The approach of the British filled the Indians with serious alarm, and this Allan did not try to allay, his greatest fear being that Pierre Tomah, "always considered a Tory," might induce the majority to make terms with the English. He succeeded in persuading the Indians that their safest course was to retire with him, assuring them that the Americans would shortly regain possession of the river, and that the Massachusetts government would provide for them and in the end reward them for their fidelity. The Indians resolved to accompany Allan to Machias. They abandoned their cornfields, took down their chapel bell and moved across the river to the mouth of the Keswick. A conference was held with the Indians in Mazroles's barn on Sunday, July 6th, at which Delesderniere says Colonel Allan made a very moving speech. The same night Allan's men were surprised at Aukpaque by a British detachment who secured the baggage, provisions, cannon and arms they had in charge. The party had separated and gone to various French houses in the vicinity that they might not crowd one another, otherwise they must inevitably have all been taken. According to Delesderniers' story the French did all they could to save Allan's men and for recompense had their houses pillaged and burned and some of themselves made prisoners by the English. It was reported that the English soldiers had expressed their determination to follow Allan to the gates of hell to take him—they would at least follow to Medoctec. All this time Pierre Tomah was trying to make terms with the British and was much dejected that he could not carry his tribe with him.

Allan now donned the garb of an Indian chief, resolved to wear it to Machias. On his arrival at Medoctec he was in such a sorry plight that he wrote to his friends "I am at present destitute of everything, I am forced to put up with the fare the Indians can provide. I must again implore some help for the Indians; I am still suspicious if I leave them they will turn."

Arrived at the old historic village of Medoctec (eight miles below the modern town of Woodstock) John Allan and his dusky companions did not long hesitate what course to pursue. Two Indian scouts sent down the river quickly returned with information that the English had given up the chase of West and his party, who fled by way of the Oromocto river, and were on their way to Medoctec in pursuit of Allan. This decided the Indians to proceed at once to Machias. The exodus was a remarkable one even for so migratory a people as the Maliseets. On Sunday, July 13th, a party of about 480 Indians—men, women and children—embarked in 128 canoes. The journey to Machias occupied three weeks and the party had a sorry time of it. The midsummer heat was excessive, the mosquitoes abundant, provisions scanty and the lowness of the streams greatly retarded the progress of the canoes. At each of the carrying places along the route a lively scene presented itself. "It is incredible," says Delesderniers in his diary, "what difficulties the Indians undergo in this troublesome time when so many families are obliged to fly with precipitation rather than become friends to the tyrant of Britain. Some backing their aged parents, others their maimed and decrepid brethern, the old women leading the young children, mothers carrying their infants, together with great loads of baggage. As to the canoes the men make it a play to carry them across." The Indians after a time became impatient and desirous to return. They represented to Allan that they had abandoned the fertile banks of the St. John, their cornfields and hunting grounds for his sake, and requested that the Americans would vigorously exert themselves to take possession of and fortify that river, promising that they would assist in an expedition to gain and hold it or lose their lives in the attempt.

Allan's enthusiasm over the spirit displayed by the Indians and their loyalty to him as their leader was somewhat dampened by their alarming consumption of his provisions and supplies, which he was obliged to dispense with a free hand or run the chance of their leaving him.

The account of Colonel John Allan's operations on the River St. John given in the former part of this chapter may be supplemented by Colonel Michael Francklin's official report to the Governor of Canada, Sir Guy Carleton, which follows:

Nova Scotia, River St. John, Maugerville, 23d July, 1777.

Sir,—The Continental Congress having by their Emissarys taken every method to alienate the affection of the savages of this Province from His Majesty so far prevailed as to induce part of the Tribes of this River, Passamaquoddie and Penobscott to associate last Fall with a few banditti from the eastern parts of New England, who together with some of our Provincial Rebels plundered the peaceable inhabitants of the County of Cumberland, seized upon the King's provision vessels, and presumed to invest Fort Cumberland, but were finally defeated by His Majesty's Troops under the command of Major Batt of the Royal Fencible American Regt.

Since last Fall a John Allan, late an Inhabitant of this Province, has been appointed by the General Congress agent to the Indians, and the beginning of June entered the River with Two pieces of cannon and about 120 Rebels, who were to be followed by a more considerable body. These Rebels were defeated the 30th of June at the mouth of the River by the King's Troops under the command of Brigade Major Studholme, sent by Major General Massey. The day following I arrived in a civil capacity with about 150 Troops and militia from Windsor. These Rebels in their flight have been obliged to divide, one part passing over our western Boundary at about twenty miles from the sea, but Allan with the other part have been pursued up this river more than 120 miles and have retired from Medoctic by way of Penobscott. This last party were joined by Ambrose St. Auban, an Indian Chief, and some others whom I could not possibly draw off frown assisting the enemy, without whose aid they must have perished, having lost their little baggage, provisions, cannon and arms by one of our detachments falling on them on the 6th instant at Augpeake, ninety miles up this river. We are friendly with Pierre Toma, the other Indian chief, and part of the savages, and hostilities have not even been committed by us against the others.

"I have been particular that you Excellency may know our situation. An Indian war is of all others the most to be dreaded by this Government from the scattered situation of our settlements, and a word from your Excellency to the savages of this River, Passamaquoddie and Penobscott, sent by some of your well affected Indian Chiefs of the neighborhood of Quebec may have a very great weight with them and prevent much ruin and expense.

"I have the honor to be, with respect, Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,

MICH. FRANCKLIN."

The hint contained in the last paragraph of Francklin's letter evidently was not lost upon Sir Guy Carleton, for later on, deputies from the Ottawas, Hurons, Algonquins, and other nations of Canada arrived at the River St. John and ordered the Micmacs and Maliseets to withdraw from the Americans and to remain quiet otherwise they would declare war against them. Upon receipt of this message, Francklin says, the Indians almost universally withdrew from Machias and remained tranquil to the close of the war. But this is anticipating the course of events.

Michael Francklin, though a native of the South of England, was admirably fitted for the position of superintendent of Indian affairs in Nova Scotia. He was at one time a captive with the Indians and had learned their language and customs. He was also conversant with the French tongue and this gave him still greater influence.

Unfortunately for the settlers at the mouth of the river a garrison was not left there for their protection by Francklin and Studholme, and as soon as the English ships departed Portland and Conway were as defenceless as ever. Privateers again appeared. The people were robbed and maltreated so that many were compelled to abandon their homes and seek refuge up the river.

Late in the autumn of this year an American sloop carrying eight guns entered St. John Harbor. Her captain, who bore the singular name A. Greene Crabtree, proved the most unwelcome and rapacious visitor that had yet appeared. Many of the settlers fled to the woods to escape the vandalism of his crew. From the store at Portland Point 21 boat loads of goods were taken. The plunder included a lot of silver ornaments, fuzees and other articles left by the Indians as pledges for their debts.[105]

[105] Some of the Indian pledges were valuable. Wm. Hazen says that among the articles that escaped the notice of the privateers-men on this occasion were eight silver arm clasps, two of which he afterwards sold for L4.

