporters in the country. In America the ultra-democrat and leveller is the western farmer, and the aristocratic tendency is most visible amongst the manufacturers and merchants of the eastern cities." (p. 181.)]

[Footnote 1328: Monypenny, Disraeli, IV, pp. 293-4, states a Tory offer to support Palmerston on these lines.]

[Footnote 1329: Dodd, Jefferson Davis, p. 217.]

[Footnote 1330: March, 30, 1861.]

[Footnote 1331: March 16, 1861.]

[Footnote 1332: To John Bigelow, April 14, 1861. (Bigelow, Retrospections, I, p. 347.)]

[Footnote 1333: April 27, 1861.]

[Footnote 1334: Bunch wrote to Russell, May 15, 1861, that the war in America was the "natural result of the much vaunted system of government of the United States"; it had "crumbled to pieces," and this result had long been evident to the public mind of Europe. (F.O., Am., Vol. 780, No. 58.)]

[Footnote 1335: State Department, Eng., Vol. 77, No. 9. Adams to Seward, June 21, 1861.]

[Footnote 1336: I have made an effort to identify writers in Blackwood's, but am informed by the editors that it is impossible to do this for the period before 1870, old correspondence having been destroyed.]

[Footnote 1337: July, 1861.]

[Footnote 1338: The Atlantic Monthly for November, 1861, takes up the question, denying that democracy is in any sense "on trial" in America, so far as the permanence of American institutions is concerned. It still does not see clearly the real nature of the controversy in England.]

[Footnote 1339: Aug. 17, 1861.]

[Footnote 1340: Sept. 6, 1861. (Mass. Hist. Soc. Proceedings, XLVI, p. 94.)]

[Footnote 1341: Sept. 7, 1861.]

[Footnote 1342: Sept. 14, 1861.]

[Footnote 1343: Motley, Correspondence, II, p. 35. To his mother, Sept. 22, 1861.]

[Footnote 1344: April, 1861.]

[Footnote 1345: Oct., 1861.]

[Footnote 1346: Oct., 1861. Article, "Democracy teaching by Example."]

[Footnote 1347: Nov. 23, 1861.]

[Footnote 1348: Cited by Harris, The Trent Affair, p. 28.]

[Footnote 1349: Robertson, Speeches of John Bright, I, pp. 177 seq.]

[Footnote 1350: Gladstone Papers, Dec. 27, 1861.]

[Footnote 1351: State Dept., Eng., Vol. 78, No. 95. Adams to Seward, Dec. 27, 1861. As printed in U.S. Messages and Documents, 1862-63, Pt. I, p. 14. Adams' emphasis on the word "not" is unindicated, by the failure to use italics.]

[Footnote 1352: Ibid., No. 110. Enclosure. Adams to Seward, Jan. 31, 1862.]

[Footnote 1353: Feb. 22, 1862.]

[Footnote 1354: State Dept., Eng., Vol. 80, No. 206. Adams to Seward, Aug. 8, 1862. Of this period in 1862, Rhodes (IV, 78) writes that "the most significant and touching feature of the situation was that the cotton operative population was frankly on the side of the North." Lutz, Die Beziehungen zwischen Deutschland und den Vereinigten Staaten waehrend des Sezessionskrieges, pp. 49-53, makes an interesting analysis of the German press, showing it also determined in its attitude by factional political idealisms in Germany.]

[Footnote 1355: Palmerston MS., Aug. 24, 1862.]

[Footnote 1356: Aug. 30, 1862.]

[Footnote 1357: October, 1862. "The Confederate Struggle and Recognition."]

[Footnote 1358: Nov. 4, 1862.]

[Footnote 1359: The Index, Nov. 20, 1862, p. 63. (Communication.)]

[Footnote 1360: Anthony Trollope, North America, London, 1862, Vol. I, p. 198. The work appeared in London in 1862, and was in its third edition by the end of the year. It was also published in New York in 1862 and in Philadelphia in 1863.]

[Footnote 1361: The Liberator, March 13, 1863, quoting a report in the New York Sunday Mercury.]

[Footnote 1362: Lord Salisbury is quoted in Vince, John Bright, p. 204, as stating that Bright "was the greatest master of English oratory that this generation—I may say several generations—has seen. I have met men who have heard Pitt and Fox, and in whose judgment their eloquence at its best was inferior to the finest efforts of John Bright. At a time when much speaking has depressed, has almost exterminated, eloquence, he maintained that robust, powerful and vigorous style in which he gave fitting expression to the burning and noble thoughts he desired to utter."]

[Footnote 1363: Speech at Rochdale, Feb. 3, 1863. (Robertson, Speeches of John Bright, I, pp. 234 seq.)]

[Footnote 1364: Bigelow to Seward, Feb. 6, 1863. (Bigelow, Retrospections, I, p. 600.)]

[Footnote 1365: U.S. Messages and Documents, 1863, Pt. I, p. 123.]

[Footnote 1366: State Dept., Eng., Adams to Seward. No. 334. Feb. 26, 1863. enclosing report of the Edinburgh meeting as printed in The Weekly Herald, Mercury and News, Feb. 21, 1863.]

[Footnote 1367: U.S. Messages and Documents, 1863, Pt. I, p. 157.]

[Footnote 1368: Spargo, Karl Marx, pp. 224-5. Spargo claims that Marx bent every effort to stir working men to a sense of class interest in the cause of the North and even went so far as to secure the presence of Bright at the meeting, as the most stirring orator of the day, though personally he regarded Bright "with an almost unspeakable loathing." On reading this statement I wrote to Mr. Spargo asking for evidence and received the reply that he believed the tradition unquestionably well founded, though "almost the only testimony available consists of a reference or two in one of his [Marx's] letters and the ample corroborative testimony of such friends as Lessner, Jung and others." This is scant historical proof; but some years later in a personal talk with Henry Adams, who was in 1863 his father's private secretary, and who attended and reported the meeting, the information was given that Henry Adams himself had then understood and always since believed Marx's to have been the guiding hand in organizing the meeting.]

[Footnote 1369: U.S. Messages and Documents, 1863, Pt. I, p. 162. (Adams to Seward, March 27, 1863.)]

[Footnote 1370: State Dept., Eng., Vol. 82, No. 358. Adams to Seward, March 27, 1863, enclosing report by Henry Adams. There was also enclosed the printed report, giving speeches at length, as printed by The Bee Hive, the organ of the London Trades Unions.]

[Footnote 1371: See ante, p. 132.]

[Footnote 1372: State Dept., Eng., Vol. 82, No. 360. Adams to Seward, April 2, 1863.]

[Footnote 1373: May 5, 1863.]

[Footnote 1374: U.S. Diplomatic Correspondence, 1863, Pt. I, p. 243. Adams to Seward, May 7, 1863.]

[Footnote 1375: Robertson, Speeches of John Bright, I, p. 264. In a letter to Bigelow, March 16, 1863, Bright estimated that there were seven millions of men of twenty-one years of age and upward in the United Kingdom, of whom slightly over one million had the vote. (Bigelow, Retrospections, I, p. 610.)]

[Footnote 1376: July 2, 1863. The editorial was written in connection with Roebuck's motion for mediation and is otherwise interesting for an attempt to characterize each of the speakers in the Commons.]

[Footnote 1377: U.S. Diplomatic Correspondence, 1863, Part I, p. 319. To Seward, July 23, 1863.]

[Footnote 1378: See ante, p. 130, note 2.]

[Footnote 1379: MS. letter, Sept. 8, 1863, in possession of C. F. Adams, Jr.]

[Footnote 1380: Sept. 24, 1863.]

[Footnote 1381: Even the friendly Russian Minister in Washington was at this time writing of the "rule of the mob" in America and trusting that the war, "the result of democracy," would serve as a warning to Europe. (Russian Archives, Stoeckl to F.O., Nov. 29-Dec. 11, 1864, No. 1900.)]

[Footnote 1382: State Dept., Eng., Vol. 84, Nos. 557 and 559. Adams to Seward, Dec. 17, 1863. Adams repeated his advice to "keep out of it."]

[Footnote 1383: Ibid., Vol. 85, No. 587. Adams to Seward, Jan. 29, 1864. Adams here expressed the opinion that it was partly the aristocratic antipathy to Bright that had produced the ill-will to the United States.]

[Footnote 1384: Ibid.]

[Footnote 1385: See Ch. XV.]

[Footnote 1386: The Index, Jan. 28, 1864, p. 58.]

[Footnote 1387: Goldwin Smith, A Letter to a Whig Member of the Southern Independence Association, London, 1864, pp. 14, 68, and 71.]

[Footnote 1388: Leader, Roebuck, p. 299. To William Ibbitt, April 26, 1864.]

[Footnote 1389: Arnold, Mixed Essays, p. 17. N.Y., Macmillan, 1883.]

[Footnote 1390: State Dept., Eng., Vol. 86, No. 709. Adams to Seward, June 9, 1864]

[Footnote 1391: See ante, Ch. XVI.]

[Footnote 1392: Dasent, Delane, II, pp. 135-6. Delane to Dasent, Dec. 25 and 26, 1864. The Times on December 26 pictured Sherman as having escaped to the sea, but on the 29th acknowledged his achievements.]

[Footnote 1393: Lord Acton's Letters to Mary Gladstone, p. 183.]

[Footnote 1394: These were not confined to Great Britain. The American Legation in Berlin received addresses of sympathy from many organizations, especially labour unions. One such, drawn by W. Liebknecht, A. Vogt, and C. Schilling read in part: "Members of the working-class, we need not affirm to you the sincerity of these our sympathies; for with pride we can point to the fact, that, while the aristocracy of the Old World took openly the part of the southern slaveholder, and while the middle class was divided in its opinions, the working-men in all countries of Europe have unanimously and firmly stood on the side of the Union." (U.S. Diplomatic Correspondence, 1865, Pt. IV, p. 500.)]

[Footnote 1395: U.S. Messages and Documents, 1865, Pt. I, p. 417. Adams to Hunter, July 13, 1865.]

[Footnote 1396: Disraeli was less disturbed by this than were other Tory leaders. He had long before, in his historical novels, advocated an aristocratic leadership of democracy, as against the middle class. Derby called the Bill "a leap in the dark," but assented to it.]

