Of the church organized at Waterborough in 1800, Elijah Estabrooks became the pastor, Edward Coy and Joseph Estabrooks deacons, and Zebulon Estey clerk, "all by a unanimous vote."

Further particulars of the organization of this church, which was the first of the denomination in western New Brunswick, will be found in Dr. Bill's History of the Baptists.

The Esteys proved a prolific stock and their descendants on the River St. John are numerous.

ESTABROOKS.

The first of this name in America is supposed to have been Joseph Estabrooks, who was born in Enfield, Middlesex County, England, and came to Concord, New Hampshire in 1660. It is said that he had two brothers, one of whom, Thomas, was at Swansea in 1683, but subsequently went to Concord. Elijah Estabrooks, who settled on the River St. John, had in his lifetime many places of abode. He was probably a native of Haverhill, Massachusetts, where his son, of same name, was born in May, 1756. The family came to Halifax about the year 1763, removing soon afterwards to Cornwallis, and from thence to St. John. On the 18th October, 1765, Mr. Estabrooks entered the employ of Simonds & White. In 1773 he made an agreement with Wm. Hazen and James Simonds to settle in the township of Conway, near the mouth of the river, Hazen and Simonds guaranteeing him a deed of 250 acres of land. An old return, or census, of the township, dated 1st August, 1775, shows that Mr. Estabrooks' family included a wife, three sons and three daughters. He had cleared and improved seven acres of land and built a log house. His domestic animals were one cow, two young cattle and two hogs. Before he had made more than a good beginning the Revolutionary war brought everything to a stand. We learn from Major Studholme's report that Elijah Estabrooks was one of those who accompanied Hugh Quinton in the expedition against Fort Cumberland in 1776, and shared in the discomfiture of the party. His predilection for the American cause did not save him from being molested by the "rebel privateers," and he was obliged in the Spring of 1777 to remove his family from their exposed situation at the mouth of the river to the vicinity of Gagetown. It is a little remarkable that Elijah Estabrooks and his immediate neighbors on the St. John should have come from Cornwallis and other parts of Nova Scotia, although they were in the first instance natives of New England. They seem to have had no legitimate title to the lands on which they settled themselves, while awaiting the issue of the struggle between Great Britain and the colonies in rebellion. The arrival of the Loyalists in 1783 rendered their situation exceedingly precarious. However, they were befriended by Governor Parr, who directed that such lots as were occupied by old inhabitants of the country (although the occupants might not have any legal claim) should not be appropriated by the Loyalists until they had paid for the improvements made by those in possession. This policy was continued, after the formation of the Province of New Brunswick, by Governor Carleton and his council. A valuation of the improvements made at Upper Gagetown by Robert Lasky, Robert Lasky, jr., Elijah Estabrooks, sr., Elias Clark, Arculus Hammond, John Richardson, Samuel Hersey, Francis Grant, Moses Clark, Samuel Kemble and Benjamin Boober was made by Thomas Hart, Samuel Upton and John Hart. As the valuators were old settlers and neighbors, the interests of their friends were not likely to suffer at their hands. They placed the value of the buildings and improvements of the eleven individuals named above at L603.12s.6d. which was more than the Loyalists who had drawn the locations were disposed to pay; consequently the old settlers remained in possession. The valuation put upon the house of Elijah Estabrooks, sr., was L10; that of his "improvements" L46.

Elijah Estabrooks, jr., was led by the visit of Rev. Henry Alline, in 1779, to connect himself with the church formed on "New-light" principles at Waterborough, and a few years later he commenced preaching. In May, 1780, he was baptized by Rev. Joseph Crandall, and his example being followed by several others a small Baptist church was constituted in Waterborough of which Mr. Estabrooks was the pastor. Several of the incidents of his ministry are related in Rev. Dr. Bill's History of the Baptists. During the years he labored in Waterborough and the adjoining settlements he supported himself and his family by his own industry. He was held in universal esteem by persons of all denominations and all descriptions. Today his descendants and those of his brothers are very numerous on the St. John river.

DARLING.

There were twenty-three proprietors of a township, which was originally called "Amesbury" in honor of James Amesbury, a Halifax merchant, one of the grantees. Among the few inhabitants of the township, prior to the arrival of the Loyalists, mention may be made of Benjamin Darling, the first English speaking settler on the banks of the Kennebecasis. Mr. Darling was born at Marblehead, Massachusetts, in 1730, and came to the St. John river a few years before the war of the American Revolution. He used to trade with the Indians and became very friendly with the chief of a small village at Nauwigewauk. Here in early times the Indians used to raise corn and tobacco. They were inclined to resent the intrusion of the whites into their domain but Benjamin Darling, after prolonged negotiation, obtained from the local chief possession of the island, the consideration offered and accepted being two bushels of corn, one barrel of flour, a grindstone, some powder and shot and sundry knives, hatchets and other implements. Darling built himself a comfortable log dwelling, the upper part of which served as a store-room for goods for the Indian trade. After his wife's death his daughter Hannah became the housekeeper with a young girl friend as companion. The Indians, though otherwise friendly enough, objected to all attempts to clear and till the land and would not even allow the young ladies to beautify their premises by the cultivation of flowers. On one occasion Benjamin Darling went in company with the Indian chief to visit a beaver dam not far away. During their absence an Indian entered the house with the avowed intention of taking one of the girls for his "squaw." There being no man about the premises the prospect was certainly alarming, but woman's wit proved equal to the emergency. As the intruder advanced to lay hands upon her Hannah Darling offered to go with him of her own free will, but immediately after leaving the house cleverly eluded the Indian, slipped in again at the door and fastened it. The despicable savage advanced to the window with diabolical threats, whetted his knife before their eyes and finally seized a club to make forcible entry only to find himself confronted at the doorway by the plucky girl with a loaded musket in her hands. Her spirit was now thoroughly aroused; she ordered him off the premises forthwith, and the Indian after glancing at her determined face slunk away. The old chief was greatly incensed at this occurrence, and a day or two later the culprit was brought before the young woman with his hands tied, the chief demanding "shall we kill him?" To which she answered, "Oh, no! let him go." He was thereupon chased out of the neighborhood and forbidden to return under penalty of death. Hannah Darling, the heroine of this spirited adventure, afterwards married Christopher Watson, and is said to have attained the wonderful age of 108 years.

GAGE.

Among the large land grants on the River St. John, passed in the year 1765, was one of 20,000 acres to General Thomas Gage and nineteen other individuals, most of them residents of New York. The tract included the lower part of the parish of Hampstead and the upper part of Greenwich, extending in front along the river from about the foot of Long Island to Jones' Creek, a little below Oak Point. Many of the original grantees were related by blood or marriage and the association was in its way a "family compact." General Gage served in the seven years war in America and was commander-in-chief of the British forces at the Battle of Bunker Hill. His wife was a daughter of Peter Kemble, president of the Council of New Jersey; Stephen Kemble and Samuel Kemble, who were proprietors of the township, also were her brothers.[130] Henry Gage, son of General Gage, although only a child of five years, was one of the proprietors.[131] Other proprietors were William, Samuel and Robert Bayard; they were related to the Kembles. The Bayards were leading Loyalists and among their descendants we have still with us Dr. William Bayard, the nestor of the practising physicians of the maritime provinces. Archibald McCall, a wealthy merchant of Philadelphia, was another proprietor; his wife, Edith Kemble, was a sister of Stephen and Samuel Kemble. Another notable proprietor was John Watts, a member of the Executive Council of New York, a gentleman of wealth and reputation; his daughter married Sir John Johnson, who was also one of the associates in the grants.

[130] See Jonas Howe's interesting account of "Kemble Manor" in the New Brunswick Magazine of September, 1898.

[131] Henry Gage served as lieutenant in the Seventh regiment during the Revolutionary war, and on the death of his uncle, Viscount Gage, inherited the family titles and estate in Sussex, England.

KEMBLE.

On the 27th of May, 1767, fifteen of the original grantees, including General Thomas Gage, transferred their rights to Stephen Kemble[132] for a very small consideration—ten pounds current money of the Province of New York—and the grant was thenceforth known as the Kemble Manor.

[132] Stephen Kemble was born in 1740 at New Brunswick in New Jersey; was ensign in the 44th regiment under Lord Howe at Ticonderoga in 1757. In 1765 he became captain in the 60th or Royal American regiment, major in 1775 and Lieut.-Colonel in 1778. He was for a while Deputy Adjutant General of the forces in America, a position filled a little later by Major John Andre. Col. Kemble retired from active service in 1805. He eventually returned to his native town of New Brunswick in New Jersey and died in the house where he was born, Dec. 20, 1822, in the 82nd year of his age.

In the year 1774 Col. Kemble appointed Joseph Frederick Wallet Des-Barres to act for him in the settlement of the manor, with power to substitute and appoint one or more agents. Des-Barres immediately named James Simonds as his deputy; the duties of the latter are specified in the records of the old county of Sunbury under the following heading:

"Instructions for carrying into execution the letter of Attorney of Stephen Kemble, Esq., to Joseph Frederick Wallet Des-Barres, Esq., to be observed by James Simonds, Esq., his substitute for this purpose specially appointed."

Under the instructions the manor was to be divided into one hundred lots of 200 acres each, to be laid out in such a way as to allow communication with the river to as many settlers as possible. Half the lots were offered at L5 sterling each to purchasers or to tenants at a renewable lease of ten shillings per annum, but it was not until about the year 1782 that any effectual measures were taken for the settlement of the grant, the explanation probably being that Mr. Simonds and his partners were too much engaged in securing their own lands from forfeiture to pay much attention to those of Col. Kemble. However on the arrival of the Loyalists a number of lots were speedily disposed of and by the efforts of Ward Chipman, who succeeded James Simonds as agent, the greater part of the lands were saved from escheat. Col. Kemble visited the River St. John in 1788. His correspondence with Ward Chipman relative to the improvement of the Manor is of interest. The last of the lots on the river was sold in 1811, and in 1820 the rear of the property, comprising about one half of the whole, was sold to Nehemiah Merritt, of St. John, for L1000.

STERLING.