John Allan seems to have had doubts as to whether this kind of thing came within the pale of civilized warfare, for in a letter written at Machias, November 18, 1777, he says:

"Capt. A. Greene Crabtree arrived here yesterday. He has been to the mouth of the St. John's where he found a Truck House erected by the Britons under the care of Messrs. Hazen, White and Simonds. He took everything of their property only. Also all the Indian Pledges he has bro't and delivered me, expecting some payment. I cannot say how far this was legal for a Privateer, but I am extremely glad it is done."

The situation at the mouth of the St. John had now become intolerable; the inhabitants were well nigh beggared and the end of their trials apparently had not yet been reached. William Hazen therefore proceeded to Windsor and urgently demanded protection. Col. Small, of the Royal Highland Emigrants, went with him to Halifax and by their united efforts the authorities were convinced of the necessity for immediate action. A considerable body of troops was ordered to St. John with directions to either repair Fort Frederick or to build a new fort as might seem most desirable. General Massey's choice of Gilfred Studholme as commander of the expedition was a wise one. He was not only a brave and capable officer but his former experience as commander of the Fort Frederick garrison, and his intimate knowledge of the River St. John and its inhabitants—Whites and Indians—rendered him peculiarly fitted for the task to which he was appointed.

We come now to consider the circumstances under which Fort Howe was built.



Lieut.-Governor Arbuthnot wrote to the Secretary of State, Lord George Germaine, on the 11th October, 1777, that in consequence of frequent attacks on the settlements on the St. John river by the Machias rebels he had requested Brig.-Gen. Massey to establish a fortified post at the mouth of that river with a garrison of fifty men; this with the aid of a British frigate he thought would secure the inhabitants from further molestation, and prevent the Americans from occupying the post, an object they had long coveted. In the latter part of November, Brigade Major Studholme was sent to St. John with fifty picked men, a framed block-house and four six-pounders. The small force was brought in a sloop of war, which remained in the harbor for their protection till the next spring.

Studholme at first thought of restoring Fort Frederick, which the rebels had burned the year before, but in the end it was decided to erect a new fortification on the commanding site since known as Fort Howe. The lateness of the season rendered it necessary for the garrison to lose no time. They set to work vigorously and with the assistance of the inhabitants erected the blockhouses, threw up the necessary defences, and were in snug winter quarters ere the cold weather set in.

The accompanying illustration is taken from a sketch of Fort Howe in 1781 by Capt. Benjamin Marston on board his vessel the "Brittania", which was then lying at anchor in the harbor; the original is believed to be the only representation of Fort Howe before the arrival of the Loyalists that is in existence.

Colonel Robert Morse of the Royal Engineers thus describes the fort as he saw it in 1783:—

"This little work was erected in the course of the late war in preference to repairing a small square fort thrown up during the former war [Fort Frederick] the position of the latter being low and commanded, and not so well situated for the protection of the houses built in the cod of the bay, where two or three persons lived of a company to whom a large tract of land had been granted and who carried on a considerable trade with the Indians and persons settled up the river. The ridge upon which the new fort stands was offered by them and a work in which there are eight pieces of cannon, barracks for 100 men, and a small block-house was accordingly erected, together with a larger block-house at the other end of the ridge. The block-houses remain, but the work, which was composed of fascines and sods, is falling down, and the ridge on which it stands is too narrow to admit of any useful works being constructed upon it."

The armament of Fort Howe, according to Col. Morse, consisted of 2 five and a half inch brass mortars, and 8 iron guns; the latter comprising 2 eighteen-pounders, 4 six-pounders, and 2 four-pounders. In the barracks were twelve rooms for the officers and accommodation for 100 men.

The guns of Fort Howe would be no better than pop-guns in modern warfare. Indeed they appear never to have been fired upon an invader. On Royal anniversaries and in honor of national victories they thundered forth a salute from their iron throats, and we may believe that on the ever memorable 18th of May, 1783, they gave a right royal welcome to the Loyalist founders of the City of St. John.

Scarcely had Major Studholme got his defences in order at Fort Howe, when the old Machias pirate, A. Greene Crabtree, reappeared upon the scene. He had disposed of his former booty and returned to complete the work of destruction. In order to accomplish his design he landed a party from his eight-gun vessel at Manawagonish, and proceeded through the woods intending to surprise the settlement at Portland Point; but in this case the surprise was his own. The sight of the British flag waving from the ramparts of Fort Howe was quite sufficient; he showed no inclination to try the mettle of Studholme's garrison, and beat a hasty retreat.

General Massey, who had sent Studholme's party to St. John, was of the opinion that a rigorous policy should be set on foot against the privateers, and in a letter to Lord Germaine laments that Arbuthnot did not command the naval squadron. "If he did," he says, "these trifling pirates could not appear on the coast without meeting their deserved fate." In the course of the next summer Captain Fielding succeeded in destroying six privateers in the space of three weeks time, and this served to render the Bay of Fundy coast a little more secure. But already much damage had been inflicted. In the township of Conway, on the west side of St. John harbor, the settlers had been obliged to abandon their homes. Daniel and Jonathan Leavitt built small houses in Carleton near old Fort Frederick, where they were under the protection of Fort Howe. Messrs. Samuel Peabody, Gervas Say, Elijah Estabrooks, James Woodman, Thomas Jenkins, Zebedee Ring, John Bradley, John Jones and Peter Smith were so harrassed "by the continual robberies of the Rebel boats" that they were compelled to move up the river to escape the dangers of their exposed situation.

James Simonds also decided to change his residence at this time, and in the month of May (1778) he removed his effects and placed them on board a small vessel, lying above the falls, and with his family proceeded sixty miles up the river to a tract of land in the parish of Sheffield, which he had purchased of Charles Morris. The property comprised about 2,000 acres, but at the time of Mr. Simonds' arrival not a single tree had been cut upon it. He built a small log house on the bank of the river just above Loder's Creek as a shelter for his young and helpless family, and here they were destined to spend the next nine years of their lives. He left to Lemuel Cleveland the care of his house at Portland Point, and leased all his lands and buildings at the mouth of the river to Major Studholme for L60 per annum.

The presence of the garrison at Fort Howe did not entirely prevent the Machias marauders from interfering with the loyal inhabitants of St. John, and Messrs. Hazen and White arranged with John Curry of Campobello to give them warning whenever possible of any danger that might threaten from the direction of Machias.