[Footnote 1397: Pierce, Sumner, IV, pp. 151-153, summarizes the factors determining British attitude and places first the fear of the privileged classes of the example of America, but his treatment really minimizes this element.]

[Footnote 1398: Goldwin Smith, "The Civil War in America: An Address read at the last meeting of the Manchester Union and Emancipation Society." (Jan. 26, 1866.) London, 1866, pp. 71-75.]

[Footnote 1399: Goldwin Smith, America and England in their present relations, London, 1869, p. 30.]



INDEX

Aberdeen, Lord, i. 10, 13, 14, 15; ii. 117 note[1] Acton, Lord, ii. 301 Adams, Brooks, The Seizure of the Laird Rams, cited, ii. 120 note[2], 125 note[1], 147 note[1], 150 note[1] Adams, Charles Francis, i. 49, 62-3, 80-1; attitude in the early days of the American crisis, 49 and note, 55, 63; appointed American Minister in London, 62, 80-1, 96; impressions of English opinion on the crisis, 96, 97, 98, 107; alarm at Seward's Despatch No. 10, i. 127; attitude of, to the Palmerston-Russell ministry, 170; controversy on General Butler's order, 302-5; reports to Seward on British public meetings on Emancipation Proclamation, ii. 107 and note[3], 223; view of the popular manifestations on Emancipation, 108; view as to decline of British confidence in the South, 184; and the London Confederate States Aid Association, 191, 192; receives deputations of allegiance during rumours before the fall of Savannah, 245 and note[1]; quoted on rumours in Britain of possible reunion and foreign war, ii. 251-2, 253; on effect in England of the Hampton Roads Conference, 253; advice of, to Seward on attitude to be observed to Britain, 253-255; attitude to Seward's complaints of British and Canadian offences, 253-4; comments of, on parliamentary debate and Bright's speech of confidence in Lincoln, 255 and note[1]; on feeling in Britain over Lincoln's assassination and the attempt on Seward, 257, 262-3; receives addresses of sympathy from British organizations, 262-3; and formal declaration of the end of the war, 268; faith of, in ultimate British opinion on the issues in the Civil War, ii. 283; views of, on the political controversy in England as influencing attitude to America 284, 285; advice to Seward on the political position in relation to democracy, 290, 294, 296, 298 note[1]; quoted on the rising of democratic feeling in Britain, 291; disappointed in attitude of British friends of progress, 278, 279, 280; report of, on London mass meeting in favour of the North, 284; and the Trades Unions of London meeting, 292, 294-5; quoted on John Bright, 298; on the attitude of the privileged classes to democracy, 298 note[2], 300; on the influence of American institutions on the political movement in Great Britain, 302

Diplomatic action and views of, in regard to: Alabama case: ii. 35, 120 and note[2], 121, 131 British Foreign Enlistment Act, i. 135, 148-9; ii. 201-2 Bunch controversy, i. 186, 187, 190, 193, 195 Confederate Commissioners: representations on intercourse with, i. 105-6, 107 Confederate Cotton Loan: reported connection with, ii. 161 and note[4]; views on, 179 Confederate Shipbuilding in England: protests against, ii. 118, 128, 131, 137, 143, 145 note[2]; and U.S. Navy Department plan to stop, 130 note[2]; Laird Rams incident, 144, 146, 147 note[1], 150 Cotton: report on British position, ii. 99 Declaration of Paris negotiation: action on proposed convention, i. 141-69 passim; view of American intention, 144, 169; failure of his negotiation, 137, 145-6, 169-71 Gladstone and Lewis speeches, ii. 55 Irish emigrants, enlistment of, ii. 201-2 Lindsay's efforts for mediation, ii. 34-5. 212 Mediation: presents the "servile war" threat against, ii. 18-19, 95; view of England's reply to French proposals on, 71; advantages of an anti-slavery avowal, 98-9 Neutrality Law, See British Foreign Enlistment Act supra Privateering Bill, ii. 122-3, 125, 127; advises against issue of privateers, 131 Proclamation of Neutrality, The: representations on, i. 98-100, 101, 105, 107 and note[2], 300-1; despatch on settlement of peaceful policy, 134; protests against British recognition of belligerency, 159; advice to Seward on, 275 Roebuck's motion: report on, ii. 144 "Servile War" threat, ii. 18-19, 95 and note[4] Slavery: urges Northern declaration on, ii. 98-9; comments on Times criticism of anti-slavery meetings, 108 Southern Ports: plan of collecting duties at, ii. 198 Trent Affair, the: interviewed by Palmerston, i. 208-9; statement on the James Adger, 209-10; suspicion of British policy in, 218; views on public opinion in, 222-3; officially states Wilkes acted without authorization, 226; report on English hope of peaceful settlement, 228, 229; on British opinion after settlement of, 238, 240; on effect of, in Great Britain, 243; view of popular attitude in Britain in the crisis of, ii. 283 Appreciation and criticisms on: Characterized in The Index, ii. 196 Lord Lyons', report on, i. 62-3; opinion on, ii. 71 note[4] Lord Russell's view of his diplomacy, ii. 128 Tory approval of, ii. 197 Otherwise mentioned, i. 1, 2, 129, 198, 263, 274, 276; ii. 31, 100 Adams, C.F., Jun., view of British attitude and the Proclamation of Neutrality, i. 109, 110; view of the delay in his father's journey to England, 112 note; view on Seward's attitude in Declaration of Paris negotiation, 138, 153-6; examination of British action in the negotiation, 154-5; review of the Trent affair, cited, 203 note, et seq. passim; on American feeling over seizure of Mason and Slidell, 218; and the Hotze materials, ii. 154 note Adams, E.D.: British Interests and Activities in Mexico, cited ii. 117 note[1] "The Point of View of the British Traveller in America," cited, i. 23 note; ii. 274 note[1] Adams, Henry, i. 138; ii. 292 note[1]; view of, on W.E. Forster, i. 58 note[2]; on British Proclamation of Neutrality, 110; on American exultation in Trent affair, 223; on British attitude in Trent affair, 230; view of Gregory's speech on the blockade, 270; on British view of prospects in the War, 297; on possibility of intervention, ii. 23; on advantage of a Northern declaration on slavery, 23; on the Trades Unions of London meeting, 292 and note[1] 293 "Declaration, The, of Paris," 1861 ... reviewed, 146 et seq., 153; view of Russell's policy in, 146-150, 159; view of Lyons, 147, 150 Education of Henry Adams quoted, i. 149 note[3]; ii. 172 note[2]; cited, ii. 50 note[1] Adams, John (Second President of the U.S.), i. 62, 81 Adams, John Quincy, i. 11, 20, 62, 81 African Slave Trade, attitude of the South to, i. 85-6; ii. 88; suppression of, international efforts for, i. 8-10; punishment to slave traders in American law, 9; American attitude to right of search, 9, 10, 219; British anti-slavery policy, 31-2; wane of British interest in, 10, 32; ii. 90; Slave Trade Treaty signed, i. 10, 275, 276; ii. 90, 91 Agassiz, L., i. 37 note. Akroyd, Edward, ii. 193 note. Alabama, The, ii. 35, 116, 119-120; departure of, from Liverpool, 118; British order to stop departure, 119, 120 and note[2], 133; Russell's private feelings as to, 121, 124; public opinion in Great Britain on, 129-130; Palmerston's defence of Government action on, 134-5; American anger over, 119, 127; measures against, 121-3, 127; New York Chamber of Commerce protest on, 126; claim for damages on account of, 151 note[1]; mentioned, i. 138; ii. 129 note[1], 131, 134, 136, 145, 146 Alexandra, case, The: Seizure of the vessel, ii. 136, 139, 140, 152, 161 note[4]; public approval, 136; law actions on, 136 note[2], 142, 149, 152, 185, 195; American anxiety at Court decision, 143; final result, 196 note[2] America, Central: British-American disputes in, i. 16, 17 American: Civil War: i. 86, 87 and note[2], 99; British public and official views at the commencement of, 40-60; origins of; American and British views, i. 47-8; efforts at compromise, 49; British official attitude on outbreak of, 73; European opinion of, after duration of three years, ii. 219; compared with the Great War in Europe, 219; British attitude to democracy as determining attitude to the War, i. 77; ii. 303-5; bearing of, on democracy in Great Britain, 299 Union, The: British views of, i. 15; prognostications of its dissolution, 36, 37 War of Independence, i. 2-3, 17; adjustments after the Treaty of Peace, 3; as fostering militant patriotism, 7, 8 note; commercial relations after, 17-18 "War of 1812" i. 4, 7, 18; causes leading to, 5-7; New England opposition to, 7, 18; effect of, on American National unity, 7 See also under United States Anderson, Major, Northern Commander at Fort Sumter, i. 117 Anderson's Mission, ii. 53 note[3]; reports, ii. 53 and note[2] Andrews, Governor of Massachusetts, i. 219-20 Anthropological Society of London, ii. 222 Antietam, defeat of Lee by McClellan at, ii. 43, 85, 105; effect of, on Lord Palmerston, 43 Archibald, British Consul at New York, i. 63, 64 Argyll, Duke of, i. 179, 212; anti-slavery attitude of, i. 179, 238; ii. 112; views of, in Trent crisis, i. 212, 215, 229, 238; on calamity of war with America, 215, 238; on Northern determination, ii. 30 Arkansas joins Confederate States, i. 172 Army and Navy Gazette, The, ii. 228, 229; attitude in the conflict, 229-30, 236; on the Presidential election, 235-6, 238; summary of military situation after Atlanta, 243; on "foreign war" rumours, 251; cited or quoted, 68, 166, 232-3, 243. (See also under Russell, W.H.) Arnold, Matthew, views on the secession, i. 47; on British "superiority," 258; on the rule of aristocracy and growth of democracy, ii. 300 Arnold, The History of the Cotton Famine, ii. 6 note[2], 10, 11; quoted: first effects of the war on the cotton trade, 9-10; cotton operatives' song, 17 note[6]; on the members for Lancashire, 26-7 Ashburton, Lord, i. 13; Ashburton Mission, i. 13 Aspinwall and Forbes, Mission of, in England, ii. 130 note[2] Atlanta, captured by Sherman, ii. 233-5; effect of, on Northern attitude, 233-4; effect of, on Lincoln's re-election, 235 Atlantic Monthly, The, ii. 109 note[3]; 279 and note[3]