Another considerable grant in the year 1765 was that made to Captain Walter Sterling of the Royal Navy, and nine others[133], 10,000 acres at the foot of Kingston peninsula, now known as "Lands End." This tract was forfeited for non-fulfilment of the conditions of the grant. Capt. Walter Sterling visited the River St. John in August, 1775, and some business transactions with him are to be found in the old account books of Hazen, Simonds and White.

[133] The names of the associates in this grant were Dorothy Sterling, Walter Sterling, jr., Christopher Sterling, Ann Sterling, William Sterling, Andrew Sterling, John Ewer, Walter Ewer and John Francis.

GLASIER.

Another large grant of this period was known as "Glasier's Manor" (subsequently as "Coffin's Manor"), extending from Brundage's Point in the parish of Westfield up the river to a point two or three miles above the Nerepis. Colonel Glasier is believed to have made his headquarters during his sojourn on the River St. John at or near the site of Fort Boishebert at Woodman's Point. The Nerepis stream was at one time known as "Beaubear's river;" for example, in a description of the River St. John, written a little before the arrival of the Loyalists, we have the following: "At the entrance of a small river called Baubier's River or narrow Piece [Nerepis] the land a considerable distance back is good upland but no Interval. The land up Baubier's River for three miles, which was included in Glasier's original Grant, is good, both Interval and upland. On Baubier's River mills may be erected and there is some good timber. On Baubier's Point the salmon fishery is said to be the best on St. John's River."

Shortly after the arrival of the Loyalists Glasier's Manor passed into the possession of General Coffin, and was by him named Alwyngton Manor. Before this transaction was consummated, however, Glasier's Manor had nearly shared the fate of other grants. Elias Hardy, a clever lawyer employed by the government to investigate the state of the old townships with a view to the forfeiture of lands vacant and unimproved, claimed that the manor was escheatable in part as not having been fully settled. It was shown, however, that Nathaniel Gallop and others had made improvements, built dwellings, barns and out-houses, but the Indians had burned the houses and destroyed the crops and finally driven the settlers away. Owing to the distracted state of the country at the time of the Revolution, no settlement was practicable near the mouth of the river. Governor Parr used his influence in Col. Glasier's behalf, assuring him that every effort would be made to preserve his lands in view of his efforts to promote the settlement of the country. General Coffin succeeded, after he had purchased the manor, in getting some valuable settlers to take up lands at the Nerepis, among them Capt. Henry Nase, a brother officer in the late King's American regiment, whose descendants still live at Westfield. In the course of the first year's residence General Coffin expended more than L1,200 sterling in improving his property. He built on the Nerepis stream an excellent mill and displayed much enterprise in other ways.



CHAPTER XXIX.

AT THE CLOSE OF THE REVOLUTION—AFFAIRS CIVIL AND RELIGIOUS.

After the establishment of Major Studholme's garrison at Fort Howe, in the fall of 1777, the settlers on the river found adequate protection. The Indians occasionally assumed a hostile attitude it is true, especially when they were stirred up by Allan's emissaries from Machias, but they were rather overawed by the proximity of the fort and were for the most part peacefully disposed. The privateers continued their depredations on the coast, but kept clear of Fort Howe. The condition of the settlers on the river had gradually improved and they were now able to live within themselves. Money too began to circulate more freely, owing to the development of the masting industry. In several of the townships primitive grist and saw mills were to be found, and there was even a small tannery, owned and operated by one Nathaniel Churchill of Gagetown. Among the artificers of Maugerville were Sylvanus Plummer, joiner and housewright; James Woodman, Shipwright; John Crabtree, weaver; Israel Kenny, blacksmith; Jonathan Whipple, cooper; Benjamin Bailey, housewright; Abel English, blacksmith.

Among the glimpses of Portland Point, during the closing year of the Revolution, a rather interesting one is to be found in the diary of Benjamin Marston, a loyalist of Marblehead, who visited the place in his vessel the "Britannia" in the autumn of 1781. An extract from his diary here follows:—

"Friday, Sept. 7—About 10 a. m. arrived safely into St. John's river, went ashore and dined with Mr. Hazen whom I find to be every way the man I have ever heard him characterized.

"Saturday, Sept. 8—Dined with Mr. Hazen. Sold him and Mr. White some tobacco, wine and chocolate. Mending sails today. Wind blowing very hard at N. W.

"Sunday, Sept. 9—Am in hopes of having a convoy to Annapolis, shall know more of it tomorrow; if one, shall wait for it. Dined ashore at Mr. Hazen's.

"Monday, Sept. 10—Still waiting in hopes of a convoy and have some prospect of carrying garrison stores to Annapolis, in that case shall have a party sufficient to keep off pirate boats. Spent the day rambling about the country which hereabouts is very broken, barren and but little cultivated, but abounding in vast quantities of excellent limestone. Fort Howe is built on a single limestone—'tis a pretty large one. Delivered Mr. Hazen his two hogsheads of tobacco, which I couldn't do before, we have had such blowing weather the two days past.

"Tuesday, Sept. 11—Dirty, rainy, wind at noon S. and S. S. W.

"Wednesday, Sept. 12—Waited till 12 o'clock at noon to sail with the men of war and the mast ships."

Benjamin Marston sold a portion of his cargo to Hazen & White; but he found his stay at St. John very monotonous during the fortnight he was detained by contrary winds. He tried to break the monotony by the composition of the following rhyme, for which, under the circumstances, we are disposed to excuse him; it was St. John's first attempt in the poetical line and is as good as some that has been attempted since:

"I'm almost sick and tired to death With staying in this lonesome place, Where every day presents itself With just the same dull-looking face.

Oh! had I but some kind fair friend With whom to chat the hours away, I ne'er would care how blew the wind Nor tedious should I think my stay.

Ah! that was once my happy lot When I with house and home was blest, I'd then a fair companion got With many female charms possesst.

Nor scantily did Heaven shower down Those gifts which render life a blessing, But did our cup with plenty crown, Nor let us feel what was distressing.

Yes, dearest Sally, thou wert fair, Not only fair, but kind and good; Sweetly together did we share The blessings Heaven on us bestowed.

Till base Rebellion did display Her banners fair with false pretence, Then kindly Heaven took you away From evils which have happened since.

And careless me, when I had lost Of all my blessings far the best, Did teach, and justly, to my cost, The worth of what I once possessed.

'Tis often so—we do not prize The present good at its just rate, But gone, we see with other eyes What was its worth when 'tis too late.

Now one more verse, fair Ladies nine, And there'll be one apiece for you; 'Tis the way I sometimes spend my time When I have nothing else to do."

The war of the Revolution was practically ended on the 19th October, 1781, when Lord Cornwallis surrendered his army to Washington at Yorktown, Virginia, in the presence of the united French and American forces. From this date until the peace, the military operations were few and unimportant. Major Studholme continued quietly to maintain his post at Fort Howe. In addition to a strong detachment of his own corps, the Royal Fencible American Regiment, he had a detachment of the 84th regiment, or Young Royal Highland Emigrants. Among Studholme's subordinate officers were lieutenants Peter Clinch, Samuel Denny Street, Ambrose Sharman and Constant Connor, all of the Royal Fencible Americans, and lieutenants Laughlan Maclane and Hugh Frazier of the Young Royal Highland Emigrants.

Lieut. Clinch, according to family tradition, was born in Ireland and educated at Trinity College, Dublin. He came to America before the outbreak of the Revolution, was gazetted lieutenant in his regiment May 15, 1776, and shortly afterwards appointed adjutant. He settled at St. George, N. B., after his regiment was disbanded, and among his neighbors were Capt. Philip Baily and a number of officers, non-commissioned officers and private soldiers of the regiment. The difficulties with which they were confronted on their arrival at St. George are thus described by one of Mr. Clinch's sons:—

"My father had charge of a party of soldiers, who were disbanded in 1783 and sent to colonize a howling wilderness—the most unfit employment they could be put to. The delay which took place in furnishing a vessel to convey them and their stores added much to their difficulties. It was not until the 10th of November that a landing was effected at the mouth of the Magaguadavic, where there was neither house nor habitation of any kind to receive them; and so glad was the skipper of the vessel to get rid of such a disorderly and almost mutinous crew, that he sailed away the moment he got them landed. He was under some apprehension that they would insist on coming away with him again rather than land on such an inhospitable shore. That night my father slept in the open air and such a heavy fall of snow came that he had some difficulty in removing the blankets next morning."

Peter Clinch, in 1793, raised a company for the King's New Brunswick Regiment which he commanded. He was for some years a representative of Charlotte County in the New Brunswick legislature, and a man prominent in public affairs up to the time of his decease in 1816.

Lieut. Sam'l. Denny Street was born and educated in England and admitted an attorney and solicitor at law in the court of Westminster. He came to America in 1774, and enlisting as a volunteer was soon gazetted a lieutenant in the Royal Fencible American Regiment. He obtained for General McLean the pilots who accompanied him on his successful expedition to Penobscot, and was himself sent on several occasions from Fort Howe to Penobscot on confidential services. On the 25th of April, 1781, he was so unfortunate as to be betrayed by his guide, and was captured near Machias with six of his men. He was sent to Boston and put aboard the prison ship. Anxious to retain the services of so useful and enterprising an officer, Gen'l McLean on two occasions offered two "rebel" officers of superior rank in exchange, but in each instance the offer was declined, and it was learned afterwards that the failure was due to a memorial forwarded from Machias by Col. John Allan representing that Lieut. Street was too dangerous a man to be set at liberty.

After several months of irksome confinement Lieut. Street contrived, with the help of a fellow prisoner, to seize the "rebel sentinel" as he was pacing the deck one sultry night in August, without arousing the guard, who was asleep. Having bound and gagged their man and possessed themselves of his weapons, they released the other prisoners, and with their assistance surprised and disarmed the guard consisting of a corporal and twelve men. One of Street's men now swam ashore and brought off a boat in which they all embarked. The guard were landed on a small island. Street and his party landed on the mainland and pushed through the woods to Marblehead, but the day coming on they were so unfortunate as to fall in with a detachment of American troops by whom they were captured and conveyed to Boston jail. Street was now measured for irons but information having reached General McLean on this head he threatened to retaliate upon the American prisoners at Halifax and the project was abandoned.