John Curry was a native of Ireland. He came to Passamaquoddy about 1770, settled there and was appointed a justice of the peace in 1774. He was a man of intelligence and ability, but apparently had not enjoyed the advantages of a liberal education. He had himself several encounters with the privateers. In 1778 his house was plundered while he was absent, and many of his possessions carried off, including the records of the Court of General Sessions of the Peace of Passamaquoddy district, which met on the island of Campobello. Curry was an Indian trader and during the Revolution received supplies from Hazen and White. The following letter is of interest in this connection:—

"Campobello, July, 1781.

"Gentlemen,—Things here is much more peasable than I expected: the Indians appear very friendly which I think deters others from committing aney depredations in the neighbourhood. Have disposed of all the Goods I brought home and want the remainder of my Goods much, therefore if Hutchins and Archibald's sloops is got to St. Johns beg you would desire them to proceed hear immediately, as I want to dispose of the Goods while the Weather is calme. * * Please send me a cask of flower as Bread begins to grow scarce: pray Hurrey Archibald along and tell him to come in the Night least sum Thiefe Should Bee lurking about the harbor."

A few months later Mr. Curry again wrote to his friends to warn them of impending danger:

Campobello, March 22, 1782.

"Gentlemen,—In my last I Refur'd you to Major Studholme for sum inteligeance which was this: there is a small privateer at Machias that I expect will sale every day. She is own'd and man'd by a parcle of Cumberland Refugees who is determined to suply themselves with Beef for use of the Crue at your expence by privately going to the Marsh (at St. John) and killing your Cattle. You may look for them every day after you receive this: they are bound up ye Bay a plundering. Take care of yourselves and pray keep this a profound secret."



The comparative security enjoyed by the people living on the River St. John after the erection of Fort Howe was largely due to the ability and zeal displayed by Major Gilfred Studholme. It is to be regretted that no portrait of this really eminent man is in existence, a fac-simile of his signature is given.[106] He was a native of Ireland where has family owned a considerable estate. On the 22nd November, 1756, he was commissioned an ensign in the 27th Foot, and embarked at Cork for Halifax in May following. He was commissioned Lieutenant in the 40th Foot November 10, 1761, and it was as an officer of this regiment he commanded the garrison at Fort Frederick. He was transferred to the 24th Foot, September 1, 1771, and temporarily retired from active service July 16, 1774. When the American Revolution broke out he offered his services and was appointed captain in Governor Legge's "Loyal Nova Scotia Volunteers," but was afterwards transferred to the command of a company in the Royal Fencible American regiment under Lieut. Col. Joseph Goreham. He served with credit at Fort Cumberland, sharing in the spirited attack of Major Batt, in which the beseigers under Eddy were driven off in great disorder and compelled to retire to the River St. John. The next summer Studholme drove John Allan from the St. John.

[106] The memory of Gilfred Studholme is preserved in Guilford (properly Gilfred) street in Carleton. For some years Charlotte street in St. John was called Studholme street. A parish of Kings County also bears his name.

Lieut.-Governor Arbuthnot wrote Lord Germaine that the establishment of a fortified post at St. John was a necessity since it was a place coveted by the rebels, who wished to settle the river with people of rebellious principles after removing the inhabitants who were loyal subjects. It was at his request and that of the inhabitants at St. John that General Massey sent Major Studholme with fifty picked men to take post there, and although it was reported that John Allan had five hundred men at Machias, the general had no apprehension as to Studholme's ability to maintain his post. General Massey wrote Lord Germaine on the 13th of March, 1778, that he continued to hear from Major Studholme every fortnight—that Fort Howe was perfectly secure. Some weeks later, however, on learning that a large force was assembling at Machias, he sent a reinforcement which arrived safely.

By the joint efforts of the garrison and of the inhabitants it was not long before Fort Howe was in a fairly good state of defence, barracks were built, with signal station adjoining, also a blockhouse at the east end of the ridge. These are shown in the illustration below.[107]

[107] This illustration is made from a water color sketch in the possession of Mrs. William Hazen—the oldest known picture of Saint John. The sketch was taken from a point about the site of the deBury residence south of St. Luke's Church. It dates about the year 1818.

Small as were the numbers of the Indians—perhaps not more than 500 warriors in all Acadia—they were capable of devastating remote settlements and of creating general uneasiness and alarm.



Rumors now began to prevail of an Indian uprising. John Allan contrived after his flight to Machias to keep in touch with the Indians of the River St. John and sent emissaries among them, who were very liberal in their promises of rewards, and who assured the savages that their old father the King of France had now joined hands with the Americans against the English.

Michael Francklin now began to act with vigor in the capacity of Superintendent of Indian affairs, and in consequence of his representations Lieut. Gov'r. Hughes sent to the Bay of Chaleur for the missionary Bourg to come and use his influence with the savages. He also wrote a letter to James White, appointing him his deputy on the River St. John:—

"Windsor, 23d July, 1778.

"Sir,—Upon the Recommendation of Major Studholme & from what I know of your zeal to serve Government and from your knowledge & acquaintance with the Indians of the River St. John and its environs, I do hereby authorize and appoint you to act as my Deputy at and in the neighborhood of the said River St. John. You will therefore take under your care the said Indians and inform me from time to time of their wants and wishes, and what measures you conceive may at any time be adopted to promote his Majesty's interest to the end they may not be led astray by the machinations and devices of his Majesty's rebellious subjects or other of the King's enemies. But in all your proceedings you are to consult with and follow the advice of Major Studholme who will be so obliging as to supply them, at your request, now and then with some provisions, but sparingly & when they shall be in absolute want of them.

"I have no salary to give or promise you, but as I have made a strong representation to the King's minister of the necessity of a fund to defray the necessary expenses, if my representation shall be approved you may depend that I shall not fail of providing you with an annual allowance. You will not fail writing me by all opportunities. I am sir,

"Your most humble servant, "Mich. Francklin.

"James White, Esq.

A crisis now rapidly developed. John Allan prevailed on the Indians to return the British flag to Fort Howe and to send in a declaration of war. The Indians even went so far as to take several English vessels and to commit other acts of hostility.



CHAPTER XXV.

THE GREAT INDIAN POW-WOW AT FORT HOWE, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES.

The establishment of Fort Howe rendered the situation of the people at the mouth of the St. John comparatively secure, but the following summer was a very anxious and trying time to those who lived in the townships up the river. The Indians were restless and dissatisfied. They complained bitterly of being left without a missionary, and it was in vain that Lieut. Gov. Arbuthnot and Colonel Franklin endeavored to keep them in good temper by promising that a missionary would be sent them immediately.

Most of the settlers in the townships were natives of New England, and the threatened Indian uprising was particularly terrifying to them on account of their forefathers' familiarity with the horrors of savage warfare. The Indians were supposed to be hostile only to those who were in opposition to American Independence, but it was felt that they would not be very nice in their distinctions if they once took the war path, and that the Whig might fare little better than the Tory.