Bagley, Mr., ii. 224 Balch, The Alabama Arbitration, cited, ii. 129 note[1] Baligny. See Belligny Bancroft, Frederic, cited, i. 117 note; analysis of Seward's object in Declaration of Paris negotiation, 150-3; view on Russell's aims in, 152 and note[2] Life of Seward, cited or quoted, i. 106 note[1], 118 note, 130 note[3]; 132 note[3], 138, 150-3, 186 notes, 191 note[4], 196 note[1], 200 note[2], 213 note[4], 231 note[3], 280 and note[1], 281; ii. 1-2, 96, 99 note[2], 143 note[3], 253 note[1], 258 note[1] Banks, Governor, i. 37 note Baring, ii. 96 note[3] Bath, Marquis of, ii. 193 note Beals, Mr., ii. 191 Bedford, Duke of, i. 96 and note[3] Bee Hive, The, cited, ii. 293 note Beecher, Henry Ward, ii. 184 and note[3] Beesly, Professor, speech of, at Trades Unions of London Meeting, ii. 292 Belfast Whig, The, i. 70 note[1]; 231 note Belligny, French Consul at Charleston, i. 185 note[1], 186, 188, 189, 191 and note[4] Bell's Weekly Messenger, quoted, ii. 104 Benjamin, Confederate Secretary of State, ii. 5; Mercier's interview with, i. 284, 285; report of, to Slidell on Mercier's visit, 284 note[2]; instructions of, to Slidell offering commercial advantages for French intervention, ii. 24 and note[2]; on idea of Confederate loan, 158-9; recalls Mason, 179; and recognition of the Confederacy, 217; on the attitude of France to the Confederacy, 236 note[2]; plan of offering abolition of slavery in return for recognition, 249; otherwise mentioned, i. 292; ii. 88 note[2], 148, 154 note[1], 213 note[1] Bentinck, i. 268, 269 Bernard, Montague: Neutrality, The, of Great Britain during the American Civil War, quoted, i., 100 and note[1], 137-8; ii. 118; cited, i. 171 note[1], 245 note[3], 246 note[2], 263 notes; ii. 136 note[2]; on the American representations on the British Proclamation of Neutrality, i. 100; on Declaration of Paris negotiations, 137-8; on the Blockade, 263 and notes "Two Lectures on the Present American War": on recognition, cited, i. 183 Bigelow, John, ii. 71 note[3]: France and the Confederate Navy, cited, ii. 57 note[2] Retrospections of an Active Life, cited, i. 56 note, 217 note[2]; ii. 71 note[3], 88 note[2], 128 note[3], 130 note[2]; Gladstone and the Cotton Loan, 163 note[2]; U.S. stimulation of immigration, 200 note[1]; cited, 229 note[1]; Quoted, ii. 254; advice of, on the political position in Britain; quoted, 290; cited, 295 note[3] Billault, M., i. 288, 289 and note[1] Birkbeck, Morris, Letters from Illinois, quoted, i. 25 Birmingham Post, The, i. 70 note[1]; ii. 231 note; letters of S.A. Goddard in support of emancipation in, ii. 108-9 Bishop, Rev. Francis, ii. 224 Bismarck, ii. 203 Black, Judge, American Secretary of State, i. 52, 244 Blackwood, John, political views of, ii. 289 Blackwood's Magazine, ii. 279 note[1]; on cotton and the blockade, 10; on French mediation proposals, 68; on the Emancipation Proclamation, 103; on democracy as cause of the war, 278-9, 281, 289 Blair, member of the United States Cabinet, i, 130 note[1], 231; ii. 85, 251, 252 Blockade of Southern Ports, the: Lincoln's declaration on, i. 83, 89, 90, 92, 111, 121, 122, 244, 245; commencement of, i. 245; method of warning at the port, 245, 246; as involving hardship to British merchants, 245-6; effectiveness of, 252-71 passim; effect on British Trade, 252, 254, 263; effect on Cotton Trade, 262; ii. 8, 9; statistics as to effectiveness, i. 268 note[3] Southern Ports Bill, i. 246 et seq. Stone Boat Fleet Blockade, i. 253 et seq., 269, 302 British attitude to, i. 95, 244, 245, 246, 263 and note[2], 267, 270; ii. 5, 265; Parliamentary debate on, i. 267 et seq.; Gregory's motion 268 et seq.; press attitude, 246; Bright's view, ii. 14, 15 Confederate representations on, i. 265 Napoleon's view of, i. 290 Booth, assassinator of Lincoln, ii. 258, 259, 263 Border States, The: efforts at compromise, i. 49; sympathies in, 173; the "Border State policy" of Lincoln, 173, 176, 272 note[1]; ii. 82; and Confiscation Bill, Lincoln's fears, 82; attitude of, to emancipation, ii. 83, 84, 87; not affected in Proclamation of Emancipation, 86 Bourke, Hon. Robert, ii. 187, 193 Boynton, Rev. C.B., English and French Neutrality, etc., cited and quoted, ii. 225 note[1] Bright, John, i. 58 note[2], 77; quoted on Times attitude towards the United States, 55 note[3]; view of the Northern attempt at reconquest, 72; views of, on the Proclamation of Neutrality, 108, 110; speech on Trent affair, 221-2; letter to Sumner on Trent affair, influence on Lincoln, 232; speech on Britain's attitude on conclusion of Trent affair, 241-2; view on the war as for abolition, 241; on distress in Lancashire, ii. 13, 14; view of the blockade, 14, 15; on the cotton shortage, 15; and Gladstone's Newcastle speech, 48; view of Emancipation Proclamation, 48 note[2], 105-6, 111-12; on England's support if emancipation an object in the war, 88-9; the escape of the Alabama, 120; at Trades Unions of London meeting, 132-3, 134, 291-3; support of the North, 132, 283-4, 290, 291-295; on the interests of the unenfranchised in the American conflict, 132, 295; on the unfriendly neutrality of the Government, 134; rebuked by Palmerston, 135; trouncing of Roebuck, 172 and note[2]; on Britain's neutrality (Nov., 1863), 184; championship of democratic institutions, i. 221-2; ii. 132-3, 276-7, 282, 283; popularity of, as advocate of Northern cause, 224, 225; influence of, for the North, i. 58 note[2]; ii. 224; Lincoln's pardon of Alfred Rubery in honour of, 225 and note[1]; quoted on feeling of the British Government and people towards United States in Jan., 1865, etc., 247; confidence of, in pacific policy of Lincoln, 255 and note[1]; quoted on the ruling class and democracy, 280; attack on Southern aristocracy by, 290; heads deputation to Adams, 294; eulogy of George Thompson by, 224 note[1] Adams' opinion on, ii. 298; view of, in The Index, ii. 298-9; Laird's view of, ii. 134; Karl Marx's view of, 292 note[1]; Lord Salisbury, quoted on the oratory of, 290 note[1], the Times attack on, 295-6 Otherwise mentioned, i. 69, 179, 289; ii. 68, 69, 132 note[1], 172 note[1], 186, 187, 191, 278, 281. (See also under Morning Star) British, See also under Great Britain British emigration to America, i. 23 et seq, 35; effect of American political ideals on, 23, 24, 25, 26 British Foreign Enlistment Act, ii. 116-7, 118; application of, in American crisis, question in Commons, i. 94; Russell's idea of amending, ii. 124, 196; Russell's advice to Palmerston on, 131; debate in Parliament on, 132, 133-4, 135; Forster and the violation of, 133; Government reply to Liverpool shipowners on, 142; Kearsarge incident, 202 British Press. See under names of Papers and under subject headings British Standard, The, i. 70 note[1] British travellers' views on America, i. 23 and note, 24, 28, 30; ii. 274-5 Brooks, i. 80 Brougham, i. 94 note[2]; ii. 282 Brougham, Lord, i. 19 Brown, John, raid of, i. 33 note[2] Browning, Robert, pro-Northern sentiment of, i. 70; on stone-boat blockade, 256; on Slavery a factor in the struggle, 238-9; on British dismay at prospect of war in Trent crisis, 240; mentioned, 228 note[4] Bruce,—, British Ambassador in Washington, ii. 255 note[4]; report of American intentions against France in Mexico, 255 note[4]; comment of, on Lincoln, Seward and Sumner, 262; warns Russell of probable American demands at end of war, 266, 268; attitude to "piracy" proclamation, 268. Otherwise mentioned, ii. 262, 269. Brunow, Baron de, Russian Ambassador: on British policy, i. 50-1, 74; interpretation of Russell's "three months" statement, 272 note[1]; report of, on Russell's mediation plan, ii. 45 note[3]; interview of, with Russell on joint mediation offer, 73 note[1] Bryce, Lord, i. 30; ii. 188 note[3], 274 Buchanan, President, i. 16, 49, 52, 117, 259; ii. 278 Buckingham, James Silk, America, Historical, Statistic and Descriptive, cited, i. 29 Buckley, Victor, ii. 120 note[2] Bull Run, Northern defeat at, i. 135, 154, 176, 201; as affecting Seward's policy, considered, 154, 155-6; effect of, in Great Britain: press views, 176, 177-8, 179; official views, 178, 179 and note[1]; public opinion, 201 Bullock, Captain J.D., Confederate Agent in Britain, ii. 118, 129, 145; on the proposed use of the Laird rams, 122 note[1], 143; shipbuilding contracts of, ii. 156, 157; Secret Service under the Confederacy, cited, ii. 118, 149 note Bunch,—, British Consul at Charleston, description of Jockey Club dinner, i. 43; on Southern anti-British sentiment, 44 note[2], ii. 71 note[2]; instructions to, on the secession, i. 53 note[1]; appeal of, to Judge Black on seizure of Federal customs house, 52; characterizations of Southern leaders, 59; view of President Davis, 59; views on the South and secession, 59, 93; characterizations of Southern Commissioners, 63; negotiations of, with the Confederates on Declaration of Paris, 168 note[4], 184-6, 188, 193; attitude of, to the South, 185 and note[4], 103, 195 note[2]; American complaints of, 187, 189, 193-4; recall of exequatur of, 184, 187 et seq., 193, 194-5, 201; defence of his action in the Mure case, 187, 188, 192, 199; subsequent history of, 195 note[2]; view of, as scapegoat, 195 note[2]; on attitude to the Blockade, 252 note[2], 253 note[2], 268; on Southern intentions, 252 note[2]; view of Southern determination, 252 note[2]; on Southern views of England's necessity for cotton, 63, 252 note[2]; ii. 4, 5; on effect of the blockade on Southern cotton industry, 9 note[2]; on burning of Mississippi cotton, 16 note[1], 17 note[4]; on the American system of government as the cause of the Civil War, 278 note[2] British attitude to the controversy over, i. 188-9, 190, 191, 194; French attitude, i. 189, 191 and note[4], 192, 201 note Lyons' views on Bunch controversy, i. 187, 193, 194 and note[1] Russell's views, i. 187, 190, 193, 194 and note[4] Otherwise mentioned, i. 66; ii. 88 Burnley, British Ambassador, report of, on prospective war with America, ii. 254 Butler, General, order to Federal soldiers in New Orleans, i. 302-4, 305; ii. 68; Palmerston and Adams controversy on, i. 302-5; Lord Russell's advice to Palmerston, 303, 304