After enduring for some time the prison fare, which Street describes as "putrid and offensive," he made another unsuccessful attempt to escape. He was now sent once more aboard the prison ship. He contrived one dark night to lower himself from the cabin window, and with the tide at flood swam off undiscovered. After swimming a mile up the harbor he landed on shore and sought refuge at the house of an Englishman whom he knew and by whose timely aid he returned in safety to the garrison at Fort Howe.

Samuel Denny Street was the first lawyer to practice his profession in this province. At the peace in 1783 he was employed as Major Studholme's assistant in the settlement of the Loyalists on the St. John river. His descendants have filled conspicuous positions in the history of the province, both political and judicial. One son, George Frederick Street, was a judge of the supreme court, another, John Ambrose Street, was attorney general of the province and leader of the government and still another, William H. Street, was mayor of the city of St. John.

Lieut. Ambrose Sharman filled a dual position, being surgeon of the garrison as well as a lieutenant. While he was at Fort Howe he had a variety of patients in addition to those of the garrison; for example, in 1778, he rendered a bill amounting to L5. 16.8 "for attendance & medicines to Pieree Thomas & four other sick Indians;" and again, August 4, 1780, he presents his bill to James White "To inoculating self and family for smallpox, L9."

After the Royal Fencible American Regiment was disbanded, Dr. Sharman settled in Burton, Sunbury county, along side his brother officer, Samuel Denny Street. Ten years later he was drowned while crossing the river to attend a sick call. Three of his orphan children were provided for and educated by Mr. Street, who also named his seventh son John Ambrose Sharman, in honor of his former friend and comrade.

In a former chapter some account has been already given of the first religious teachers on the River St. John. A few words may be added concerning the celebrated "New Light" preacher, Henry Alline, who was at Maugerville in 1779 and again in 1780, and 1782. A great deal has been written concerning this remarkable man, and widely divergent opinions have been expressed as to the value of his labors, though few are found to gainsay his sincerity, ability and zeal. Rev. Jacob Bailey, the S. P. G. missionary at Cornwallis and Annapolis, terms him "a rambling teacher, who has made great commotions in this province." Mr. Bailey was a tory of the olden time, and strongly deprecated anything that chanced to be at variance with the sober ways of the Church of England, which were then in vogue. In an old paper written about 1783, still preserved by his descendants in Nova Scotia, we find the following from Mr. Bailey's pen:—

"This country is troubled with various sects of enthusiasts who agree in nothing except a frenzy of pious zeal and a most uncharitable spirit towards their unconverted neighbors, and a madness to introduce confusion, anarchy and nonsense into all the exercises of religion. * * He that is master of the strongest pair of lungs, and is able to exhibit the loudest and most doleful vociferation, is sure of prevailing success. Those who perceive themselves deficient in point of noise endeavour to secure renown by the advancement and propagation of some new and singular opinion."

In much the same strain Sheriff Walter Bates of Kings county writes:—"When I was first in Maugerville in 1783, I was informed of a preacher by the name of Collins, who had been some time with them; that on account of some jealousy among them he soon after left, but another preacher named Alline came, whose followers were called Allinites. In Sheffield and Waterboro the people became divided into three sects, named after their own preachers: Hartites, Brooksites and Hammonites, who were annually inspired by two travelling preachers from Nova Scotia."[134] The sheriff had very little that was good to say of these evangelists, whose methods and doctrines he cordially disliked.

[134] The two preachers were in all probability Rev. Theodore S. Harding and Rev. Joseph Crandall. See Dr. Bill's History of the Baptists, page 698. The people referred to as "Brooksites" by Sheriff Bates were the founders of the Baptist denomination in Waterborough and Canning, Queens county, N. B., over whom Rev. Elijah Estabrooks presided as teaching elder, with Joseph E. Brooks (or Estabrooks) as deacon, and Zebulon Estey as clerk. An interesting account of the origin of this church is to be found in Dr. Bill's Hist. of the Baptists pp. 594-602. Another reference to the "Hammonites" and "Brooksites" will be found in the Winslow Papers, page 392.

Henry Alline, the Whitefield of Nova Scotia, was born at Newport, Rhode Island, June 14, 1748. He settled with his parents at Talmouth, N. S., in 1760. He was a preacher of fervid eloquence, which, as in the case of Whitefield, few who came under its influence were able to resist. He was brought up a Congregationalist, and from that denomination he never really separated, although he plunged into speculations on theological points in which, to quote the late Dr. T. Watson Smith, "the import of the words of inspiration is often lost amidst the reveries of mysticism." One of the errors of New-Light enthusiasm consisted in regarding mere animal impulses as leadings of the Holy Spirit, which must be followed at all hazards. Henry Alline was one of the best exponents of the New-Light idea. He was a good singer as well as a fervid preacher, and in his sermons appealed to the feelings of his hearers. "The early New-Light preachers," says Dr. Smith, "resembled their leader. Such men, passing from settlement to settlement, as if impelled by a species of religious knight-errantry, could not fail to make an impression. Viewed in themselves, the results of their visits were in certain cases painful. Families were divided; neighbors became opposed to each other; pastors preached and published in vain endeavor to stem the tide, and failing submitted to the inevitable; old church organizations were broken down and new organizations set up in their places. * * To disturb the slumbers of the churches and arouse them to active effort seemed to be his vocation." His doctrines were distasteful to the Presbyterians of his day, and were termed by one of their ministers, "a mixture of Calvinism, Antinomianism, and Enthusiasm."

It is certain, nevertheless, that Henry Alline stirred non-conformist Nova Scotia to its core. After his death the societies which he founded, as a rule, gradually became Baptist churches, and in this way many of the most intelligent and influential New England families became members of that denomination.

In the month of April, 1779, Henry Alline left Cornwallis in response to an invitation to go to the River St. John. On his arrival at Maugerville he was cordially received by the people, who related to him the broken state of their church and deplored the darkness of the times.

"When the Sabbath came," he says, "I preached, and the Lord was there, and took much hold of the people. The week ensuing I preached two lectures, and went from place to place, visiting the people and inquiring into their standing. O! it was a grief to see sincere Christians thus scattered up and down the mountains like sheep having no shepherd; and the accuser of the brethern had sown much discord among the Christians. There had been a church there, but the people had separated on account of the greatest part holding the minister to be an unconverted man, who afterwards went away, but the division still subsisted."

Mr. Alline spent some weeks in the township, preaching often and visiting the people. By his advice they renewed their church covenant in the form following:—

"Maugerville, June ye 17, year 1779.

"We who through the exceeding riches of the grace and patience of God do continue to be a professing church of Christ being now assembled in the holy Presence of God, in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ after humble confession of our manifold breaches of the Covenant, before the Lord our God and earnest supplication for pardoning mercy through the blood of Christ and deep acknowledgement of our great unworthiness to be the Lord's Covenant People, also acknowledging our own inability to keep covenant with God or to perform any spiritual duty unless the Lord Jesus do enable us thereto by his spiritual dwelling in us, and being awfully sensible that it is a dreadful thing for sinful dust and ashes personally to transact with the infinitely glorious Majesty of Heaven and Earth.

"We do in humble confidence of his gracious assistance and acceptance through Christ; each one of us for ourselves and jointly as the church of the Living God explicetly renew our Covenant with God and one with another and after perusing the Covenant on which this church was at first gathered, we do cordially adhear to the same, both in matters of faith and discipline; and whereas some provoking evils have crept in among us which has been the procuring causes of the divisions and calamitys that God has sent or permitted in this place, especially the neglect of a close walk with God and a watchfulness over our brother. We desire from our hearts to bewail it before the Lord and humbly to entreat for pardoning mercy through the blood of the Everlasting Covenant, and we do heartily desire by God's grace to reform these evils or whatsoever else have provoked the eyes of God's glory among us."

Daniel Palmer, jr., Peter Mooers, Jabez Nevers, Moses Coburn, Benjm. Brown, Israel Perly, Daniel Jewett, Jacob Barker,jr., Asa Perley, Jonathan Burpe, Saml. Whitney, Daniel Palmer, Jacob Palmer, Humphrey Pickard, Edward Coy.

Female Members of the Church.

Mary Barker, Jane Pickard, Abigail Jewett, Hannah Coburn, Lydia Whitney, Lydia Jepheson, Hannah Noble, Anna Coy, Elizbh. Palmer.

"The last Sabbath I preached at St. John's river," continued Mr. Alline, "the people seemed so loth to go away, that we stopped at the meeting-house door, and sung and discoursed some time, and then I left them to go down the river." He preached at Gagetown, encamped a night in the woods, and on the third day reached the mouth of the river where he preached at "Mahogany." The next day was Sunday and in the morning a boat came to take him to "the town"—or settlement at Portland Point—where he was to preach. Evidently the people were disposed to hold aloof from his ministrations at this time, for he says, "O! the darkness of the place! * * I suppose there were upwards of 200 people there come to the years of maturity, and I saw no signs of any Christian excepting one soldier. Yet although I was among such an irreligious people, the Lord was kind to me, and I lacked for nothing while I was there."

He returned to St. John in the latter part of August and preached on a Sunday. Major Studholme treated him with civility, and sent him up the river in his own barge. He found the church prospering. There was much interest in religion; a good many new members having been added to the roll in his absence, three or four of them upwards of fifty years of age. Two elders and two deacons were now appointed, and a formal call was extended to Mr. Alline to remain as their settled pastor. This call he did not see his way clear to accept, but promised to revisit them shortly. He got back to Fort Howe on the 6th of November, and preached there while awaiting a chance to cross the bay to Annapolis. He returned to St. John, April 22, 1780, staid a week and preached on Sunday, after which he again went up the river. Several weeks were devoted to visiting the various settlements and great interest was manifested, crowds of people attending his preaching. In his diary he tells us that much company went with him from place to place, some times six or seven boats loaded with people. Edward Coy's daughter Mary (afterwards Mrs. Mary Bradley) who was then a child in her ninth year, gives, in her book her recollections of Henry Alline's visit. "My parents," she says, "took me with them twice to meeting. The first text was, 'And at midnight there was a cry made, Behold the Bridegroom cometh; go ye out to meet him.' My attention was arrested, and for many days after I was engaged in ruminating and repeating over some parts of the sermon. * * After the sermon and worship was over, I was astonished to see the people talking and shaking hands as I never before had witnessed. Some looked of a cheerful, loving and happy countenance; others were in tears, and cast down. * * It soon became the common subject of conversation that such and such persons were converted."