The Indians had probably some grievances, but it is evident that the real disturbing influence emanated, as usual, from Machias. John Allan in his zeal for the conquest of Nova Scotia was determined to make every use of his Indian allies in order, if possible, to drive all English sympathizers from the St. John river. The formal declaration of war sent to Major Studholme was his composition. It was approved by the Maliseets at Machias and then forwarded to Aukpaque and after approval by the Indians there sent to Studholme at Fort Howe. The document read as follows:

"To the British Commanding Officer at the mouth of the River St. John's:

"The Chiefs, Sachems and young men belonging to the River St. John's have duly considered the nature of this Great War between America and Old England. They are unanimous that America is right and Old England is wrong. The River on which you are with your soldiers belongs from the most ancient times to our Ancestors, consequently is ours now, and which we are bound to keep for our posterity. You know we are Americans and that this is our Native Country: you know the King of England with his evil councillors has been trying to take away the Lands and Libertys of our Country, but God the King of Heaven, our King, fights for us and says America shall be free. It is so now in spite of all Old England and his Comrades can do.

"The great men of Old England in this country told us that the Americans would not let us enjoy our religion; this is false, not true, for America allows everybody to pray to God as they please; you know Old England never would allow that, but says you must all pray like the king and the great men of his court. We believe America now is right, we find all true they told us for our Old Father the King of France takes their part, he is their friend, he has taken the sword and will defend them. Americans is our Friends, our Brothers and Countrymen; what they do we do, what they say we say, for we are all one and the same family.

"Now as the King of England has no business, nor never had any on this River, we desire you to go away with your men in peace and to take with you all those men who has been fighting and talking against America. If you don't go directly you must take care of yourself your men and all your English subjects on this River, for if any or all of you are killed it is not our faults, for we give you warning time enough to escape. Adieu for ever.

"Machias, August 11, 1778.

"Auque Pawhaque, August 18th, 1778.

Michael Francklin was able at this critical moment effectually to check-mate the designs of John Allan. During the previous winter an express messenger had been sent to Sir Guy Carleton at Quebec to get permission for Father Bourg, the French missionary, to reside among the Indians of the River St. John. In his reply, dated February 23rd, 1778, Governor Carleton wrote that the missionary had orders to repair to Halifax in order to receive instructions for the establishment of his mission.

Just as Francklin and the missionary were about to leave Halifax they received information "that the Malecetes had plundered an English vessel, taken and ransomed another, robbed and disarmed many of the inhabitants and killed several cattle belonging to the King's Loyal subjects on the River St. John, whom they had stiled Torys, and that they had even proceeded the length to return to Fort Howe the King's Flag, accompanied with a formal declaration of war in writing."

The services of James White at this time were invaluable. As early as the 2nd of April and at various times during the summer he went among the Indians to pacify them at great personal risk, always returning unharmed. This was due to the confidence placed in him by the majority of the savages, who had long known him in the capacity of an Indian trader. Mr. White went up the river to meet the Indian war party. He found among them many of the Penobscots and Passamaquoddies under Nicholas Hawawes, a noted chief. They had been instructed by Allan to return the colors sent the previous year by Major Studholme, to ravage the country in the vicinity of Fort Howe, to take prisoners and encourage the soldiers of the garrison to desert. Allan wrote the Massachusetts congress, "I earnestly and sincerely wish I had a hundred or two good troops at this juncture to go in boats along the shore to act in concert with the Indians."

Our early historian, Moses H. Perley, says that James White, unarmed and without any escort, met the war party at the head of "Long Reach" as they were coming down the river in ninety canoes. He had a long conference with the chiefs, of whom the majority were disposed to be hostile; but Pierre Tomah, the head chief, said that before giving a final answer he must consult the Divine Being and throwing himself upon his face in the sand lay motionless for the space of nearly an hour. Then rising he informed the other chiefs that he had been counselled by the Great Spirit to keep peace with King George's men. This decision was not acceptable to several of the chiefs, and Mr. White was still engaged in his negotiations when Colonel Francklin and Father Bourg arrived at St. John, having crossed from Annapolis in the war ship "Scarborough." Messengers were immediately sent up the river to Mr. White desiring him to come down at once with Pierre Tomah and the other chiefs and captains to meet Col. Francklin and the missionary Bourg, assuring them of a friendly reception. Francklin also wrote a letter to the Indians, which is here given.

"Fort Howe, 14 Sep. 1778.

"To Pierre Thomas and others the Indians of the River St. John.

"BRETHREN:—According to my promise last fall I have brought with me Mr. Bourg, your Priest, to instruct you and to take care of your eternal welfare.

"BRETHREN:—I am come to heal and adjust every difference that may exist between you and your Brethren the faithful subjects of King George your father, my master.

"BRETHREN:—As my heart is good, my hands clean and my intentions as white as snow; I desire Pierre Thomas and two or three other principal Indians do immediately come down to Fort Howe with Mr. White my Deputy to speak to me and to Mr. Bourg that we may settle in what manner to proceed to accomplish my good intentions towards you, and that your minds may be made easy I do hereby pledge myself that no harm shall happen to you from any of the King's Troops or others His Majesty's subjects.

"I am your affectionate Brother,

MICH. FRANCKLIN, "Superintendent of Indian Affairs."

The Indians promptly accepted the invitation and a conference was held which Francklin terms "A grand meeting of the Indians at Menaguashe in the Harbour of the River St. John near Fort Howe on Thursday, the 24th September, 1778." There were present on the part of King George the Third:—

Michael Francklin, Superintendent of Indian affairs; Major Studholme, commanding the garrison at Fort Howe; Capt. Mowatt, commanding his Majesty's ship Albany; Rev. Mr. Bourg, missionary to the Indians; James White, agent for Indian affairs at St. John, and several other officers and gentlemen. The Indian delegates included Pierre Tomah, supreme sachem or chief of St. John River; Francis Xavier, 2nd chief; and four captains and eight principal Indians, representing the Maliseets of the St. John. There were also present delegates of the Micmacs of Richibucto, Miramichi, Chignecto and Minas.

Col. Francklin informed the Indians that according to his promise he had brought them a priest and it was his desire to settle and adjust amicably all differences between the Indians and his Majesty's subjects. The proceedings of the conference are detailed at length in Francklin's report to the Governor of Nova Scotia. The Indians after listening to the addresses of Francklin and Monsieur Bourg declared that they had been deceived by John Allan of Machias who had not spoken their sentiments but his own; they acknowledged their offences and offered to restore to the white inhabitants the arms and other articles in their possession (not consumed or destroyed) which they had taken, and promised that they would deliver to James White in the course of the winter, two hundred pounds of Beaver, or as many moose skins, in lieu thereof, towards making good the damage sustained by individuals. They added that they were poor and had been kept from hunting by the idle stories of John Allan and his friends.