Cairnes, Professor, ii. 224 note[3]; pamphlet by, on "Slave Power," 112 Caledonian Mercury, The, i. 70 note[1]; ii. 231 note California, acquisition of, by U.S., i. 15, 16 Callahan,—, Diplomatic History of the Southern Confederacy, cited, i. 261 note, 289 note[2]; ii. 167 notes, 169 note[4] Campbell, Lord, i. 271, 292; ii, 28, 77, 169, 172, 193 Canada: Rebellion of 1837 in, i. 4, 109; ii. 117; British fear of American attack on, i. 4; sentiment in, as affected by the American Wars against England, 8 note; suggestions of annexation to Northern States of the U.S., 54-5; "compensation" in, idea in British press, 54-5; and in views of American political leaders, 55; Gladstone's idea regarding, ii. 69-70; military defence of, in Trent crisis, i. 213, 241-2; views in, on Trent affair, 222 note; on British policy and defence, 222 note; view of the Times in, 222 note Free Trade policy and, a Southern premonition as to, i. 22 Reciprocity Treaty of, with U.S., ii. 198, 253-4 Otherwise mentioned, ii. 251, 254, 275 Canning, i. II, 12, 20 Cardwell, ii. 64 Carolina, North, joins Confederate States, i. 172 Carolina, South, secession of, i. 41, 43-44, 55; ii. 3-4; seizes Federal customs at Charleston, i. 52; requests Federal relinquishment of Fort Sumter, 117 "Caroline" affair, The, i. 109 Case, Walter M., James M. Mason—Confederate Diplomat, cited and quoted, i. 261 note; ii. 161 and note[3] Catacazy, C., and mediation by Russia, ii. 251 note[1] Cecil, Lord Eustace, ii. 187, 189, 193 Cecil, Lord Robert, supports Gregory's motion on blockade, i. 268; supports Roebuck's motion, ii. 171, 175-6; on Committee of Southern Independence Association, 187, 193 Charleston, S.C.: Sentiment to Great Britain in, i. 43, 44 note; seizure of customs house at, 52; British appeal on question of port dues at, 52, 244; "Stone Boat" blockade of harbour at, 253; evacuation of, ii. 248, 249 Charleston Mercury, "King Cotton" theory of, ii. 5 Chase, Secretary of Treasury, i. 115, 121; ii. 72, 283; quarrel with Seward, 72 Chase, W. H. (of Florida), quoted, ii. 4 Chattanooga, ii. 185 Cheever, Rev. Dr., ii. 224 Chenery, ii. 301 Chesney, Captain, cited, ii. 165 Chesson, F. W., ii. 224 Chicago Convention, the, i. 175 Chicago abolitionists, Lincoln and, ii. 49 note[3] Chicamauga, Rosencrans defeated at, ii. 184 Chittenden, cited, ii. 130 note[2] Christian IX, of Denmark, ii. 203 Clanricarde, Lord, ii. 168 Clarendon, Earl of, i. 199 note[3], 215; ii. 3, 51-8 passim, 63, 203 note[2]; on Russell's mediation project and Lewis' Hereford speech, quoted, 57-8 Clayton-Bulwer Treaty: Seward's attack on British interpretation of, i. 113 Cobden, i. 77; quoted, on the Times, 222 note; opinion of Seward, 222 note; and Sumner, 222 note; on Palmerston's action in Trent affair, 226 note[3]; letter to Sumner read at American Cabinet meeting, 232 Otherwise mentioned, i. 289; ii. 26, 67, 80, 95 and note[4], 166, 276 Collie, ii. 189 Collier, legal advice of, on Alabama, ii. 118-9 Columbia District, freeing of slaves in, ii. 83 Columbia, S.C., burning of, ii. 248, 249 Combe, George, Notes on the United States, etc., cited, i. 29 Confederate Commissioners to Europe, the: Bunch's characterization of, i. 63; unofficial interview with Russell, 85-6, 106, 158; protest against closing of British ports, 170 note[2]; replaced by "Special Commissioners," 203; attempt to make use of the Trent affair, 214; British attitude to, not modified by Trent affair, 235; policy of, with regard to recognition and the blockade, i. 264-5, 267, 273, 300; acquire a "confidential" document, 265 and note[2]; hopes of, from Parliament, 265, 266, 272; instructions of the first Commissioners, ii. 4 and note[3]; failure of the first Commission, 4-5; suggest a treaty on African Slave Trade, 88 note[2]; slavery abolition offer, 249 Confederate Agents' correspondence, collections of, i. 261 note[1] See also under personal names Confederates, See under Southern States Confiscation Bill, The, ii. 82, 84, 85, 86, 92, 95; Lincoln's attitude to, 82, 84; Lord Russell's comment on, 97 Constitutionel, The, cited, ii. 236 note[2] Continental Press and American News, ii. 71 note[2] Corcoran, ii. 169 Cotton supplies and slavery, i. 13; in British-American commercial relations, 21, 22; British manufacturers' dependence on, 22; effect of the Civil War on, 55, 246; ii. 53; the crop of 1860 ... ii. 7 Blockade, The, and, i. 252 and note[2], 253; ii. 9; effect of, on price, i. 262, 270; Napoleon's views on, 290 England, need of, for, i. 196-7, 200 note[1], 294, 296; ii. 17, 99; cotton famine in, 294; ii. 6, II et seq., 16 note[1]; cotton manufacturing industry of, in 1860-1, ii. 6-7, 8; first effects of the war on, 8, 9, 10. See also under Lancashire. France, necessity of, for cotton, i. 279, 290, 293, 294, 296, 300; ii. 17; Mercier's plan to relieve, i. 196-201 Gladstone's Newcastle speech, effect of, on price of, ii. 48; "King Cotton" theory, i. 63; ii. i et seq.; belief of the South in cotton as a weapon of diplomacy, 2-3, 4, 5 Southern orders for destruction of, ii. 16, 17 note[4]; effect of, on British officials, 17 Cowley, Lord, British Ambassador in Paris, i. 88; reports French agreement with British policy on Southern belligerent rights, 88; in the Declaration of Paris negotiations, 88, 143, 156, 157, 158, 162, 167; conversations with Thouvenel in Bunch affair, 189; disturbed at French evasion of direct support, 189, 192, 201 note[1]; in Trent affair fears war with America, 214; communications on Southern Ports Bill, 247 and note[2]; view of French attitude on Southern Ports Bill, 247; on French policy in Mexico, 260, 261 note; ii. 46; quoted, on Thouvenel's view on mediation in Feb., 1862 ... i. 266 note[1]; on Mercier's Richmond visit, i. 288; statement of, to Lindsay, after interview with Napoleon, 290; on the possibility of reunion, 290; on the blockade, 290-1; denial of Napoleon's "offer" to England, 290, 291; reports of, on Lindsay's mission, 291-2, 293, 295 note[1]; conversations with Thouvenel on Lindsay, 291, 293-4; Napoleon's letter to, on Lindsay, quoted, 295 note[2]; interview with Thouvenel on Russell's mediation plan, ii. 38, 39 and note, 46; on Napoleon's suggestion of joint mediation, 59; instructed to notify France of England's view of the war as ended and of attitude to Confederate cruisers, 266-7 Otherwise mentioned, i. 218 note Crawford, Consul-General at Havana, ii. 148 Crimean War: Anglo-French agreement regarding neutral commerce, i. 139 Crittenden, i. 49