On Mr. Alline's return from Maugerville to the mouth of the river he staid there a fortnight, waiting for a passage, and during that time preached and visited among the people. On June 25th he sailed to Annapolis.

Two years later he again visited the River St. John. He left Windsor on the 29th April and arrived at the mouth of the river in four days. "When I came to the river," he says, "the vessel did not go up that I was in, but God gave me speed, for there was another vessel just going over the falls to go up the river, so that without the least delay I crossed Pot-Ash[135] and went immediately on board.... I remained on the river, preaching from place to place among the people almost every day, and often twice a day until the 26th of May, during which time I had happy days and much of the Spirit of God moving among the people." On the last Sunday of Alline's stay at Sheffield the concourse was so great that he preached in the open field. "I had so much to say to them," he writes, "and they seemed so loth to part that I was almost spent before we parted; and then I went ten miles down the river. But after I had refreshed the body, I preached again in the evening; and it was an evening much to be remembered."

[135] That is the portage to Marble Cove, or Indiantown, above the falls. This portage is shown in Champlain's plan of Saint John. It was used by the Indians long before the coming of the whites.

Mr. Alline's opinion of the spiritual condition of the community in the vicinity of Fort Howe seems to have changed but little, for he writes under date, June 29th., 1782, "When I came to the port at the mouth of the river, there appeared no passage from thence; and I thought I could not content myself long in that dark place; but the very next day four or five vessels came in, all bound for Cumberland where I wanted to go."

The story of Alline's illness and death, which occurred in the town of Northampton, New Hampshire, February 2nd, 1784, is pathetic in the extreme, but we must pass on.

When Rev. Wm. Black visited Sheffield in 1792 the results of Henry Alline's labors were yet in evidence, and were not entirely acceptable to Mr. Black, who says that he found among the people "many New-Lights, or more properly Allinites—much wild fire and many wrong opinions."

In the year 1805, in answer to a petition from Sheffield, the Rev. James MacGregor, a Presbyterian minister of Pictou, visited the River St. John, and has left us an entertaining account of his visit. He stopped at a house not far below the Grand Lake, where the following colloquy with the good woman of the house ensued.

Woman—Who are you?

Doctor—I am James MacGregor, a minister from Pictou.

Woman—Are you a Methodist?

Doctor—No.

Woman—Are you Church of England?

Doctor—No.

Woman—Then you must be a New-Light.

Doctor—No, I am not a New-Light.

Woman—Then what in the world are you, for I do not know any more?

Doctor—I am a Presbyterian.

Woman—Well, I never saw a Presbyterian minister before, but my mother used to tell me that they were the very best in the world. But what do you hold to?

Doctor—I do not understand what you mean.

Woman—Do you hold to conversion?

Doctor—Don't they all hold to conversion?

Woman—No, the Methodists and New-Lights holds to it, but the Church of England holds against it.

Doctor MacGregor was very hospitably entertained by Squire Burpee and his family, who informed him that they were a colony from New England, and that of course they were Congregationalists in their religious profession. The Doctor said that he had long wished to see one of their congregations and hoped that they were a fair sample of a New England church. The squire replied: "I am afraid that we are degenerated." Mr. MacGregor says, "I preached two Sabbaths to them in a respectable place of worship, and to Methodists and Baptists. They heard with apparent attention and satisfaction. Many of them stayed and conversed a good while after public worship was over."

In the course of his missionary tour Doctor MacGregor visited the settlement on the River Nashwaak founded by the disbanded soldiers of the 42nd regiment. Not having been visited by a minister of their church for many years, a few of them had turned Baptists and Methodists, but "the best and worst of them," he says, "continued Presbyterians."

The glimpses we have of life at the mouth of the St. John, during the last two or three years of the Revolutionary struggle, are of some local interest, though not of a thrilling or exciting character. The proximity of the garrison seems to have proved detrimental to the morals of some of the inhabitants. At least this is the inference we should draw from the following notice posted up by order of the chief magistrate of the community.

NOTICE.

Whereas complaint hath been made to me by the Commanding Officer of the King's Troops at this place that several Irregularities have lately been committed here by his Troops, proceeding from the quantity of strong Liquors sold them by the Inhabitants: To prevent any disturbance for the future, I publickly forbid any person or persons at this place selling Strong Liquors, under the penalty of the Law made and provided in such cases, except those who have Licence or Permits from authority for that purpose.

Given under my hand at Fort Howe this third day of July, 1781.

JAMES WHITE, J. P.

The civil authority at this period was vested in the Court of General Sessions of the Peace for the County of Sunbury, which used to meet regularly at Maugerville, and of which James Simonds, James White, Israel Perley, Gervas Say and Jacob Barker, Esquires, were members. One of the notices issued by order of the court was as follows:—

PUBLIC NOTICE.

Application having been made to the Court of General Quarter Sessions of the Peace, for the County of Sunbury and Province of Nova Scotia, held at Maugerville on the Second Tuesday of October, A. D., 1781, setting forth the necessity of having a Publick House of Entertainment kept near the Harbour of the River St. Johns:—Therefore by virtue of the Authority vested in the said Court by the Laws of the said Province, Licence is hereby given to Philip Newton to keep a Publick House of Entertainment and to retail Spirituous Liquors for the space of one year at the place aforesaid, he the said Philip Newton keeping and maintaining good order agreeable to the Laws of this Province.

By order of the said court, BENJ. ATHERTON, Clerk Peace.

It is not improbable that Philip Newton, mentioned above, was a relative of Hon. Henry Newton, member of the Council of Nova Scotia, and Collector of Customs at Halifax. His stay at St. John was evidently brief, and this is the only known reference to him.

In 1782 the disturbed condition of affairs, consequent upon the Revolution, had so far improved that St. John was made a Port of Entry, with James White as Deputy Collector, under Henry Newton of Halifax. It was truly the day of small things with the future Winter Port of Canada. The following is a list of the vessels that entered and cleared in the year 1782.

Entered. Tons. Cleared. Tons.

Rosanna 17 Rosanna 17 Betsy 10 Peggy 8 Escape 10 Betsy 10 Polly 10 Escape 10 Sally 10 Polly 10 Lark 18 Sally 10 Ranger 12 Lark 18 Prosperity 10 Ranger 12 Unity 10 Prosperity 10 Speedy 7 Unity 10 Little Tom 30 Little Tom 30 —- Monaguash 20 Total tonnage 144 —- Total tonnage 165

The emoluments derived by James White from his office as Deputy Collector of Customs were small. William Hazen's position, as commissary of the garrison of Fort Howe, was something better. Most of the supplies of fuel, meat and vegetables for the garrison were furnished by Messrs. Hazen & White, and the profits were considerable. In the year 1782, for example, they furnished 172 cords of firewood for which the price paid them was 20 shillings a cord.

An event was now to transpire which marks an epoch in the history of St. John and which in the course of a few months served to transform the little community at the mouth of the river from the dimensions of a hamlet to those of a respectable town. The war between Great Britain and the old Colonies was over and the colonies had gained their independence. Had they been wise they would, as Dr. Hannay well observes, have tempered their triumph with moderation. They would have encouraged those who had espoused the Royal cause to remain and assist in building up the new nation which they had founded. Instead of this, they committed one of the most stupendous acts of short sighted folly ever perpetrated by a people. They passed edicts of banishment against the persons, and acts of confiscation against the estates of the Loyalists. They drove them out, poor in purse indeed, but rich in experience, determination, energy, education, intellect and the other qualities which build up states, and with their hearts fired and their energies stimulated with hatred of republicanism. They drove them out 70,000 strong to build up a rival nation at their very doors which perhaps would never have had an existence but for the rash folly of those who persecuted the Loyalists.



CHAPTER XXX.

THE COMING OF THE LOYALISTS.

The vanguard of the Loyalists now began to make its appearance. Captain Simon Baxter has a fair claim to be considered the pioneer Loyalist of this province. He arrived at Fort Howe with his family in March, 1782, in distressed circumstances, and was befriended by William Hazen and James White, who recommended him to the favorable consideration of the authorities at Halifax. Captain Baxter was a native of New Hampshire. He was proscribed and banished on account of his loyalty, and had several narrow escapes at the hands of his "rebel countrymen." On one occasion he was condemned to be hanged, but upon being brought out to execution contrived to escape from his persecutors and fled for safety to Burgoyne's army. His early arrival at St. John proved of substantial benefit to him, for on the 15th of August he obtained a grant of 5,000 acres, "as a reduced subaltern and as a refugee," in what is now the Parish of Norton, in Kings County. His sons, William and Benjamin, received 500 acres each, along with their father. The important services of Major Gilfred Studholme were also rewarded at this time by a grant of 2,000 acres on the Kennebecasis river, just above Captain Baxter's land. Two years later Major Studholme obtained a grant of a tract nearly three miles square, at Apohaqui, to which he gave the name of Studville.

It was not without fore-thought and serious consideration that the Loyalists came to the River St. John. Several associations were formed at New York, in 1782, to further the interests of those who proposed to settle in Nova Scotia. One of the Associations had as its president, the Rev. Doctor Seabury,[136] and for its secretary, Sampson Salter Blowers.[137] It was under the arrangements made by this Association that a great many of the Loyalists of the Spring fleet came to the St. John river. The document, which is published below, is well worthy of preservation by the descendants of those devoted men and women, who were induced by unshaken loyalty to seek refuge in a wilderness under its provisions.

[136] Dr. Seabury was consecrated first Bishop of the Episcopal Church in the United States, November 14th, 1784.

[137] Sampson Salter Blowers was appointed chief justice of Nova Scotia in 1809. He died in 1842 in his 100th year having outlived all his contemporaries. He was a man of wonderful vitality and is said never to have worn an overcoat.

ARTICLES.

Of the Settlement of Nova Scotia, Made With the Loyalists at New York, at the Time of the Peace of 1783.