Michael Francklin did not lose the opportunity to give Allan "a Rowland for his Oliver." As Allan had been the author of the Indian declaration of war so would Francklin now dictate the message of reply. This message was couched in the following terms:—

"To John Allan and his Associates at Machias:

"The Chiefs and Great men of the Malecete and Mickmack Indians hereby give thee notice:—

"That their eyes are now open and they see clearly that thou hast endeavored to blind them to serve thy wicked purposes against thy lawful sovereign King George, our forgiving and affectionate Father.

"We have this day settled all misunderstanding that thou didst occasion between us and King George's men.

"We now desire that thee and Preble, and thy Comrades will remain in your wigwams at Machias and not come to Passamaquadie to beguile and disturb our weak and young Brethren. We will have nothing to do with thee or them or with your storys, for we have found you out; and if you persist in tempting us we warn you to take care of yourselves. We shall not come to Machias to do you harm, but beware of Passamaquodie for we forbid you to come there.

"At Menaguashe, the 24th September, 1778.

[Signed]

Pierre Thomas x, Francis Xavier x, Chiefs of the Malecetes and in their behalf. Jean Baptiste Arimph x, Chief of Richibouctou and in behalf of the Mickmacks.

During the conference Father Bourg produced a letter he had lately received from the Bishop of Quebec instructing him not to suffer any Indian to enter his Church who should molest the white settlers or take part in the rebellion against the constituted authorities of Nova Scotia, and directing him to forward a list of the names of any Indians who should disobey his orders to Quebec that he might "cast them out of the Church as disobedient and undutifull children."

The Indians were not long in deciding to make terms with the British and in signifying their willingness to take the oath of allegiance to the King. Accordingly the chiefs and captains and other delegates on their knees took a solemn oath in which they pledged themselves to bear faithful and true allegiance to his Majesty King George the Third. They also promised to give information to the King's officers and magistrates of any hostile designs of the enemy that should come to their knowledge; to protect the persons of Michael Francklin and Joseph Mathurin Bourg, their missionary, from insult, outrage or captivity; not to take any part directly or indirectly against the King in the troubles then existing, but to follow their hunting and fishing in a peaceable and quiet manner; not to go to Machias or hold any communication with the people of that neighborhood or other rebellious subjects of his Majesty.

Having taken the oath in behalf of themselves and their several tribes the Indians delivered to Col. Francklin a string of Wampum as a solemn confirmation of their act and deed. They also delivered the presents sent them by Washington together with the treaty they had made with the Massachusetts government on July 19, 1776, in which they had promised to furnish 600 warriors for the service of the United States Congress.

Although the Indians, by the treaty they had just signed, ostensibly settled all the differences between themselves and "King George's men," there were still certain functions dear to the savage heart to be performed before the grand pow-wow was ended.

The oath of allegiance having been taken and the treaty duly signed, all the chiefs and captains united with the English delegates in drinking the King's health, and Colonel Francklin decorated the chiefs and captains with his own hands and distributed to the other Indians a variety of clothing and presents. After this, we are informed, "the night, altho' rainy, was spent in the open air with great mirth under the British Flag." The next day the Indians went on board the Albany man-of-war, where they again very cheerfully drank the King's good health, and were presented with a pound of gunpowder each. They concluded the afternoon and evening on shore "with great satisfaction and good humor." Colonel Francklin concludes his official report of the proceedings as follows:—

"The 26th September the Indians, being on their departure, were saluted at 12 o'clock by the cannon of Fort Howe and his Majesty's ship Albany, and it was returned by three Huzzas and an Indian Whoop. Then the Micmac Chief made a handsome speech and delivered to the Superintendent [Francklin] a string of Wampum on behalf of the whole Micmac nation, as their seal of approbation and agreement to everything that had been transacted. This being finished, the Superintendent, Major Studholme and Rev. Mr. Bourg, were desired to seat themselves, when a Malecete captain began a song and dance in honor and praise of the Conference and those concerned therein. On his finishing, a Micmac captain began another song and dance to the same purpose. The Superintendent then, with Major Studholme and the Rev. Mr. Bourg and the other Gentlemen, marched off with the Indians to the portage above the falls of the River St. John and stayed there until Mr. Bourg and the Indians embarked, when the Gentlemen on the landing were saluted by the musquetry from the Indian canoes."

During the continuance of the conference the Indians received every attention on the part of Francklin, Studholme and the white inhabitants. Francklin kept a table for their entertainment which cost him L40, and the value of the presents and supplies furnished on the occasion amounted to L537 more. The goods required were mostly obtained from the store at Portland Point and the account rendered to Francklin by William Hazen is yet in existence. It contains some curious and interesting items. The presents for the Indians included blankets, hats, ribbons, gold and silver lace, intermixed with axes, pots, kettles, knives and tobacco. Among the more expensive presents were "1 large Silver plated Cross with the figure of our Saviour on it, L3 10 0," and "1 small Gold plated Cross with the figure of our Saviour on it. L2 6 8." The heading of the account reads: "The Hon'ble Michael Francklin Esq'r., Superintendent of Indians, to Wm. Hazen Dr. for sundrys paid and supplies furnished by his order for the use of the Indians assembled at Menaguashe, near Fort Howe, from the 13th September to 19th October, 1778." Some of the expenditures were evidently dictated by motives of policy; see for example the following:—

"Paid Dr. Sharman, surgeon at Fort Howe, for attendance and medicines to Pierre Thoma and four other sick Indians, L5 16 8.

"Pd. Acmobish for 3 Beaver Traps stolen last year by the soldiers, L1 10 0.

"Pd. Charles Nocout ten dollars to make up for an Englishman's beating of him.

"To sundrys delivered to aged and infirm people, viz. Magdalen Katpat, Magdalen La Porte, Marie Barishe & others, L13 10 0."

Quite a number of the white settlers and several Acadians were engaged by Francklin in various capacities while the negotiations with the Indians were in progress. Gervas Say and Capt. Quinton received L7 for going to Aukpaque and attending the Indians coming down to Fort Howe. Daniel Leavitt, Lewis Mitchel, John Hartt, Louis Goodine, Augustin LeBlanc and Messrs. Peabody and Brawn acted as couriers, express messengers and negotiators under direction of Francklin, Studholme and James White.