Daily Gazette, The, cited, ii. 109 note Daily News, attitude of, during the American Civil War, i. 69-70 and note 1, 176, 181-2; ii. 230 note[3], on Lincoln's message to Congress, i. 176; letters of W.W. Story in, 228 Daily Telegraph, cited, ii. 50 note[1], attitude and circulation of, 189 note[2], 226, 230 note[3] Dallas, American Minister to Great Britain, i. 62; lack of instructions on American intentions, 62, 108, 112; communications with Lord Russell, 62, 66, 74; despatches to Seward on Russell's intentions, 66-7; Russell's pledge of delay to, 67, 84, 85, 107, 108; report on proposed British joint action with France, 84-5, 86 Otherwise mentioned, i. 74, 96, 156 note[1] Dana, R.H., cited, i. 218; The Trent Affair, cited, 203 note, 205 note[2], 237 note Danish question, The, ii. 203-5, 214 Darwin, Charles, quoted, i. 180 and note[4] Davis, Bancroft, Times correspondent in New York, i. 56 Davis, Jefferson, personal characteristics of, i. 59, 81, 82: ii. 276; attitude of, in the opening of the crisis, i. 49; elected President of the Southern Government, 59, 81; foreign policy of, 81-2; aristocratic views of, on government, ii. 276; proclamation of, on marque and privateering, i. 83, 89, 90, 92, 111, 121, 122, 141, 160; defensive measures of, in the South, 172; on Bunch's negotiations on Declaration of Paris, 186; replaces Confederate agents to Europe, 203; and the African Slave Trade, ii. 88 note[2]; proclamation of retaliation against Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation, 106 and note[4]; on England's conduct towards the South, 184; on Southern disorganization, 219; flight of, from Richmond, 248; approves plan of offering abolition of slavery in return for recognition, 249; capture of, 267 British views on, ii. 276 Bunch's characterization of, i. 59, 185 note[4] Gladstone's Newcastle speech on, ii. 47 Otherwise mentioned, i. 163 note[1], 185 note[4], 254, 265 note[2], 283; ii. 5, 6, 176 note[3], 251, 252, 285 Dayton, American Minister at Paris, i. 129, 142, 143, 145, 150, 151, 163, 165, 167 note[3], 168, 200, 231, 300 de Brunow, Russian Ambassador. See under Brunow de Flahault, French Ambassador. See under Flahault Debats: French press views on military situation, cited, ii. 174 note[3] De Bow's Review, eulogies of the South in, quoted, ii. 2, 3, 4; on cotton and slavery, 3; view of England's action on blockade, 4 Declaration of Paris, The, i. 102, 139-40; attitude of United States to, 140-1, 156; American offer of adherence during the Civil War, 104, 137, 141-2, 150, 151 Declaration of Paris Negotiation, The, i. 137 et seq., 184, 201; British suggestion to France in, i. 88, 91, 142, 146-7, 156, 157 and note[3]; American offer of adherence, 104, 137, 141-2, 150, 151; convention agreed between Britain, France, and America, 142-3; addition of a declaration in support of British neutrality proposed by Lord Russell, 143-6, 149, 151, 154, 68, 170, 201; American rejection of convention, 145, 168, 201 American argument at Geneva on effect of British diplomacy in, i. 146 note[2] Confederates: approach of, in the negotiation, i. 161, 164, 165, 166, 168 note[4], 184-6, 188, 192, 193; Confederate Congress resolution of approval in, 186 Convention, the, proposed by U.S. Cowley's opinion on, i. 167 and note[3]; Thouvenel's opinion on, 167; Palmerston's suggestion on, 167 and note[4] Seward's motives in, See under Seward Delane, editor of the Times: Palmerston's letters to, on American rights in interception of Confederate Commissioners, i. 207-8, 209; close relations of, with Palmerston, 229 note[2]; ii. 145; anticipations of Southern victory, ii. 204 and note[2]; on prospective war with America, 254; effect of Sherman's arrival at Savannah on, 245 and note[2], 300-1 Otherwise mentioned, i. 177, 178, 180; ii. 65, 289 de Lhuys, M. Drouyn, French Premier, ii. 59 and note[4], 60, 63 note[5], 168 Democratic element in British Society: lack of press representation, i. 24, 41 Democracy: British views on American institutions, i. 24, 28, 30, 31; ii. 274-5; view of the American struggle as a failure of, 276 et seq. passim; Press comments on the lesson from failure of American democratic institutions, 279, 280, 281, 285, 286, 297; bearing of the Civil War on, 299; aristocratic and conservative attitude to, 286, 287, 297, 298, 300, 301; rise of democratic feeling in Great Britain, 291; effect of the Reform Bill of 1867, 304 Derby, Lord (Leader of the Opposition), i. 76, 77, 79, 94 and note[2], 240, 241; attitude to recognition and mediation, i. 240; ii. 51, 52, 53, 54, 77; attacks governmental policy in relation to Laird Rams and Southern shipbuilding, 149-50, 197; approves attitude to Napoleon's mediation proposals, 154-5; speech in motion for address to the Crown on Lincoln's assassination, 263; attacks Government on American "piracy proclamation" at end of the war, 267-8; attitude to expansion of the franchise, i. 77; ii. 276, 303 and note[1] Otherwise mentioned, i. 292, 295; ii. 51 note[2], 166, 210, 214 Dial, The, i. 70 note[1] Disraeli, Benjamin (Tory leader in the Commons), i. 79; on Trent affair, 241; connection with Lindsay's motion, 292, 295, 296, 306; ii. 213 and note[1]; approval of neutrality, ii. 77, 174 note[1]; in Roebuck's motion, 153, 171, 174; attitude to stoppage of Southern shipbuilding, 197; speech, of, on the motion for the Address to the Crown on Lincoln's assassination, 263-4; Reform Bill of (1867) ... 3 03 and note[1] Mentioned, ii. 270 note[3] Donoughmore, Earl of, ii. 204 and note[2]; reply to Mason, 250-1 D'Oubril, ii. 59 note[4], 62 note[5] Doyle, Percy, i. 218 note[1] Dublin News, quoted, i. 45, 46 note[1] Dubuque Sun, The, ii. 22 note Dudley, U.S. Consul at Liverpool, ii. 118, 130 note[2], 144, 145 note[2] Dufferin, Lord, i. 240 Duffus, R. L., "Contemporary English Popular Opinion on the American Civil War," i. 41 note[1]; quoted, 41, 48; cited, 70 note[1]; ii. 112 note[1] Dumfermline, Lady, i. 224 note[3] Dumping of British goods: effect on American feeling, i. 19, 21

Economist, The: attitude in the struggle, i. 41, 54, 57, 173-4; ii. 15, 173, 231 note; cited or quoted: on Lincoln's election, i. 39 and note[1]; on impossibility of Northern reconquest, 57; on secession an accomplished fact, 174; ii. 79; on Bull Run, i. 179; on cotton shortage, i. 55; ii. 14, 15; on servile insurrection, 79; on Cotton Loan, 160, 162; on Roebuck's motion, 173; on extension of the franchise, 277; on American institutions and statesmen, 279-80 Edinburgh Review, The: attitude to slavery, i. 33, 45; ii. 281; attitude in the conflict, i. 42; ii. 50 note[2], 68; on recognition, 46 note[3]; on the Emancipation Proclamation, 103; on the causes of the war, 281 Elliot, charge, i. 14 Elliott, E.N., editor of Cotton is King and Pro-Slavery Arguments, ii. 3 note[2] Emancipation, Proclamation of: ii. 74, 78, 80, 86 and note[1], 91; idea of military necessity for, 81, 82, 85, 87; Lincoln's alleged purpose in, 87; purpose of, according to Seward, 99-100; viewed as an incitement to servile insurrection, 49, 74, 98, 101, 103 note[6] American reception of, ii. 101, 105 British attitude to, ii. 101 et seq.; Press denunciation of, 102-5, 106; public meetings in favour of, 106 and note[2], 107, 108; English women's support of, 109; Nonconformist support, 109, 110; Emancipation societies support of, 110 Confiscation Bill, See that heading See also Border States and sub-heading under Lincoln Emigration, British, to America, i. 23-4; ii. 200-1; Kearsarge incident, 200-1 England: cotton famine. See under Cotton. See Great Britain Erlanger & Co. and Confederate Cotton Loan, ii. 158-60, 161, 162 and note[3] European opinion of the Civil War after duration of three years, ii. 219 Eustis, i. 204, 234 note[2] Evans, William, ii. 224 Everett, Edward, Russell's letter to, on Proclamation of Neutrality, i. 166 note[3] Ewart, question by, in the House of Commons, on Privateers, i. 90 Expatriation, American and British views on, i. 16

Fairfax, Lieut., of the San Jacinto, i. 205 Farnall's "Reports on Distress in the Manufacturing Districts," ii. 12 note, 20 Fawcett, Prof., ii. 224 note[3] Featherstonaugh, G.W., Excursion through the Slave States, cited, i. 29 Federals. See under Northern Ferguson, Sir James, i. 268; ii. 175 Ferrand, attack by, on cotton manufacturers in the Commons, ii. 164 Fishmongers of London: Meeting in honour of Yancey, ii. 223 note[1] Fitzgerald, Seymour, i. 306; ii. 25 Fitzwilliam, Hon. C., ii. 193 Flahault, M. de, French Ambassador, i. 88, 197, 260 note[1], 288, 291, 293; ii. 19 note[3], 45 Forbes, J.M., and Aspinwall, Mission of, in England, ii. 130 note[2], 297 Forbes, J. M., quoted on the Civil War viewed as a fight for Democracy, ii. 297 Forster, William E., i. 58 and note[2]; a friend of the North, 58 note[2]; ii. 224; quoted, on Harriet Martineau, i. 70 note[3]; question in Commons on privateering, 94, 157; speech against Gregory's motion on blockade, 268, 270; speech on mediation and intervention in debate on Lindsay's motion, ii. 22; close touch with Adams, 22, 36; attacks Government in debate on Southern shipbuilding, 133; rebuked by Palmerston, 135; in Roebuck's motion, 171-2, 175; comment on Southern meetings, 190 and note[2] Fort Donelson, Confederate reverse at, i. 272, 273 note[1], 274 Fort Henry, Confederate reverse at, i. 272, 273 note[1], 274 Fox, G.V.: Confidential Correspondence, cited, i. 257 note[3], 268 note[2]; ii. 120 note[3]; quoted, on Confederate ironclads in England, 130 note[2] France: Naval right of search exercised by, i. 6; and American contentions on neutral rights, 18; Confederate Cotton Loan, attitude to, ii. 160 note[2] Cotton: lack of, i. 279, 290, 293-4, 296, 300; ii. 17 Mediation and armistice, attitude to British unofficial overture on, ii. 38-9, 45-6, 59-60 Ministerial crisis, ii. 39, 45, 59 Neutrality of, i. 299; Northern sentiment on, ii. 225 and note[2] Policy in the Civil War: joint action of, with Great Britain, i. 84, 88, 156, 166 note[1], 196, 249-50, 252, 259, 260, 284, 294; ii. 28, 75, 198; break in, 77 Press of, and the events in U.S., ii. 174 note[3], 236 note[2] See also under Mercier, Napoleon, Thouvenel, and under subject-headings Fraser's Magazine, ii. 284; J.S. Mill's articles in, i. 240, 242; ii. 81, 90, 285 Fraser, Trenholm & Company: Confederate financial agents in Liverpool, ii. 156, 157 Frederick VII of Denmark: and Schleswig-Holstein, ii. 203 Free Trade, i. 21; ii. 304 Freeman, E.A., History of Federal Government, cited, ii. 152-3 Fremont, ii. 82