"The reverend Doctor Samuel Seabury, and Lieutenant Colonel B. Thompson, of the Kings American Dragoons, having been appointed by the Board of Agents to wait on His Excellency Sir Guy Carleton, Commander in Chief, in behalf of the Loyalists desirous of emigrating to Nova Scotia, they read the following rough proposals, as articles of supply for the settlers in Nova Scotia:—

1st.—That they be provided with proper vessels and convoy to carry them, their horses and cattle, as near as possible to the place appointed for their settlement.

2nd.—That besides the provisions for the voyage, one year's provision be allowed them, or money to enable them to purchase.

3d.—That some allowance of warm clothing be made in proportion to the wants of each family.

4th.—That an allowance of medicines be granted, such as shall be thought necessary.

5th.—That pairs of millstones, necessary iron works for grist mills, and saws and other necessary articles for saw-mills, be granted them.

6th.—That a quantity of nails and spikes, hoes and axes, spades and shovels, plough irons, and such other farming utensils as shall appear necessary, be provided for them, and also a proportion of window glass.

7th.—That such a tract or tracts of land, free from disputed titles, and as conveniently situated as may be, be granted, surveyed and divided at the public cost, as shall afford from 300 to 600 acres of useful land to each family.

8th.—That over and above 2,000 acres in every township be allowed for the support of a clergyman, and 1,000 acres for the support of a school, and that these lands be unalienable for ever.

9th.—That a sufficient number of good musquets and cannon be allowed with a proper quantity of powder and ball for their use, to enable them to defend themselves against any hostile invasion; also a proportion of powder and lead for hunting.

"His Excellency the Commander in Chief, in reply, was pleased to say that in general he approved the above Articles, and that at least the terms of settlement should be equivalent to them. He was pleased to say further that he should give every encouragement to the settlers in Nova Scotia, and that he would write to the Governor of the Province respecting the matter. He advised that some persons might be sent to examine the vacant lands and see where the settlement could be made to the best advantage.

"We whose names are hereunto subscribed do agree to remove to the Province of Nova Scotia, on the above encouragement, with our families, in full reliance on the future support of Government, and under the patronage of the following gentlemen as our agents, they having been approved of as such by His Majesty's Commissioner for restoring Peace, etc:—Lieut. Col. B. Thompson, K. A. D; Lieut. Col. E. Winslow, Gen. Muster-master provincial forces; Major J. Upham, K. A. D; Rev. Dr. Samuel Seabury, Rev. John Sayre, Captain Maudsley, Amos Botsford, Esq., Samuel Cummings, Esq., Judge John Wardle, Esq., James Peters, Esq., Frederick Hauser."

These terms were liberal and were afterwards considerably extended. The Loyalists were allowed not only full provisions for the first year, but two-thirds of that allowance for the second year, and one third for the third year.

In accordance with the prudent advice of Sir Guy Carleton, it was decided to send agents to Nova Scotia immediately to explore the country and report upon it. The agents chosen were Messrs. Amos Botsford, Samuel Cummings and Frederick Hauser. They were furnished with the following

INSTRUCTIONS.

"That on their arrival in Nova Scotia they apply themselves to discover whether a Tract or Tracts of Land free from all disputed titles, either with the Indians or former Grantees, can be found sufficient to accommodate the Loyalists and their Families who shall remove thither.

"They will examine the soil, timber, game, limestone, rivers, bays, creeks, harbors, streams and ponds of water with regard to mills, fishing, trade, etc. They will examine the face of the country whether it be hilly, stoney, sandy, clayey, etc.

"They will enquire what lands in the neighborhood are granted and to whom, whether the grants be forfeited, or whether they may be purchased and at what rate; and whether advantageous terms may not be made with the present proprietors.

"They will endeavor to ascertain as near as they can what will be the difficulties and obstructions in forming new settlements, and what will be the probable advantages.

"They will keep a journal of their proceedings and register their observations, noting well the distances from the principal settlements already made, and from noted rivers and harbors, as well as the obstructions in travelling and transporting.

"Such lands as may be obtained will be distributed and divided among the proposed adventurers in as just and equitable a manner as the nature of the case will admit, and the Agents will make reports of their proceedings from time to time, as early as may be, to the Secretary of the Agency in New York."

Amos Botsford, Samuel Cummings and Frederick Hauser arrived at Annapolis Royal on the 19th October, 1782, in company with 500 Loyalists, who sailed from New York in nine transport ships. Rev. Jacob Bailey, who was then living at Annapolis, describes their arrival in one of his letters:

"On Saturday morning early, we were all surprized with the unexpected appearance of eleven sail of shipping, sailing by Goat Island and directing their course towards the town. About nine, two frigates came to anchor, and at ten the remainder, being transports, hauled close in by the King's wharf. On board this fleet were about 500 refugees, who intend to settle in this province. They are a mixture from every province on the continent except Georgia. Yesterday they landed and our royal city of Annapolis, which three days ago contained only 120 souls, has now about 600 inhabitants. You cannot be sensible what an amazing alteration this manoeuvre has occasioned. Everything is alive, and both the townspeople and the soldiers are lost among the strangers.

"All the houses and barracks are crowded and many are unable to procure any lodgings; most of these distressed people left large possessions in the rebellious colonies, and their sufferings on account of their loyalty and their present uncertain and destitute condition render them very affecting objects of compassion. Three agents are dispatched to Halifax to solicit lands from government."

The agents on their return from Halifax, at once set out to explore the country in the vicinity of Annapolis; they then crossed the Bay of Fundy and arrived at St. John about the end of November. In the report, which they subsequently transmitted to their friends in New York, they write:—

"We found our passage up the river difficult, being too late to pass in boats, and not sufficiently frozen to bear. In this situation we left the river, and for a straight course steered by a compass thro' the woods,[138] encamping out several nights in the course, and went as far as the Oromocto, about seventy miles up the river, where is a block-house, a British post." "The St. John is a fine river, equal in magnitude to the Connecticut or Hudson. At the mouth of the river is a fine harbor, accessible at all seasons of the year—never frozen or obstructed by ice.... There are many settlers along the river upon the interval land, who get their living easily. The interval lies on the river and is a most fertile soil, annually matured by the overflowings of the river, and produces crops of all kinds with little labor, and vegetables in the greatest perfection, parsnips of great length, etc. They cut down the trees, burn the tops, put in a crop of wheat or Indian corn, which yields a plentiful increase. These intervals would make the finest meadows. The up-lands produce wheat both of the summer and winter kinds, as well as Indian corn. Here are some wealthy farmers, having flocks of cattle. The greater part of the people, excepting the township of Maugerville, are tenants, or seated on the bank without leave or licence, merely to get their living. For this reason they have not made such improvements as might otherwise have been expected, or as thorough farmers would have done.... Immense quantities of limestone are found at Fort Howe, and at the mouth of the river. We also went up the Kenebeccasis, a large branch of St. John's river, where is a large tract of interval and upland, which has never been granted; it is under a reserve, but we can have it. Major Studholme and Capt. Baxter, who explored the country, chose this place, and obtained a grant of 9,000 acres. On each side of this grant are large tracts of good land, convenient for navigation. A title for these lands may be procured sooner than for such as have been already granted, such as Gage, Conway, etc., which must be obtained by a regular process in the court of Escheats. The lands on the river St. John are also sufficiently near the cod fishery in Fundy Bay, and perfectly secure against the Indians and Americans. The inhabitants are computed to be near one thousand men, able to bear arms. Here is a County and Court established, and the inhabitants at peace, and seem to experience no inconveniency from the war."

[138] Frederick Hauser, one of the agents, was a surveyor. A number of grants made to the Loyalists were laid out by him.

The popular idea of the landing of the Loyalists at St. John is that on the 18th day of May, in the year 1783, a fleet of some twenty vessels sailed into St. John harbor, having on board three thousand people, who, wearied with the long voyage, immediately disembarked and pitched their tents on the site of the present city of St. John—then called Parrtown. The popular idea, however, is not strictly in accordance with the facts. The fleet arrived at St. John, not on the 18th, but on the 10th or 11th of May, and, according to the narrative of Walter Bates, there was no one day fixed for disembarkation. In the case of the "Union," in which Mr. Bates and many of the founders of Kingston came from New York, the passengers were allowed to remain on board until several of their number had gone up the river and selected a place for them to settle. In some cases, however, the passengers were "precipitated on shore." As regards the name Parr (or Partown) it was not given for months after the arrival of the Loyalists, and was then applied only to that part of the city south of Union street, on the east side of the harbor. The name was never very acceptable to the citizens. Governor Parr admitted that it originated "in female vanity;" from which observation we may assume that the name was suggested by Madame Parr. The name of Parr was soon discarded, and the time-honored name, which goes back to the days of de Monts and Champlain was restored at the incorporation of the city on the 18th of May, 1785.

The names of the vessels of the Spring fleet and of their respective masters, so far as they have been preserved, are as follows:—"Union," Consett Wilson, master; "Camel," Wm. Tinker, master; "Cyrus," James Turner, master; "Sovereign," Wm. Stewart, master; "Aurora," Capt. Jackson; "Hope," Capt. Peacock; "Otter," Capt. Burns; "Emmett," Capt. Reed; "Spring," Capt. Cadish; "Ann," Capt. Clark; "Bridgewater," Capt. Adnet; "Favorite," Capt. Ellis; "Commerce," Capt. Strong; "Lord Townsend," Capt. Hogg; "Sally," Capt. Bell; and five others, "Spencer," "Thames," "William," "Britain" and "King George," the names of whose masters are unknown.

The Loyalists who came to St. John in the first fleet numbered about 3,000. They were mostly natives of Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York and New Jersey, who had been driven from their homes and forced to seek refuge within the British lines at New York, or on Long Island. There was a scarcity of ships, and the number of those desirous of emigrating to Nova Scotia proved much larger than had been anticipated. It became evident that the vessels must make repeated trips. The following paragraph from an old newspaper is interesting in this connection:—

New London, Conn., April 25, 1783. We hear that the Loyalists destined for Nova Scotia from New York are to depart in two Divisions; the first, consisting of about 3,000 men, women and children, are nearly ready to sail; the second to sail as soon as the vessels return which carry the first."