The general result of the grand pow-wow was considered exceedingly fortunate for the Province of Nova Scotia under the circumstances then existing. Sir Richard Hughes, the lieutenant-governor, writing to Lord Germaine, expresses his great satisfaction at the result of the conference and praises the talents, zeal and diligence of Francklin "to whose discreet conduct and steady perseverance," he says, "assisted by Major Studholme and M. Bourg, the priest, we owe the success of this treaty." Francklin, on his part, seems disposed to award the meed of praise to Studholme and writes Sir Henry Clinton: "In justice to Major Studholme, commanding at Fort Howe, I am obliged to say that his constant zeal and singular address and prudence has been a great means of keeping the Indians near his post quiet." But while both Francklin and Studholme are deservedly entitled to credit for the success of their negotiations, there is not the least doubt that the man to whom even greater credit is due is James White, the deputy agent of Indian affairs at the River St. John. Mr. White, although acting in a subordinate capacity, was in direct contact with the savages at the time they were most unfriendly, and it was his tact and fearlessness that paved the way for the subsequent negotiations. For six months he devoted his time and energies to the task of conciliating the Indians, receiving from government the modern sum of one dollar for each day he was so employed.[108] Most potent of all perhaps in the ultimate result of the conference, was the presence of the French missionary Bourg. It was this that inspired the Indians with confidence in the good intentions of the government of Nova Scotia, and when the missionary accompanied them on their return to Aukpaque their satisfaction was unbounded.

[108] In Col. Franklin's memorandum of expenses incurred in negotiating the Indian treaty the following item appears: "To cash pd. to James White, Esq'r, for services among and with the Indians from the 2d. April, 1778, to the 20th October inclusive, part of which time he ran great risques both of his life & being carried off Prisoner, L50.10.0.

The Indians of the River St. John still possess a traditionary knowledge of the treaty made at Fort Howe in September, 1778, and refer to it as the time when the Indian and the Englishman became "all one brother." Some of the Indians claim that when the treaty was made it was understood that an Indian should always have the right to wander unmolested through the forest and to take the bark of the birch tree for his canoe or the splints of the ash tree for his basket-making regardless of the rights of the white owner of the soil. In many parts of the province there is an unwritten law to this effect, and the Indian roams at pleasure through the woods in quest of the materials for his simple avocations and pitches his tent without let or hindrance.

In order to cultivate friendly relations with the Indians and to guard against the insidious attempts of the people of Machias to wean them from their allegiance it was decided to establish a trading house for their accommodation at the landing place above the falls at the mouth of the St. John. This locality still bears the name of Indiantown, a name derived from the Indian trading post established there in 1779. In old plans Main street, Portland, is called "Road to ye Indian House."

On the 8th of December, 1778, Colonel Francklin sent instructions to James White to proceed with the building of the Indian House which was to cost only L30. He says in his letter, "The ground should be very well cleared all about or the Brush will sooner or later most assuredly burn it. The boards required may be sawed from the Spruces on the spot if you have a whip-saw. The Shingles can be made by any New England man in the neighborhood." The house was built in the course of the next few months by James Woodman, who was by trade a shipwright. For some reason the sum of L30 voted by the Council of Nova Scotia for the erection of the building was never paid, and it remained the property of Hazen, Simonds and White. The three partners not long afterwards cleared a road to the Indian House, the course of which was nearly identical with that of the present "Main street." They also built a wharf at the landing and a small dwelling house which was occupied by one Andrew Lloyd, who has the distinction of being the first settler at Indiantown.

Not many weeks after the signing of the treaty at Fort Howe, Col. John Allan of Machias sent Lieut. Gilman and a band of Penobscot Indians to make a demonstration at the River St. John. They captured a small vessel about sixty miles up the river and plundered one or two of the inhabitants but the only result was to create an alarm amongst the settlers without producing any effect upon the Indians. Pierre Tomah and most of his tribe were at this time encamped at Indian Point on the north side of Grand Lake.

To offset the influence of Father Bourg, Col. John Allan induced the American Congress to obtain a missionary for the Indians at Machias and Passamaquoddy and he hoped by this means to seduce the Indians remaining on the St. John from their allegiance and draw them to Machias. Never in their history did the Maliseets receive such attention as in the Revolutionary war, when they may be said to have lived at the joint expense of the contending parties. The peace of 1783 proved a dismal thing indeed to them. Their friendship became a matter of comparative indifference and the supplies from either party ceased while the immense influx of new settlers drove them from their old hunting grounds and obliged them to look for situations more remote.

After the alliance formed between France and the old English colonies in America was known to the Indians of Acadia, Francklin's task of keeping them in hand became more difficult and as regards those on the River St. John he might have failed but for the powerful influence of the Abbe Joseph Mathurin Bourg.

The Indians resisted every temptation held out to them by the Americans during the year 1779, and welcomed Colonel Francklin and the Missionary Bourg in their principal villages with great rejoicing.

Major Studholme's post at Fort Howe was rendered more secure at this time by the capture of Castine, at the mouth of the Penobscot River. The place was then known by its Indian name of Megabagaduce. Had there been a little more energy and foresight on the part of Admiral Collier, Machias would have shared the same fate, and the result might have been greatly to the advantage of the maritime provinces today. The importance of such a move was self-evident. It was seriously discussed both in England and America, and a plan was very nearly adopted that might have altered the map of America to the advantage of the Canadian dominion. This plan was nothing less than to divide the colony of Maine, giving to that part extending from Saco to the River St. Croix the name of New Ireland and settling it with Loyalists who had been driven from the other colonies in rebellion. The project is believed to have been countenanced by the King and the ministry, but eventually it was abandoned in consequence of the opinion of Wedderburne, the English attorney-general, that the whole of Maine was included in the colony of Massachusetts and that the charter of that colony should be respected.

There is extant a very interesting letter, written at New York in 1780 by the Rev. Wm. Walter to his friend, the Rev. Jacob Bailey, then in Nova Scotia, which shows that the project was seriously discussed in America as well as in England. Mr. Walter writes:

"If you have not already heard it permit me to acquaint you that there is a plan in considerable forwardness to erect the Province of Maine into a Province by itself, to extend from Saco to St. Johns river, making Falmouth [now Portland] the capital;[109] to secure this new Province by strong Forts and Garrisons; to invite the Refugees from the other Provinces in rebellion to settle in this, and by liberality of its constitution to show to the other Provinces the great advantages of being a portion of the Empire and living under the protection of British Government. Sir William Pepperrell is talked of as Governor. The large tracts of land belonging to companies and individuals, which are not forfeited, will be purchased and the whole distributed in farms of 200 acres to every settler. These distributions and appointments are to be in the management and recommendaton of a respectable Board of Refugees [Loyalists] which is now forming under the auspices of Government in this city [New York]."

[109] Lorenso Sabine in his Loyalists of the American Revolution credits William Knox, of Georgia, with proposing the formation of the eastern part of Maine into the Province of "New Ireland," with Thomas Oliver for governor and Daniel Leonard as chief-justice.