Gallenga,——, Times correspondent in New York, ii. 189 Gait, Sir J.T., i. 221 note[1]; 222 note Galveston, Tex. i. 253 note[1]; ii. 266, 268 Garrison, W.L., American abolitionist, editor of the Liberator, i. 31, 33, 46 and note[1] Garrison, Garrison, cited, ii. 91 note[1], 111 note[3] Gasparin, Count, cited, ii. 92 notes Geneva Arbitration Court: American complaint of British Neutrality, in, i. 138; American argument before, on Declaration of Paris, 146 note[2] German opinion on the Civil War, i. 178 note[3]; ii. 111 note[2]; press attitude, 285 note[1] Germany: the Index quoted on "aid given by, to the North," ii. 236 note[2] Gettysburg, Battle of, ii. 143, 176 note[2], 185, 296 Gladstone, Thomas, letters of, to the Times, i. 32, 33 The Englishman in Kansas, i. 32 note Gladstone, W.E., i. 76, 78; fear of war with America in Trent affair, 215; influence of the commercial situation on, ii. 26; attitude to intervention, 26, 27, 30-1, 48, 57; Newcastle speech, 47 and note[3], 48, 49, 50 and note[1], 51 and notes, 55, 58; memorandum in reply to Lewis, 57; supports Napoleon's suggestion on armistice and blockade, ii. 64, 69; account of Cabinet discussion on Napoleon's suggestion, 65 and note[1]; idea of offering Canada to the North, 69, 70 and note[1]; and the Confederate Cotton Loan, 163 note[2]; reply of, in Roebuck's motion, 170-1; quoted, on the American dispute as a blow to democracy, 282-3 Otherwise mentioned, i. 179, 200 note[1], 224, 266; ii. 59, 66, 77, 80 Goddard, S.A., ii. 108 Letters on the American Rebellion, cited, ii. 108 note[3], 109 note[1] Godkin, E.L., Daily News correspondent, i. 70 and note[2] Golder, Dr. F.A., cited, i. 53 note[3]. "The Russian Fleet and the Civil War," cited, i. 227 note[1]; ii. 129 note[1] Goodenough, Captain, report of, on American readiness for foreign war, ii. 199 note[3] Gorgas, Col., ii. 5 note[1] Gortchakoff, comment of, on Russell's mediation plan, ii. 45 note[2]; and idea of Russian mediation, 251 note[1]; mentioned, i. 164 note[1]; ii. 59 note[4], 66 note[2], 70 note[2] Grant, General, capture of Forts Henry and Donelson by, i. 273 note[1], 274; victory at Shiloh, 278; captures New Orleans, 279; Western campaign of, ii. 164, 166, 184-5; capture of Vicksburg by, 176 note[2], 185; advance to Richmond, 217, 219; siege of Southern lines at Petersburg, 217; capture of Petersburg and Richmond by, 247-8; Times report of reverses to, 212, 227, 243; condition of his army, Southern account in Times, 227; W.H. Russell's comment on Grant's campaign, 232-3; Henry Adams, quoted, on, 243 Otherwise mentioned, ii. 215, 249, 256 Grant's The Newspaper Press, cited and quoted, ii. 231 note Granville, Lord, i. 76, quoted, 199 note[3]; on difficulties in Washington and attitude of neutrality, 241; opposition of, to Russell's mediation plan, ii. 42 and note[2], 43, 44, 46; mentioned, i. 94 note[3]; ii. 203 note[2] Grattan, Thomas Colley, quoted, i. 36; Civilized America, i. 36 note[1] Great Britain: Citizenship, theory of, i. 5-6 Colonial system: trade basis of, i. 17, 20, 21 Commercial relations with America after independence, i. 17 et seq., 22 Franchise, expansion of the, in, i. 26, 28; ii. 274, 276-7, 301, 302, 303, 304; effect of the American example on political agitation in, 274; connection of the American struggle with the franchise movement in, 276, 277, 278, 286; Radical acceptance of the challenge on democracy, 282, 283, 290, 298, 300; aristocratic and conservative attitude to democracy, 286, 287, 298, 300, 301 Policy toward America: conditions affecting, i. 2 et seq. 35; ii. 270; the right of search controversy, i. 6-10; territorial expansion 13-15, 16; extension of slavery, 13, 15; Mexican War, 15-16; commercial interests, 19-22; in the Civil War, 50-4, 58, 59, 79, 84, 136, 178, 199; ii. 270-2; influence of democracy in determining, ii. 303-5; policy of joint action with France. see under France. See also under Lyons, Russell, and subject-headings. Public opinion and governmental policy of, in relation to America, i. 15, 22, 24, 26, 28, 30 Public opinion and official views in, at the opening of the Civil War, i. 40-60; doubts of Northern cause, 48, 50; attitude to recognition of the South, 53 note[1], on secession, 54, 55, 57 Trade: exclusive basis in, i. 17, 20, 21; effect of American retaliatory system on, 20; free trade theory, 21; ii. 304; hopes from cotton interests, i. 22 Working classes in: Northern sympathies of, ii. 284, 285 note[1] See also subject-headings Great Lakes: Armaments agreement, i. 4; ii. 253, 254 Greeley, Horace, editor of New York Times, attack on Seward by, i. 280 note[1]; and Mercier's proposal of mediation, ii. 75; Lincoln's reply to, on emancipation, 92-3 Gregg, Percy, ii. 154 note[1] Gregory (Liberal-Conservative, friend of the South), i. 90, 91 note[1], 267; motion of, for recognition of the South, 85, 91, 108; advice to Mason on blockade question, 267; motion to urge the blockade ineffective, 268-72; speech in Parliament on distress in Lancashire, ii. 21, 22 and note; quoted on attitude of Parliament to intervention and recognition, 155; view of Roebuck's motion, 175; question of, on the destruction of British property in America, 265; mentioned, i. 292; ii. 153, 164 Greville, Charles, quoted, ii. 3 Greville. Colonel, ii. 193 note Grey, Sir George, i. 163, 207; ii. 171, 263 Grimes, Senator, on the purpose of the Privateering Bill, ii. 123-4 Gros, Baron, ii. 167, 168-9, 170 Grote, George, quoted, i. 1

Haliburton, T.C., ii. 187, 193 note Hall, Capt. Basil, Travels in North America, cited, i. 26-7 Hall, Rev. Newman, ii. 111, 224 Hamilton, R.C., "The English Press and the Civil War," i. 38 note[2] Hamilton, Capt. Thomas, Men and Manners in America, quoted, i. 27 Hammond, E., Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, i. 189; enquiry as to possible action of American Navy to intercept Southern Commissioners, 206-7, 210, 211 and note[1]; on Foreign Enlistment Act, ii. 142; letter of, to Lyons, on seizure of Laird Rams, 147 note[4]; quoted, on public opinion and Napoleon's proposal of mediation, 66; mentioned, i. 256; ii. 45 Hammond, Senator, of S. Carolina, quoted, ii. 2-3 "Hampton Roads Conference," The, ii. 252-3 Harcourt, Sir William, quoted, on Lord Russell's statesmanship during the American Civil War, i. 1; letters of, in the Times on questions of International Law, i. 222 note; ii. 63 and note[2]; and see under "Historicus" Hardwicke, Earl, i. 94 note[2] Harris, T.L., The Trent Affair, cited, i. 203 note, 205 note[1], 217 note[1], 227 note[1], 231 note[2]; ii. 282 note[2]; citations of anti-Americanism in Times, i. 217 note[1] Hawthorne, Julian, cited, i. 47 Head, Sir Edmund, Governor of Canada, i. 129, 197 note[2] Hertslet, Map of Europe by Treaty, cited, i. 94 note[3] "Historicus," Letters of, to the Times, cited and quoted, i. 222 note; ii. 63, 104, 138 note[1] Holmes, O.W., i. 37 note Hood, General, ii. 236 note[2] Hope, A.J. Beresford, ii. 187, 189, 193 note, 281-2 Hopwood, i. 305; ii. 11, 18, 21 Horsfall, Mr., ii. 153 Horton, Wilmot, i. 23; Committee on Emigration to America, 23, 24 Hotze, H., Confederate agent, quoted on effect of Trent affair, i. 243; descriptive account of his activities, ii. 154 note[1]; and the "foul blot" phrase, 240; and the Southern arming of negroes, 241; mentioned, ii. 68 note[1], 180 note[3], 213 Hotze Papers, The, ii. 154 note[1], 180 note[2], 185 note[1] Houghton, Lord, ii. 265-6, 267 Hughes, Thomas, i. 181; ii. 224 note[3] Hunt, James, The Negro's Place in Nature, cited, ii. 222 Hunt's Merchants Magazine, cited ii. 8 note[2], 14 note[1] Hunter, Confederate Secretary of State, i. 264 Hunter, General, issues order freeing slaves, ii. 84 Hunter, Mr., editor of the Herald, ii. 213 and note[1] Huse, Caleb, ii. 120 note[2], 159 Huskisson, cited, i. 20 Huxley's criticism of Hunt's The Negro's Place in Nature, ii. 222

Impressment by Britain: a cause of irritation to America, i. 6, 7, 8, 16 Index, The, ii., 33 and note[3]; agitation of, for recognition of the South and mediation, 33-4, 153-4; on Gladstone's Newcastle speech, 51 note[3]; views of, on Lord Russell and his policy, 51 note[3], 55 and note[4], 68, 69, 165, 196, 197; on reply to French joint mediation offer, 68-9; on Laird Rams, 150 note[2]; quoted on Government attitude to the belligerents, 154, 164-5; connection with Hotze, 154 note[1]; and the fall of Vicksburg, 165, 178 and note[1]; on French press and policy of France, 174 note[3], 180; reports of, on Southern meetings and associations, 188, 190 and notes, 194 and note[2], 195, 239 and note[4], 240; comments on the Palmerston-Mason interview, 215-6; criticism of Palmerston's reply to deputation on mediation, 216; view of mediation, 217; defence of slavery in the South, 220-2, 240-1; criticism of the Times, 228; quotations from the French press on the war, 236 note[2]; and the Presidential election, 236 note[2]; on Germany's aid to the North, 236 note[2]; on reception of Northern deputations by Adams, 245 note[1]; on characteristics of Southern leaders and society, 287; view of Northern democracy, 287; denunciation of the Manchester School 298-9; cited, ii. 181 note[2], 186, 190 note[3], 199 note[4], 232, 241 note[1], 242; quoted, 192, 193 note[1] Ionian Islands, control of, i. 79 Ireland: Irish emigration to America, i. 29; ii. 200, 201; enlistments in, for Northern forces, 200, 201; the Kearsarge incident, 201-2; petitions circulated in, in support of the North, 240 Italy, disturbances in, ii. 29