This paragraph accords with what subsequently took place. The first fleet sailed from Sandy Hook, on the 26th April, arriving at St. John about the 11th of May; and the second fleet sailed from Sandy Hook on the 16th June, arriving at St. John on the 28th of the same month. The most authentic account of the voyage of the first fleet is to be found in the narrative of Walter Bates,[139] who was a passenger on board the "Union." We learn from this source that in the early part of April, 1783, the Rev. John Sayre, one of the agents for settling the Loyalists in Nova Scotia, visited those who were then living on the north shore of Long Island at Eaton's Neck, Lloyd's Neck and Huntington, to inform them that the King had granted to those who did not incline to return to their former places of abode and would go to Nova Scotia, two hundred acres of land to each family and two years provisions, and provide ships to convey them as near as might be to a place of settlement. A public meeting was held at which the matter was considered in detail, and it was resolved by all present to remove with their families to Nova Scotia and settle together in some situation where they might enjoy the advantages of a church and school. Mr. Bates says that providence seemed to select for them the best ship and by far the best captain in the fleet. The captain received them on board "as father of a family," and took care that nothing in his power should be wanting to render them comfortable on the voyage. The "Union" took on board her passengers at Huntington Bay. The embarkation began on April 11th and was completed in five days. The manifest of the ship has been preserved and is now in possession of J. T. Allan Dibblee of Woodstock, N. B. (See Collections of N. B. Hist. Society, Vol. II. p. 276). It is signed by Fyler Dibblee, deputy agent in charge of the party. There were 209 passengers in all, viz., 61 men, 39 women, 59 children over ten, 48 children under ten and 2 servants. The ship sailed to the place of rendezvous near Staten Island. While waiting at New York for the other vessels, an interesting incident occurred, which (together with subsequent events) we shall let Mr. Bates tell in his own way:—

"Having a couple on board wishing to be married, we call upon the Reverend Mr. Leaming, who received us with much kindness and affection—most of us formerly of his congregation—who after the marriage reverently admonished us with his blessing, that we pay due regard to church and schools, as means to obtain the blessing of God upon our families and our industry. We embarked; next day the ship joined the fleet, and on the 26th day of April, 1783, upwards of twenty sail of ships, under convoy, left Sandy Hook for Nova Scotia—from whence, after the pleasure of leading the whole fleet fourteen days, our good ship Union arrived at Partridge Island before the fleet was come within sight. Next day our ship was safely moored by Capt. Dan'l. Leavitt, the Pilot, in the most convenient situation for landing in the harbor of St. John, all in good health—where we remained comfortable on board ship (while others was sickly and precipitated on shore from other ships) which we proved a providential favor, until we could explore for a place in the Wilderness suitable for our purpose of settlement. A boat was procured for the purpose. David Pickett, Israel Hait, Silas Raymond and others proceeded sixty miles up the River St. John and report that the inhabitants were settled on Interval lands by the river—that the high-lands had generally been burned by the Indians, and there was no church or church Minister in the country. They were informed of a tract of timbered land that had not been burned, on Bellisle Bay, about thirty miles from the harbor of St. John, which they had visited and viewed the situation favorable for our purpose of settlement. Whereupon we all agreed (to proceed thither) and disembarked from on board the good ship Union, and with Capt. Wilson's blessing embarked on board a small sloop all our baggage. The next morning with all our effects—women and children—set sail above the falls and arrived at Bellisle Bay before sunset. Nothing but Wilderness before our eyes, the women and children did not refrain from tears."

[139] See "Kingston and the Loyalists of 1783," in which Walter Bates' narrative is edited, with notes by the author of this history; published at St. John by Barnes & Co. in 1889.

Those who are curious to know what kind of a passage their fore-fathers had on their voyage to the River St. John will be able to form some idea from a study of the following record of the weather, kept by Benjamin Marston, while he was engaged in laying out the town of Shelburne.

"May 1st, Thursday—Wind east; calm at night. May 2nd, Friday—Rain; wind south-westerly. May 3d, Saturday—Fair; wind north-westerly, fresh. May 4th, Sunday—Fair; wind north-westerly, fresh. May 5th, Monday—Fair; wind westerly, moderate. May 6th, Tuesday—Fair; wind easterly changing to southerly. May 7th, Wednesday—Fair; wind south-easterly. May 8th, Thursday—Fair; wind easterly. May 9th, Friday—Fair; wind easterly. May 10th, Saturday—Weather foggy and at times drizzly; wind south-easterly. May 11th, Sunday—Begins with plenty of rain; wind south-westerly, changes to foggy weather. At night wind south-easterly with frequent showers.

The Union had not long to wait until she was joined by her sister ships, and all lay safely anchored near the landing place at the Upper Cove. We may well believe that the arrival of such a multitude produced a profound sensation among the dwellers at Portland Point, then a mere hamlet.

Three hundred years have passed since Champlain sailed up this same harbor and in honor of the day of its discovery, gave to St. John the name it still retains, but in all these centuries the most notable fleet that ever cast anchor in the port was the "Spring fleet" of 1783. The old iron guns of Fort Howe thundered out their salute as the score of vessels came up the harbor, the flag of Britain streaming from the masthead, and we know that Major Studholme gave the wearied exiles a hearty welcome. The old soldier had held his post secure, in spite of hostile savages and lawless marauders, and he was now equally faithful in the discharge of his duty to his new comrades. He did his best to cheer their drooping spirits and as speedily as possible to settle them in habitations which they once more might call their own.

There is a quiet spot in the parish of Studholme, on the banks of the Kennebecasis, where the mortal remains of Gilfred Studholme lie. No headstone marks his grave.

Little preparation had been made by the Government of Nova Scotia for the reception of the Loyalists, and the season was cold and backward. Anxious as were the masters of the transports to return speedily to New York they were obliged to tarry some days. We learn from an old newspaper that the ship "Camel," captain William Tinker, sailed from St. John on her return voyage, the 29th of May, in company with eight other transports, and that they left the new settlers "in good health and spirits." Before the Loyalists could disembark, it was necessary to clear away the brushwood around the landing place and to erect tents and various kinds of shelter. The 18th of May saw them safely landed. The day was Sunday, and it is said the hapless exiles found consolation in a religious service held by the Rev. John Beardsley on the site of the present Market Square.

If Abraham's fidelity to the Almighty caused him on his arrival in the land he was to inherit, to erect an altar, it was equally fitting that the first public act of the founders of the City of the Loyalists should be to render thanks for their preservation and safe arrival in the land of their adoption. The psalms for that 18th morning may have struck a responsive chord in many hearts. "Comfort us again now after the time that thou hast afflicted us, and for the years wherein we have seen adversity." "Establish the work of our hands upon us, yea, the work of our hands establish thou it."

No friendly roof had yet been reared to shelter them from the storm. The wilderness had its unknown perils. Perhaps too the dread of some lurking savage may have filled the hearts of the helpless ones with a nameless fear. Still the message was—"He that dwelleth in the tabernacle of the most High shall lodge under the shadow of the Almighty." "Thou shalt not be afraid for any terror by night, nor for the arrow that flieth by day."

The Loyalists could not but feel relieved when they safely reached their destination. There were no light houses, or beacons, or fog horns to aid the navigator, and the charts were imperfect. The vessels were greatly over crowded and the accommodations not of the best. To add to the general discomfort, in some of the ships epidemics, such as measles, broke out. Yet, glad as they were to be again on shore, it was with heavy hearts they watched the departure of the fleet. The grandmother of the late Sir Leonard Tilley said to one of her descendants, "I climbed to the top of Chipman's Hill and watched the sails disappearing in the distance, and such a feeling of loneliness came over me that, although I had not shed a tear through all the war, I sat down on the damp moss with my baby in my lap and cried."

The days that followed the arrival of the Loyalists were busy days for Major Studholme and his assistant, Samuel Denny Street.[140] By their orders, boards, shingles, clapboards, bricks, etc., were distributed to those needing them. A large number of Studholme's accounts in this connection are on file at Halifax. The first in which the name of Parr (Parrtown) occurs is the following:—

"Parr, on the River St. John, 31 August, 1783.

"Rec'd from Gilfred Studholme L5. 18. 10 1-2 for surveying 142,660 feet lumber for use of the Loyalists settled on the River St. John.

"JEREMIAH REGAN."

[140] Amongst the documents at Halifax relating to the settlement of the Loyalists at St. John is the following receipt:

River St. John, 30 September, 1783.

"Rec'd from Gilfred Studholme, Esq. the sum of L72.10.0 Halifax currency for superintending his office for conducting the settlement of and issuing lumber to the Loyalists within the district of St. John from the 9th May to 30th September, 1783, both days included, at 10 shillings pr. day for which I have signed three receipts of the same tenor and date.

SAM'L DENNY STREET.

Each Loyalist on his arrival was provided with 500 feet of boards, and a proportion of shingles and bricks. Most of the erections at first were log houses, the lumber being used for roofing. By the end of May, 1784, Major Studholme had delivered to the Loyalists 1,731,289 feet of boards, 1,553,919 shingles and 7,400 clapboards. The lumber was purchased from James Woodman, William Hazen, Nehemiah Beckwith, Patrick Rogers, John Whidden and others, the usual price being, for boards L4 per M., and for shingles 15 shillings per M.

The work of building must have progressed rapidly, for when winter came, about 1,500 dwellings afforded shelter. Joshua Aplin wrote Chief Justice Smith that the efforts of the people were unparalleled, and that on his arrival he could scarce credit his own eyes at the sight of such industry. But, he adds, the people had no legal right even to the ground their houses covered, and they appeared to be almost in despair at not getting on their lands. The greater part of those in the town at the mouth of the St. John river never meant to fix themselves there, but to settle on their lands and to apply their money to building farm houses, purchasing live stock, etc., and great loss had been incurred by their being obliged to build at the mouth of the river.