It is a curious fact that a little after the close of the Revolutionary war an attempt was made of a very different character to erect this territory into the "Free and Independent State of New Ireland." A constitution and frame of government were prepared by a committee for the consideration of a convention of delegates. In the preamble of their report the Loyalists are termed "the Sons of Slavery and Dregs of the human species in America." The committee evidently entered upon their work of constitution making with great gusto as will appear from the following:

"Agreeable to the trust reposed in us by the good People of New Ireland, We, anticipating the glorious morning of American Freedom, which will shortly shine upon them with a lustre superior to any other spot on the terraqueous Globe, after consluting with the sagest Politicians of the Age, and carefully examining the several frames of Government already erected in this new Empire, and particularly all the advantages which Divine Revelation affords; have drawn up the following Frame of Government for New Ireland, which, from the knowledge we have of the dispositions of our Constituents we have ground to believe will be very acceptable to them, and calculated to render them and their posterity the happiest People on the earth."

Among the provisions of the Constitution were several that may be mentioned for their oddity. Not only were all tavern keepers debarred from holding office "lest spirituous liquors should influence the choice," but the legal fraternity were viewed with suspicion and it was ordained that "Practising Lawyers or Attornies shall not be eligible for any office of profit or trust in the State whilst they continue such."

In order still further to keep the morals of the people pure and uncorrupted, and for the encouragement of piety and virtue and the suppression of vice and immorality, it was provided that "no Stage Plays, Horse-racing, Cock-fighting, Balls and Assemblies, Profane swearing and cursing, Sabbath-breaking, Drunkenness, nocturnal revelling, whoredom, Cards, Dice, and all other games whatsoever, commonly called Games of Chance (Lotteries ordered by the Legislature to raise money for public uses excepted) shall be permitted."

The would-be founders of New Ireland close their report by expressing their hope that Europeans, panting after the sweets of Liberty and Independence will flock thither. "Here," say they, "are no griping and racking Landlords to oppress you; no avaricious Priests to extort from you the Tenth of all your increase and labors and whom you must pay for the liberty to come into the world, of being married, of having children and likewise of leaving the world. * * * Send here the frugal and industrious; no half Gentlemen with long pedigrees from Nimrod and Cain, nor any who expect to make their fortunes by any other methods than the plain beaten paths of honest industry, for idle indolent people, unwilling to work, ought not to eat but to live in all places miserable."

But to return from this digression; it is clear that if the British forces had routed John Allan and his Indians out of Machias in 1779, as they might easily have done if a serious effort had been made, the American congress would then have had no foothold east of Saco, so that Portland and all the coast to the St. Croix would have been, at the close of the war, as firmly in the possession of the English as any part of Nova Scotia. The American writer Kidder, in his interesting account of the military operations in eastern Maine and Nova Scotia during the Revolution, says: "It is now generally conceded that our present boundary was fixed mainly on the ground of occupation, and had we not been able to hold our eastern outpost at Machias, we cannot say what river in Maine would now divide us from a British province."



CHAPTER XXVI.

WHITE CHIEFS AND INDIAN CHIEFS.

In the year 1779 many of the Indians at Machias and Passamaquoddy began to waver in their adherence to the Americans and to imagine they would fare better by withdrawing from John Allan and returning to their old haunts on the River St. John. Allan wrote in the autumn of this year, "The unsteady conduct of the Indians has obliged me to use every means to prevent their going to St. Johns. I have not met with such difficulty previous to this summer." He managed to keep them a little longer, but in July of the next year came the great defection which had been so long impending. The immediate cause of this defection it will be of interest now to consider.

Sir Guy Carleton, not long after his appointment to the command at Quebec, secured the allegiance of the principal Indian tribes of Canada, and at his instigation messages were sent to Machias early in April 1779, desiring the Indians there to have no further connection with the Americans, adding that the Indians of Canada were coming across the woods, as soon as the leaves were as big as their nails, to destroy the settlements on the Penobscot and the Kennebec. In order to impress the Indians with the importance of the message the delegates who bore it were furnished with an immense belt of wampum of 1500 pieces. "We send you this Great Belt," say the Canadian Indians, "for every one of you to see and think of, and to show it to the St. Johns and Micmac Indians, and then to return the belt to us immediately." The message contained a further assurance that nine thousand Indians were ready to execute any orders they might receive from the British general in Canada. The arrival of this message made a great impression on the Indians, and occasioned in them "a fluctuating and unsteady conduct," but John Allan was able, with the help of Mon. de la Motte, a French priest, to keep them in control.

Curiously enough at this crisis the old St. John river chieftain, Pierre Thoma, arrived at Machias in quite an indignant frame of mind. His annoyance was caused by General McLean's ordering Major Studholme not to furnish any more provisions to the Indians. Francklin considered this order a mistake, and at once represented to the secretary of state the necessity of keeping the Indians in good humor as the cutting of masts and timber for the Royal Navy, the safety of the English settlers on the River St. John and communication with Canada might all be endangered by losing their good will. His statements were strongly supported by Sir Richard Hughes, the lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia. The next spring Col. Francklin invited the Indians at Passamaquody and Machias to a conference at Fort Howe.

Two English schooners arrived at Passamaquody on the 1st of June. John Allen at once issued an order to the Indians not to hold any intercourse with unwelcome visitors, but, he adds, "Pierre Tomma the chief of St. John, always considered a Tory, and Lewis Neptune of Penobscot went on board and received presents." They were told that Col. Franklin and Father Bourg were at Fort Howe with presents and supplies and desired a conference with them. Soon after three special messengers arrived from Father Bourg desiring the Indians to attend him immediately on business of the church. The result of these invitations we shall presently see, but in the meantime an important conference was being held at the River St. John.

There are many references to this conference but we shall first consider a letter which Col. Franklin wrote from Windsor to Sir Henry Clinton, 21st August, 1780. In this letter Franklin states, "A meeting was held the 24th June about ninety miles above Fort Howe attended by upwards of 900 Indians. Deputies from the Ottawas, Hurons, Algonkins, Montanagais, Abenakies and Canabas attended and made the speech inclosed."

This speech was addressed to the Malecete, Passamaquoddie and Mickmack Indians and was in substance as follows:

"Our dear Brothers, We come to warn you that the Boston people, having destroyed several of our villages, killed our wives and children and carried off our young women by force, we to revenge ourselves for these outrages have declared war against them. If there are yet remaining among them [i. e. the Americans] any of your people, let them withdraw immediately, for they will be treated like the enemy if they remain with them. Therefore our dear Brothers we tell you to remain quiet and in peace. We have 13,000 men assembled, who are allied against the Boston people and they have already taken twenty-seven villages larger than Three Rivers in Canada, and to burn their villages they sent more than 300 lighted arrows which instantly destroyed their houses, great part of the Inhabitants were burnt and those who attempted to escape were put to death. Now we demand your answer."

The Micmacs and Maliseets presented belts of wampum and replied that so long as the King of England should continue to leave them free liberty of hunting and fishing and to allow them priests sufficient for the exercise of their religion they promised to keep quiet and peaceable.