Jackson, Stonewall, exploits of, in Virginia: effect of, on Russell and Palmerston, ii. 38 Jackson, W.A., ii. 191 James, William Wetmore Story and his Friends, quoted, i. 228 and note[4]; cited, 256 note[4] James Adger, The, American war-ship, i. 208, 209, 210, 211 note[1] Jameson, Professor J.F., ii. 154 note[1] Japan: Seward's suggestion of a naval demonstration against, i. 126 note[1] Jefferson, President, i. 7, 11, 18 Jewett, J.P., quoted, ii. 111 note[3] John Bull, ii. 231 note; quoted, on slavery not an issue, i. 179; Bull Run, a blow to democracy, i. 179-80 Johnston, General: campaign against Sherman, ii. 248, 274 Jones, Mason, pro-Northern speaker, ii. 193-4. 195. 224 Juarez (Mexican leader), ii. 198 "Justicia," letters of, in the Times, i. 217

Kansas border struggles, i. 32 Kearsarge incident, The, ii. 201-2 Kelly, William, Across the Rocky Mountains, etc., cited and quoted, ii. 275 note[3] Kennedy, William, Texas, etc., cited, i. 29 Kenner, Duncan F., Confederate Commissioner, ii. 249-50 Kentucky, effect of "border state policy" on, i. 173 Kinglake, views of, on Roebuck's motion, ii. 175

La France, cited, ii. 236 note[2] Laird Brothers: builders of the Alabama and Laird Rams, ii. 120, 121-2, 129; prosecution of, demanded, 136; officially ordered not to send Rams on trial trip, 146, 149; Government's correspondence with, 146 and note[2], 149-50 Laird, speech of, in reply to Bright's attack on the Government, ii. 134 Laird Rams, the, ii. 121-2, 123, 124, 137, 140 et seq., 196; description and purpose of, 122 and note[1]; British Government position, 133, 134; rumours regarding, 142-3; seizure of, 145-50, 179-80, 182; suit for damages, 151 note[1]; British Government purchase of, 151 note[1]; U.S. Navy plan to purchase, 130 note[2]; usual historical treatment of the incident, 141, 147 and note[1] Lamar, Confederate representative: account of Roebuck and Bright, ii. 172 note[2] Lancashire: Cotton trade, distress in, ii. 6, 11 et seq., 21, 26, 29, 31, 240; attitude in, to Government policy, 10, 11, 13-15; attitude of the "Cotton Lords" to, 10, 16; Farnall report on, 12, 20; Northern sympathies of cotton operatives, 13, 285 note[1] Cotton factories, statistics, ii 6 Cotton manufacturers, attack on in Commons, ii. 163-4 Lane, Franklin K., Letters of, cited ii. 129 note[1] Layard, reply of, on Roebuck's motion, ii. 171, 173; on destruction of British property in America, 265 Le Siecle, cited, ii. 174 note[3], 236 note[2] Lee, General, turns back McClellan's advance on Richmond, ii. 1; defeated at Antietam, 43, 85; retreat of, through Shenandoah valley, 43; advance in Pennsylvania, 163 note[1], 164, 176; defeats Hooker at Chancellorsville, 164; retreat from Gettysburg, 163 note[1], 178, 179, 297; defence of Richmond, 185, 217, 247, 248; surrender, 248, 255, 256-7, 265, 301, 303 Times, quoted or cited, on his campaign, ii. 227, 256, 296 Lees, Mr., ii, 220 Lempriere, Dr., i. 180; ii. 191 Lewis, Sir George Cornewall, i. 76, 78 and note, 94; ii. 52; views of, on the Civil War, ii. 50 and note[2], 51; article on "The Election of President Lincoln and its Consequences," i. 78 note; fears war with America in Trent affair, 215, 226; objections of, to mediation, ii. 44-6; Hereford speech of, in reply to Gladstone, 50 and note[1], 51, 55, 58; view of the Emancipation Proclamation, 52; action of, on Russell's proposed intervention, 52 et seq., 73-4; memorandum of, on British policy in opposition to Russell, 62-3; account of Cabinet discussion on Napoleon's armistice suggestion, 63-5; Hereford speech, effect on Adams, ii. 55; Palmerston's views on Lewis' attitude to recognition, 56; Russell's reply to Lewis, 56, 57 Liberator, The, Garrison's abolition organ, i. 31, 33 and note[3]; 46 and note[1], 47; cited or quoted, 70 note[1]; ii. 106 note[2], 107, 109 note[2]; III note[3], 130, 184 note[3], 189 note[2], 191 note[2], 194, 223 and note[2], 224 note[2], 237 note[1], 239 notes, 240 note[2], 289 Liebknecht, W., ii. 301 note[3] Lincoln, President, i. 115 Characteristics of, i. 115, 119, 120, 127-8; influence of, in Britain, ii. 276 Election and inauguration, i. 36, 38, 39, 48, 51, 64, 82, 110, 115; inaugural address, 38, 50, 71, 175; personal view of terms of election, 49; popular views on 79, 114, 115 Decision to reinforce Fort Sumter, i. 117, 118, 119, 120; and defend Federal forts, 118; attitude to Seward's foreign war policy, 119-20, 136; reply to Seward's "Some Thoughts for the President's Consideration," 119-20, 124; modifies Despatch No. 10, 126-7; attitude to Schleiden's Richmond visit, 121 122; emergency measures of, 172, 173 Policy and views of, on:— Blockade proclamation, i. 83, 110, 111, 244. See heading Blockade Border State policy of, i. 173, 176, 272 note[1]; ii. 82 Confiscation Bill, attitude to, ii. 82, 84 Emancipation Proclamation of, See that heading Hampton Roads, Conference at, ii. 252-3 Intervention, on, ii. 36 Piracy proclamation, i. 83, 111, 160 Servile insurrection, ii. 83 Slavery: inaugural address on, i. 38. 50, 71, 175; view of the terms of his election regarding, 49; denial of emancipation as an issue, 239; ii. 88; reply to Chicago abolitionists on, ii. 49 note[3]; declarations on, 78; conversations with Sumner on, 82; attitude to emancipation, 82, 83-4, 96; and anti-slavery sentiment, 83; denial of, as a cause of the war, 88; reply to Schurz on emancipation, 72; reply to Greeley, 93, 94; orders of, as to liberated slaves, 100 Trent affair; attitude to release of envoys, i. 231 and note[2], British view of, in, i. 225, 226, 230 Union, the: efforts to preserve, i. 49, 121; efforts to restore, ii. 82, 83, 93-5; reply to Greeley on, 92-3 Attitude of, to England, i. 301; curtails authority of General Butler, 305; settles quarrel between Seward and Chase; ii. 72; letter to Manchester supporters of the North, 109; drafts resolution for use in British public meetings on slavery, 113; British addresses to, 288, 290-1 Re-election, ii. 226, 234, 235, 238; expectations of his defeat, 226, 231; British Press views on, 234-5, 238; Punch cartoon, 239 and note[1]; complaints of his despotism and inefficiency in press, ii. 176, 232; his terms to the South, 251, 252 Assassination of, ii. 257-8, 265; political effect of, in Britain, 301, and in Germany, 301 note[3]; British sympathy, 259-64 Appreciations of, ii. 258-61 British opinion of, during the War, ii. 239 note[1] Bright's confidence in, ii. 255 and note[1] Lyons' view on, i. 51; ii. 258-9 Press views, i. 38-9; ii. 102-5 passim Schleiden's view of, i. 116 Influence of Bright's letters on, i. 232; pardons Rubery in honour of Bright, ii. 225 and note[1] Otherwise mentioned, i. 59, 81, 149, 223; ii. 39, 68, 91, 109 note[2], 126, 225, 251, 278, 281, 297 Lindsay, William Schaw: descriptive account of, i. 267, 289; on the blockade and French attitude to intervention, 267; project of mediation of, 279; account of interview with Napoleon III, 289-90; interview with Cowley, 290-1; second interview with Napoleon, 291; effect of interviews on Confederate Commissioners, 292; refused an interview by Russell and Palmerston, 294-5, 296; third interview with Napoleon, 295; interview with Disraeli, 295, 296; proposed motion in Parliament, 301-2, 305-6, 307; account of a letter to Russell in explanation of his proposed motion, 305 and note[5]; introduces motion in Parliament on mediation, ii. 18, 20, 21-23; withdrawal of, 23, 34; with Roebuck interviews Napoleon on recognition, 166, 167, 168, 169, 172, 173, 174-5, 177; suggestion by, on Confederate finance, 156; proposes a further recognition motion, 178 note[1]; connection with Southern Independence Association, 193, 195, 204, 205, 206, 211; hopes of, from attack on Government policy in detaining Southern vessels, 185, 195, 196; hopes from Napoleon and from Southern victory, 204; fresh agitation for mediation and recognition, 205-6, 209, 210; interviews Palmerston, 206-7, 209; urges Mason to interview Palmerston, 207, 208, 209; interview with Lord Russell 209-10, 212-13; use of the Danish question, 206, 210; hopes from Disraeli, 213; postponement of his motion, 214, 215, 218 Friendship with John Bright, ii. 172 note[1]; otherwise mentioned, i. 197, 268; ii. 25, 181 Lindsay & Co., ii. 157 Liverpool: change of feeling in, over the Alabama, ii. 129-30 Liverpool Post, The, cited on the Emancipation Proclamation, ii. 103 Liverpool Shipowners' Association, urges remonstrance on closing of Charleston Harbour by "Stone Boats," i. 256 London Chronicle, The, quoted, i. 46 London Confederate States Aid Association, ii. 191, 192 and note[2], 195 London Emancipation Society, ii. 91, 110; distinguished members of, 91 note[1] London Gazette, The, i. 94 London Press, The, quoted i. 54-5, 68 London Review, The, cited, i. 46 and note[4] Longfellow, H. W., i. 37 note, 55 note[2] Lothian, Marquis of, ii. 187, 193 note Lousada, letter to Lyons on Trent affair, quoted, i. 220 note[2] Lowell, J. R., i. 37 note, 236 Lushington, Dr., i. 207 Lutz, Dr. Ralph H., cited, i. 117 note; ii. 111 note[2]; 121 note[1] Die Beziehungen zwischen Deutschland, etc., cited, i. 117 note; ii. 285 note[1] Lyons, Lord, British Minister in Washington, i. 42, 51, 114; attitude in the American dispute, 51, 53, 88 note[2], 93 and note[3], 254; ii. 237 note[4]; on Southern clamour at Lincoln's election, i. 51; views on the personnel of the Northern Government, i. 59-60; view of Seward, 59, 60, 65, 114, 129; ii. 72; fears from Seward's foreign war policy, i. 60, 128-36 passim; efforts to prevent interruption of commerce with the South, i. 64, 65, 66, 72, 73, 244; views on the American controversy, 72, 73; advises joint action with France, 84; receives instructions on British policy, 87; and course of action if disavowed by America, i. 190; suspicion of French policy, 201 and note; survey of the situation after Shiloh, 278; farewell interview with Lincoln, 301; opinion of Adams, ii. 71 note[4]; views on Lincoln and Davis' proclamations, 106; friendliness of Seward to, 72, 141, 176 note[2]; report of improved relations on seizure of Laird Rams, 147, 182; report on "scare" at Lee's advance, 176 note[2]; view after Gettysburg, 176 note[2]; protests against Russell's motion to withdraw belligerent rights to the North, 182, 183; attitude to American public animosity towards Great Britain, 197, 198; on Seward's plan to collect import duties at Southern ports, 198; description of American readiness for foreign war, 183 and note[2], 199; on arrogance of American ministers, 199; advises quiet attitude towards the North, 226; view of Northern determination 226, 233; view of Lincoln's chances of re-election, 226, 233; on effect of the fall of Atlanta, 234; advice on Seward's demonstrations for electioneering purposes, 237; illness of, 233, 237; return to London, 237 note[4]; appreciation of diplomatic service of, 237 note[4] Diplomatic action and views of, in regard to: Belligerent rights to the South, i. 87; attitude to request for withdrawal, i. 274-5; ii. 198 Blockade, i. 64, 65, 66, 72, 73, 244-5; ii. 226; and legislative closing of Southern ports, i. 244, 246; communications with Seward on, 244, 245, 246, 250, 257; opinion on, 254 Southern Ports Bill, i. 246-50 passim Bunch controversy, i. 184 et seq.; view on Bunch's conduct, 187; conferences with Seward in, 191-2, 193, 194 and note[1]; comment on Bunch's explanation, 192-3; attitude to American decision in, 193, 194 Cotton, i. 54 note[1], 64, 196-7; ii. 20 and note[3] Declaration of Paris negotiations: alarmed by Seward's attitude, i. 151, 163 notes; view of Seward's refusal to see the despatch, 153 and note[2]; communications with Confederates in, 161, 163 notes, 164, 165, 166, 168 note[4], 185, 188; view on the American proposal, 154, 162, 164 Emancipation, as an issue, i. 223 Emancipation proclamation, ii. 106, 113, 114 and note Intervention, i. 197; ii. 26, 36; fears commercial influence on policy, 26; See also Mediation infra Irish emigrants: enlistment of, ii. 201 Mediation, i. 284, 286, 297, 298-9; ii. 23, 37 note[1], 70; summary of Mercier's plan of, i. 298-9; report on French isolated offer of, ii. 75-6; on Russian suggestion of, 76 Mercier's Richmond visit, i. 281 et seq. passim; ii. 24 note[2]; comment on the result of, i. 286; effect of, on, 287; comment on newspaper report of, 287 Privateering Bill, ii. 125, 126, 127 Proclamation of Neutrality, presentation of, to Seward, i. 102, 103, 132, 133, 163 note[3], 164, 184 Recognition of the South, i. 65, 66, 73, 197, 198; ii. 70 Seward's foreign war policy, i. 60, 128-9, 130, 132, 133, 136; advice to Russell on, 128-9, 131; anxiety as to Canada, 128, 129, 131 Slave Trade Treaty, i. 276 Slavery, i. 52, 73, 93 and note[3]; account of changes in Northern feeling on, 223 Southern Commissioners, i. 65, 72 Southern shipbuilding, ii. 127, 139-141; on American War feeling over, 139-40 Trent affair, i. 210, 211, 221; instructions in, 212-4; anxiety for Canada in, 221