The Kingston settlers were amongst the few that proceeded directly to the lands on which they were to settle. For some weeks they lived in tents on the banks of Kingston Creek, where the mothers found occupation in nursing their children through the measles. They used to send across the river to "Jones's" for milk and other necessaries. They were visited by the Indians, with whom they established friendly relations and who furnished them plentifully with moose meat. In the month of July they obtained the services of Frederick Hauser to survey their land. Before the lots were drawn by the settlers, however, reservations were made for church and school purposes. They then set to work with a will, working in one united party, clearing places on their lots for buildings, cutting logs, carrying them together with their own hands, having as yet neither cattle nor horses to draw them. By the month of November every man in the district found himself and his family covered under his own roof, and, according to Walter Bates, they were "perfectly, happy, contented and comfortable in their dwellings through the winter." In this respect they were fortunate indeed in comparison with those who passed their first winter in canvas tents at Parrtown and St. Anns.

We must now speak of the arrival of the Summer fleet of transports at the River St. John.

Almost everybody has heard of the Spring and Fall fleets, but comparatively few are aware that a very important contingent of Loyalists came to St. John on the 29th of June. The late J. W. Lawrence makes no mention of this Summer fleet in his "Foot-Prints;" in fact nearly all of our local historians have ignored it. Moses H. Perley, in his well known lecture on early New Brunswick history, mentions it very briefly. Lorenzo Sabine, in his Loyalists of the American Revolution, incidentally refers to the date of arrival. The reference occurs in the biographical sketch of John Clarke, of Rhode Island, of whom we read:—

"At the peace, he settled at St. John. He arrived at that city on the 29th of June, 1783, at which time only two log huts had been erected on its site. The government gave him and every other grantee 500 feet of very ordinary boards towards covering their buildings. City lots sold in 1783 at from two to twenty dollars. He bought one for the price of executing the deed of conveyance and 'a treat.' Mr. Clarke was clerk of Trinity church nearly 50 years. He died at St. John in 1853, in his ninety-fourth year, leaving numerous descendants."

The Loyalists who came in the Summer fleet embarked at various places, some on Long Island, others at Staten Island and many at New York. In some instances embarkation had taken place three weeks prior to the departure of the ships from Sandy Hook. The delay in sailing was caused by difficulties attending the embarkation and getting the fleet together. The names of the vessels have been preserved in the following notice, printed in a New York paper:—

"NOTICE TO REFUGEES.

The following Transports, viz. Two Sisters, Hopewell, Symetry, Generous Friends, Bridgewater, Thames, Amity's Production, Tartar, Duchess of Gordon, Littledale, William and Mary, and Free Briton, which are to carry Companies commanded by Sylvanus Whitney, Joseph Gorham, Henry Thomas, John Forrester, Thomas Elms, John Cock, Joseph Clarke, James Hoyt, Christopher Benson, Joseph Forrester, Thomas Welch, Oliver Bourdet, Asher Dunham, Abia. Camp, Peter Berton, Richard Hill and Moses Pitcher, will certainly fall down on Monday morning; it will therefore be absolutely necessary for the people who are appointed to go in these companies, to be all on board To-Morrow Evening.

"New York, June 7th, 1783."

Of the seventeen companies whose captains are named above, those of Christopher Benson and Richard Hill went to Annapolis, and that of Moses Pitcher, to Shelburne; the others (with the possible exception of Thomas Welch's company) came to St. John. We learn from a document entitled "A Return of the number of Loyalists gone to St. John's River in Nova Scotia, as pr. returns left in the Commissary General's Office in New York" that the number enrolled in the various companies for provisions, etc., was as given below:—

Men. Women. Children. Servants. Total.

Capt. S. Whitney 42 27 87 12 168 Capt. J. Goreham 31 20 78 7 136 Capt. H. Thomas 32 26 52 12 122 Capt. J. Forrester 51 30 73 31 185 Capt. Thos. Elms 30 19 27 45 121 Capt. John Cock 32 21 48 10 111 Capt. J. Clarke 36 25 48 52 161 Capt. Jas. Hoyt 42 31 61 85 219 Capt. Jas. Forrester 35 25 47 15 122 Capt. O. Bourdet 55 36 47 42 180 Capt. A. Dunham 31 19 57 5 112 Capt. Abi. Camp 52 36 67 48 203 Capt. P. Berton 31 20 51 30 132 —- —- —- —- —— Total 500 335 743 394 1972

If all who gave in their names to Brook Watson at the commissariat office actually embarked for St. John in the June fleet, it would appear that nearly two thousand persons were carried in that fleet. But it is not unlikely that some of those who gave in their names did not go at this time. Among the papers in the archives at Halifax, there is a copy of a "Return of Loyalists, etc., gone from New York to Nova Scotia as pr. returns in the Commissary General's office." The original was compiled at New York, Oct., 12, 1783, by Richard Fitzpatrick, and at the bottom he adds the significant words—"The above is made from returns left in the commissary general's office, but it is probable the numbers actually gone will fall far short." The chief reason for supposing this to have been the case in regard to the summer fleet is the publication of the following official return, signed by Sir Guy Carleton, in one of the newspapers of the day.

RETURN OF REFUGEES EMBARKED FOR NOVA SCOTIA.

New York, 17th June, 1783.

Men. Women. Children. Servants. Total.

For St. John's River 443 283 670 258 1654 For Annapolis Royal 46 37 76 46 205 For Port Roseway 34 15 39 34 122 For Fort Cumberland 175 86 216 14 491 —- —- —— —- —— Total 698 421 1001 352 2472

GUY CARLETON.

It may be safer to take the figures in Sir Guy Carleton's list; but whichever list we take, the numbers are sufficient to make the arrival of the summer fleet a thing of considerable importance. The names of nearly all the captains of the companies of Loyalists, who sailed in the fleet are found amongst the grantees of Parrtown.

The diary of Sarah Frost, who was a passenger to St. John in the ship "Two Sisters," throws much light upon the circumstances that attended the voyage. Sarah (Schofield) Frost was the wife of William Frost, a sturdy loyalist of Stamford. He was proscribed and banished and threatened with death if he ever returned to Connecticut. He did return, however, on the night of July 21, 1781, accompanied by an armed party in seven boats. The boats were secreted and the party placed themselves in hiding in a swamp near the meeting house. The next day, which was Sunday, they surprised and captured the minister, Rev. Dr. Mather, and his entire congregation. A selection of the prisoners was quickly made, and forty-eight individuals were hurried away to the boats and taken across the sound to Lloyd's Neck, where they were greeted in no complimentary fashion by some of their old neighbors whom they had driven from their homes. Twenty-four of the prisoners were allowed to go back to Stamford on parole. The remainder, twenty-six in number, were sent to the provost prison in New York. Dr. Mather was one of those consigned to the provost, as a "leader of sedition." Needless to say this exploit rendered Wm. Frost exceedingly obnoxious to the "patriots" of Stamford. The parents of Mrs. Frost espoused the cause of the revolutionary party, and her's was one of those sad cases in which families were divided by the war.

The extracts from her journal will enable the reader to have a good idea of some of the trials endured by those who left their old homes for the sake of the principles they cherished.

"May 25, 1783. I left Lloyd's Neck with my family and went on board the Two Sisters, commanded by Captain Brown, for a voyage to Nova Scotia with the rest of the Loyalist sufferers. This evening the Captain drank tea with us. He appears to be a very clever gentleman. We expect to sail as soon as the wind shall favor. We have very fair accommodation in the cabin, although it contains six families besides my own. There are two hundred and fifty passengers on board."

A few days later the ships proceeded to New York, and then there followed an uncomfortable period of waiting. They hoped to have sailed on the 9th of June, having been already a fortnight on shipboard, but it was not until a week later that they got away. While at New York the passengers spent much of their time on shore, visiting their friends and making purchases of things needed on the voyage. Mrs. Frost had a touching interview with her father, who came in a boat from Stamford to bid her farewell. She writes under date of Monday, June 9th; "Our women all came on board with their children, and there is great confusion in the cabin. We bear with it pretty well through the day, but at night one child cries in one place, and one in another, while we are getting them to bed. I think sometimes I will go crazy. There are so many of them, if they were still as common, there would be a great noise amongst them."

Two days later the ships weighed anchor and dropped down to Staten Island where they remained until Sunday the 15th of June, when Mrs. Frost writes: "Our ship is getting under way, I suppose for Nova Scotia. I hope for a good passage. About three o'clock we have a hard gale and a shower which drives us all below. About five o'clock we come to anchor within about six miles of the Light House at Sandy Hook. How long we shall lie here I don't know. About six o'clock we had a terrible squall and hail stones fell as big as ounce balls. About sunset there was another squall and it hailed faster than before. Mr. Frost went out and gathered a mug full of hail stones, and in the evening we had a glass of punch made of it, and the ice was in it till we had drank the whole of it."

"Monday, June 16. We weighed anchor about half after five in the morning, with the wind North-Nor'-West, and it blows very fresh. We passed the Light House about half after seven. It is now half after nine and a signal has been fired for the ships all to lie to for the Bridgewater, which seems to lag behind, I believe on account of some misfortune that happened to her yesterday.... It is now two o'clock and we have again got under way. We have been waiting for a ship to come from New York, and she has now overhauled us.[141] We have a very light breeze now, but have at last got all our fleet together. We have thirteen Ships, two Brigs, one Frigate belonging to our fleet. The Frigate is our Commodore's. It is now three o'clock, we are becalmed and the men are out fishing for Mackerel. Mr. Miles has caught the first."

[141] It is a question whether or not the passengers of this ship are included in Sir Guy Carleton's return of the 17th July, which appears at p. 354.

"Thursday, June 19. We are still steering eastward with a fine breeze. We make seven miles an hour the chief part of the day. About noon we shift our course and are steering North by East. At two o'clock the Captain says we are 250 miles from Sandy Hook, with the wind West-Nor'-West. At six o'clock we saw a sail ahead. She crowded sail and put off from us, but our frigate knew how to talk to her, for at half past seven she gave her a shot which caused her to shorten sail and lie to. Our captain looked with his spy glass; he told me she was a Rebel brig; he saw her thirteen stripes. She was steering to the westward. The wind blows so high this evening, I am afraid to go to bed for fear of rolling out."