Otherwise mentioned, i. 43, 57, 59, 74, 242, 243; ii. 147 note[4], 170 Lytton, Bulwer, on dissolution of the Union, cited, i. 182

McClellan, General: advance of, on Richmond, i. 276, 279, 297, 298, 301; ii. i, 33; defeat of, by Lee, 1, 18, 33; rumoured capture of, 20, 21 note; Adams' opinion on rumours, 20, 21 note; British newspaper reports of capture of, 20, 21 note; removal of, 30; defeats Lee at Antietam, 43, 85; fails to follow up his victory, 43, 105; as candidate in Presidential election, 234 note[2], 238 McFarland, i. 204, 234 note[2] McHenry, George, The Cotton Trade, cited, ii. 6 note[2], 13 note[2], 185 note[2] Mackay, Alexander, The Western World, cited and quoted, i. 30; ii. 274-5 Mackay, Charles, i. 37 and note, 46 note[4]; as Times correspondent in New York, ii. 176 notes; 189, 226 Forty Years' Recollections, cited, ii. 176 note[2] "John and Jonathan" poem, quoted, i. 37 note Life and Liberty in America, quoted, i. 37 note Mackay, Dr., editor of the London Review, i. 46 note[4] McKenzie, (Canadian Rebellion, 1837), i. 4 McLaren, Duncan, ii. 224 note[3] McRea, opinion of, on Hotze and Slidell, ii. 180 note[3] Madison, President, i. 11 "Madison's War," i. 4 Maine, State of: boundary controversy, i. 4, 9 Malmesbury, Lord, i. 79, 84, 149; ii. 25, 167 Manchester Emancipation Society, The, ii. no, 224 note[3] Manchester Examiner and Times, i. 70 note[1]; ii. 231 note; cited, ii. 136 note[2] Manchester Guardian, The, ii. 231 note; cited, 181 note[2] Manchester Southern Club, The: meeting of, and list of delegates, ii. 190 and note[2] "Manchester Union and Emancipation Society," The, ii. 110; leading members and activities of, ii. 224 note[3] Mann, Southern Commissioner to London, i. 63, 82, 85 notes; 264, 265, ii. 24 note[2], 241 See also under heading Confederate Commissioners Marchand, Captain, of the American ship, James Adger, i. 208; instructions of, to intercept the Nashville, 209, 210, 211 note[1] Marcy, Secretary of State, and the Declaration of Paris, i. 140-1 Marryat, Captain Frederick: A Diary in America, etc., cited and quoted, i. 27 Martin, M. Henri, ii. 236 note[2] Martin, T.P., theses of, on Anglo-American trade relations, ii. 8 note[2] Martineau, Harriet: faith of, in democracy, i. 27; ardent advocate of the North, 70 and note[3]; view of slavery as cause of the Civil War, ii. 79-80 Marx, Karl, and the Trades Unions of London meeting, ii. 291, 292 and note[1] Maryland, and the Union: effect of "border state" policy, i. 173 Mason, James M., Special Commissioner of the Confederates to Britain, i. 183 note[2], 203; relations with Spence, 183 note[2], 266 note[3]; captured in the Trent, 204 et seq., 234 and note[2]; reception of, in England, 264; interview with Russell, 265-6, 267, 268; statistics of, on the blockade, 268 and note[2]; effect of the failure of Gregory's motion on, 272, 273; hope in a change of Government, 273; views of, on capture of New Orleans, 296; comment of, on mediation after the Northern successes, 300, and Lindsay's motion, 305, 306-7; on the state of the cotton trade in England, ii. 10; request to Lord Russell for recognition of the South, 25, 28; and Slidell's offer to France, 24 and note[2]; refused an interview: appeals to Russell for recognition, 27; view of the Emancipation Proclamation, 104; nominates Spence as financial adviser in England, 156; and Confederate cotton obligations, 157, 158, 159; and Confederate Cotton Loan, 161, 162; in Roebuck's motion, 167, 168-9, 172-3; opinion of Napoleon, 172-3; recall of, 179, 181-2; determines to remain in Europe, 182; hope from a change of Government, 185, 213-4; demonstration against, after a Southern meeting, 191; representations on Kearsarge enlistment of Irishmen, 201; interview with Palmerston suggested to, 207, 208-9, 214-5; returns to London, 212; opinion of Palmerston and Russell's attitude in interview with Lindsay, 213; suggests Disraeli to handle Lindsay's motion, 213; protests against clause in Southern Independence Association address, 220; attitude of, to slavery, 249, 250; interview of, with Palmerston, on Confederate offer to abolish slavery, 250; interview with Earl of Donoughmore, 250-1; quoted on Lee's surrender, 256 Correspondence of, i. 261 note Otherwise mentioned, i. 255, 263 note[3], 267, 292; ii. 19, 31, 147, 154 note[1], 185, 186, 195, 206, 241 Mason Papers, cited, i. 261 note[1]: ii. 24, et passim Massie, Rev., ii. no, 190 note[3], 239 Maximilian, Archduke, i. 260; ii. 255 note[1] Melish, John, Travels, quoted, i. 25 Mercier, French Minister in Washington: with Lyons attempts official presentation to Seward of Proclamations of Neutrality, i. 96 note[1], 102, 103, 132, 164; in Declaration of Paris negotiations 157, 158, 162, 163 note[3], 165; negotiations with Confederates, 163 notes, 164, 165, 184, 185, 191 note[4]; plan for recognition of Southern independence, 192; plan to relieve French need for cotton, 196-201; supports British demands in Trent affair, 230; on withdrawal of belligerent rights to South, 275; efforts for mediation, 279, 298, 300; ii, 36, 37 note[1], 41, 70 note[2], 71 note[1] 75, 76 note[1]; idea of an armistice, 41, 47 Richmond visit, i. 280 ct seq., ii. 24 note[2], 95; Seward's acquiescence in, i. 280, 281, 282; consultation with Lyons on, 281-2, 283; result of, 284-5; report to Thouvenel on, 285; effect of, on Lyons and Russell, 287; New York Times report of, 287; effect of, in Paris and London, 287-8; ii. 95; effect of, on Confederate agents, i. 288 Southern Ports Bill, attitude to, i. 247 note[2], 248 note[3], 249; views of, on recognition, 285-6; belief of, in ultimate Southern success, 298; and isolated French offer of mediation, ii. 75; proposes Russo-French mediation, 76 note[1]; precautions of, during Lee's northern advance, 176 note[2] Bancroft quoted on, i. 280