"Friday 20th. This morning our Frigate fired a signal to shift our course to North-Nor'-East. We have still fine weather and a fair wind. Mr. Emslie, the mate, tells me we are, at five in the afternoon, about 500 miles from Sandy Hook. We begin to see the fog come on, for that is natural to this place. At six our Commodore fired for the ships to lie to until those behind should come up. Mr. Emslie drank tea with Mr. Frost and myself. The fog comes on very thick this evening."

"Saturday, June 21. Rose at 8 o'clock. It was so foggy we could not see one ship belonging to the fleet. They rang their bells and fired guns all the morning to keep company. About half after ten the fog all went off, so that we saw the chief part of our fleet around us. At noon the fog came on again, but we could hear their bells all around us. This evening the Captain showed Mr. Frost and me the map of the whole way we have come and the way we have yet to go. He told us we are 240 miles from Nova Scotia at this time. It is so foggy we lost all our company tonight and we are entirely alone.

"Sunday, June 22. It is very foggy yet. No ship in sight now, nor any bells to be heard. Towards noon we heard some guns fired from our fleet, but could not tell where they was. The fog was so thick we could not see ten rods, and the wind is so ahead that we have not made ten miles since yesterday noon.

"Monday, June 23. Towards noon the fog goes off fast, and in the afternoon we could see several of our vessels; one came close alongside of us. Mr. Emslie says we are an hundred and forty miles from land now. In the evening the wind becomes fair, the fog seems to leave us and the sun looks very pleasant. Mr. Whitney and his wife, Mr. Frost and I, have been diverting ourselves with a few games of crib."

The passengers had now become exceedingly weary of the voyage. The ships had lain buried in a dense fog, almost becalmed, for three days. An epidemic of measles, too, had broken out on board the "Two Sisters," and served to add to the anxiety and discomfort of the mothers. But a change for the better was at hand and Mrs. Frost continues her diary in a more cheerful strain.

"Thursday, June 26. This morning the sun appears very pleasant. We are now nigh the banks of Cape Sable. At nine o'clock we begin to see land. How pleased we are after being nine days out of sight of land to see it again. There is general rejoicing. At half past six we have twelve of our ships in sight. Our captain told me just now we should be in the Bay of Fundy before morning. He says it is about one day's sail after we get into the Bay to Saint John's River. How I long to see that place though a strange land. I am tired of being on board ship, though we have as clever a captain as ever need to live.

"Friday, June 27. I got up this morning very early to look out. I can see land on both sides of us. About ten o'clock we passed Annapolis. The wind died away. Our people got their lines out to catch cod fish. About half after five John Waterbury caught the first.

"Saturday, June 28. Got up in the morning and found ourselves nigh to land on both sides. At half after nine our Captain fired a gun for a pilot and soon after ten a pilot came on board, and a quarter after one our ship anchored off against Fort Howe in Saint John's River. Our people went on shore and brought on board pea vines with blossoms on them, gooseberries, spruce and grass, all of which grow wild. They say this is to be our city. Our land is five and twenty miles up the river. We are to have here only a building, place 40 feet wide and an hundred feet back. Mr. Frost has gone on shore in his whale boat to see how it looks. He returns soon bringing a fine salmon."

"Sunday, June 29. This morning it looks very pleasant. I am just going on shore with my children.... It is now afternoon and I have been on shore. It is I think the roughest land I ever saw.... We are all ordered to land tomorrow and not a shelter to go under."

Such is the simple story told by this good lady; the reader's imagination can fill in the details. At the time of Mrs. Frost's arrival she was a young matron of twenty-eight years. Her daughter, Hannah, born on July 30th., is said to have been the second female child born at Parrtown.

In the case of the June fleet, as of that which arrived in May, the captains of many of the transports seem to have been remarkably considerate for the welfare of their passengers. The "Bridgewater," staid at St. John more than a fortnight before she sailed on her return voyage to New York, as we learn from the address presented to her captain by the Loyalists who came in her.

"To Captain Adnet, Commander of the Transport Bridgewater.

"The Address of the Loyalists, that came in the Ship under your command, from New-York to St. John's River, Nova-Scotia.

"Your humanity, and the kindness and attention you have shewn to render as happy as possible each individual on board your ship, during the passage, and till their disembarkation, has filled our hearts with sentiments of the deepest gratitude, and merit the warmest return of acknowledgments and thanks, which we most sincerely desire you to accept. Wishing you a prosperous voyage to your intended port, we are, your much obliged and very humble servants.

Signed by the particular desire, and in behalf of the whole.

JOHN HOLLAND, CAPTAIN CLARKE, NATHANIEL DICKINSON.

St. John's River, July 15, 1783.

Vessels continued to arrive during the summer, each bearing its quota of loyal exiles. Those who came were in nearly all cases enrolled in companies, and officers appointed, who were commissioned by Sir Guy Carleton. Several of the ships came repeatedly to St. John. The Bridgewater, one of the Spring fleet, came again in June, and made a third voyage in October. The Cyrus, one of the Spring fleet, arrived again on the 14th September, with 194 passengers, whose names are given in the collections of the New Brunswick Historical Society. The Sovereign, one of the vessels of the Spring fleet, came again in August, as we learn from the letter of thanks addressed to the captain by her passengers, which follows:

"Dear Sir: Your Generosity, Kindness and Attention to us while on board your ship, and assistance lent us on landing our Property from on board, demands our most warm Acknowledgments: Permit us therefore to return you that unfeigned Thanks for all your Goodness that feeling hearts can: and as your are about to leave us, accept of our most sincere wishes for your Happiness and Prosperity; and that you may have a safe and easy Passage to New York is the sincere wish of, Dear Sir.

(By Request of the Company.)

Your most obedient, humble servant,

JOHN MENZIES, Capt. 24th Company.

St. John's River, Aug. 12, 1783.

To Capt. Wm. Stewart, Ship Sovereign."

About this time the Americans began to urge upon Sir Guy Carleton the speedy evacuation of New York by the British forces. But Sir Guy was too good a friend of the Loyalists to allow himself to be unduly hurried in the matter. He stated that the violence of the Americans, since the cessation of hostilities, had greatly increased the number of Loyalists who were obliged to look to him for escape from threatened destruction. That their fears had been augmented by the barbarous menaces of Committees formed in various towns, cities and districts, which had threatened dire vengeance to any who ventured back to their former homes. He therefore adds, "I should show an indifference to the feelings of humanity, as well as to the honor and interest of the nation whom I serve, to leave any of the Loyalists that are desirous to quit the country, a prey to the violence they conceive they have so much cause to apprehend."

Sir Guy did his best to facilitate the emigration of all who desired to leave New York, and by his instructions the following notice was published.

"City Hall, New York, August 14, 1783.

"Notice is hereby given to all Loyalists within the lines, desirous to emigrate from this place before the final Evacuation, that they must give in their Names at the Adjutant-General's Office, on or before the 21st instant, and be ready to embark by the end of this month.

"ABIJAH WILLARD."

Before the arrival of the date, mentioned in the notice, 6,000 names were entered at the Adjutant-General's Office for passages, and the evacuation proceeded as fast as the number of transports would admit. Four weeks later another and more emphatic notice was issued.

"City Hall, New York, September 12, 1783.

The Commissioners appointed to examine the Claims of Persons for Passages from this Place, give this Notice to all Loyalists, who have been recommended for Passages to Nova Scotia; that ships are prepared to receive them on board, and it is expected they will embark on or before the Twentieth Instant.

"And the Board have Authority further to declare. That if they neglect to embrace the opportunity now offered, they must not expect to be conveyed afterwards at the Public Expense.

ABIJAH WILLARD."

There can be little doubt that many who continued to linger at New York would gladly have returned to their former places of abode, but the experience of the few days who attempted it was too discouraging. Here is an instance, as described by one of the American "patriots."

"Last week there came one of the dam'd refugees from New York to a place called Wall-Kill, in order to make a tarry with his parents. He was taken into custody immediately, his head and eye brows were shaved—tarred and feathered—a hog yoke put on his neck, and a cow bell thereon; upon his head a very high cap of feathers was set, well plum'd with soft tar, and a sheet of paper in front, with a man drawn with two faces, representing Arnold and the Devil's imps; and on the back of it a cow, with the refugee or tory driving her off."

The forced migration of the Loyalists was a source of much amusement to the whigs of that day. A parody on Hamlet's soliloquy, "To be or not to be," was printed in the New Jersey Journal, under the title, The Tory's Soliloquy. It begins:

"To go or not to go; that is the question, Whether 'tis best to trust the inclement sky, That scowl's indignant, or the dreary bay Of Fundy and Cape Sable's rocks and shoals, And seek our new domain in Scotia's wilds, Barren and bare, or stay among the rebels, And by our stay rouse up their keenest rage."

We have now to consider the circumstances under which the "Fall fleet" came to St. John.

After the cessation of hostilities, the violent temper manifested by the victorious Americans caused the officers of the Loyalist regiments to lay their case before Sir Guy Carleton in a letter dated March 14, 1783. They state, "That from the purest principles of loyalty and attachment to the British government they took up arms in his Majesty's service, and, relying on the justice of their cause and the support of their Sovereign and the British nation, they have persevered with unabated zeal through all the vicissitudes of a calamitous and unfortunate war.... That whatever stipulations may be made at the peace for the restoration of the property of the Loyalists and permission for them to return home, yet, should the American Provinces be severed from the British Empire, it will be impossible for those who have served his Majesty in arms in this war to remain in the country. The personal animosities that arose from civil dissensions have been so heightened by the blood that has been shed in the contest that the parties can never be reconciled." The letter goes on to speak of sacrifices of property and lucrative professions; of the anxiety felt for the future of wives and children; of the fidelity of the troops, who in the course of the contest had shown a degree of patience, fortitude and bravery almost without example; and of the great number of men incapacitated by wounds, many having helpless families who had seen better days. In conclusion they make the following request:—

"That grants of land may be made to them in some of his Majesty's American Provinces and that they may be assisted in making settlements, in order that they and their children may enjoy the benefit of British government.

"That some permanent provision may be made for such of the non-commissioned officers and privates as have been disabled by wounds, and for the widows and orphans of deceased officers and soldiers.

"That as a reward for their services the rank of the officers be made permanent in America, and that they be entitled to half pay upon the reduction of their regiments."