This grand Indian pow-wow seems to have been brought about largely by Franklin's diplomacy. He was not himself present at the meeting but the interests of the English were well looked after by Major Studholme, James White and the Missionary Bourg. The conference with the visiting delegates was held at Aukpaque and 300 warriors were present besides 600 women and children. A considerable quantity of presents and supplies had been sent from Windsor to Fort Howe by the schooner Menaguash, Peter Doucet, master, to be given to the Indians—blankets, shirts, blue and scarlet cloth, beaver bats, ribbons, powder and shot, and lastly, "one cask of wine sent by Mr. Francklin for the squaws and such men as do not drink rum."[110]

[110] The receipt of these articles at the hands of James White was acknowledged at Aukpaque, June 26, 1780, by Francis Xavier, and five other chiefs.

The arrival of the messengers sent by Studholme to the Indians of Machias and Passamaquody, assuring them that if they would give their attendance at Fort Howe they would be well treated and receive handsome presents, made them extremely anxious to at least have a look at the presents; at the same time urgent invitations from Father Bourg gave them a good excuse for going. For two days John Allan exercised all his powers of persuasion to keep them, but in vain; go they would. They assured him "that they only meant to see the priest, their souls being heavy and loaded with burthens of sins, and that they acted upon a duty commanded in their church which they could not neglect."

On the 3rd July nearly all the Indians, some women and children excepted, set out for Fort Howe. In a letter to the Massachusetts Congress Allan mournfully observes: "I am very unhappy in being obliged to acquaint you of this, after the success I have experienced in disappointing the Priest and Mr. Francklin these three years."

The substantial results of Francklin's policy of conciliation were the inducing of the Indians who had acted with enemy to return to their former villages and live peaceably there, second the opening of a safe route of communication via the St. John river with Quebec and thirdly protection of the King's mast cutters.

Colonel Francklin wrote to Lord Germaine on the 21st November, 1780, that the disposition of the Indians during the summer and autumn had been very tranquil and he attributed the fact largely to the conference held on the River St. John on the 24th of June, when the deputies of the Ottawas, Hurons and other nations of Canada required the Micmacs and Malissets to withdraw from the Americans and to remain quiet.

The situation of Gilfred Studholme, as commandant at Fort Howe, was at times a difficult and uncomfortable one. His garrison was none too large at the best, and, although the majority of his soldiers displayed remarkable fidelity, there were occasional desertions. John Allan naturally used every means in his power to render the post untenable. In August, 1778, he sent Nicholas Hawawes, an Indian chief, with a small party to the mouth of the St. John with orders to destroy the cattle around the Fort, that were intended for the use of the troops[111], to take prisoners and encourage desertion. The Indians were provided with letters, written by deserters who had already come to Machias, which they were instructed to convey secretly to the soldiers of the garrison.

[111] The requirements of the garrison insured a ready market for all the beef Hazen, Simonds & White and their tenants could furnish, indeed at times it was necessary to send to the settlements up the river for a supply. When the garrison was first fixed at Fort Howe, James White made a trip to Maugerville and purchased nine yoke of oxen for their use from Asa Perley, Thomas Barker, Daniel Jewett, Henry Miller, John Esty, Nathan Smith, David Dow, Peter Mooers and Richard Barlow. The agreement in each case was similar to the following:

"Maugerville, November 16, 1777.

"I promise to deliver to Mr. James White, or his order, two oxen coming five years old, when the ice is strong sufficient to bear them to drive to the mouth of this River, said White paying me on delivery fifty-five dollars. Witness my hand—

"ASA PERLEY."

Studholme was compelled to take stern and it may even seem terrible measures to repress desertion, as will be seen in the following note which he addressed to James White:

"Sir,—I shall esteem it as a favor if you will endeavour to get some Indians to bring in the three deserters, for each of which I will give Ten Guineas. Should the soldiers make any opposition the Indians are to make use of force, and if compelled to kill them, they are to bring in their Heads, for each of which they will receive Ten Guineas.

"I am, Sir, "Your most obedient servant, "G. STUDHOLME."

Among the important services which Major Studholme was able to accomplish while at Fort Howe should be mentioned the establishment of excellent communication between Halifax and Quebec by way of the St. John river. This had been the customary route of travel between Acadia and Canada during the final conflict between England and France for supremacy in North America (A. D. 1744-1759) and was well known to the French and their Indian allies; it now proved of equal service to the English.

In order to facilitate communication with Quebec, and at the same time to afford protection to the settlements on the St. John, a block house was built at the mouth of the Oromocto river and a few soldiers stationed there under command of Lieut. Constant Connor. The post was named Fort Hughes in honor of Sir Richard Hughes, the lieutenant governor of Nova Scotia. A number of log huts, or post-houses were built, at intervals of about a day's journey, from the block house at Oromocto to the St. Lawrence. Over this route important messages were carried between the civil and military authorities of Halifax and Quebec, and sometimes dispatches were sent from the Commander-in-chief of the forces at New York to Sir Guy Carleton and Sir Frederick Haldimand at Quebec. Indians were occasionally employed to carry the messages, but greater confidence was placed in the Acadians. The most famous couriers probably were Louis Mitchel and the brothers Louis and Michel Mercure. The couriers were aware of the value of their services, and they demanded, and generally received, one hundred dollars for each trip from Fort Howe to Quebec. This was regarded as extravagant by Major Studholme and General Haldimand, but they could do no better. They dared not trust the Indians with important dispatches, and when the Acadian couriers were not available messages were usually carried by officers accompanied by Indians as guides.

The route via the River St. John was used both in summer and winter. It is said that when the water was high the Indians were able to deliver letters from Quebec to the French commander at the mouth of the St. John in four or five days, a distance of 430 miles. This statement is made by John Allan and there is nothing impossible about it. The Messrs. Straton of Fredericton, some years since, paddled in a bark canoe from the Grand Falls to Fredericton, 133 miles, in 14 hours 46 minutes, making a short stop at Woodstock on the way. Short distances have been covered at much greater rates of speed. The Acadian couriers were usually a fortnight going from Oromocto to Quebec in the summer and about double that time in the winter.

Like others of their race the Indians of the St. John were fleet of foot and possessed of great endurance, qualities that are by no means wanting in their descendants. Some forty years ago a Maliseet Indian, named Peter Loler, gave a remarkable exhibition of speed and endurance, which is still talked of by the older residents of Woodstock. The circumstances, briefly stated, were these. One pleasant summer morning Loler presented himself to the driver of the old four-in-hand stage coach which was just about leaving the hotel at Fredericton for Woodstock, the distance being rather more than sixty miles. The Indian desired a passage and offered the customary fare. The driver on the occasion was John Turner, one of the most accomplished whips of the old stage coaching days, and popular with all travellers. As the stage coach was pretty full and the day promised to be very warm Turner, after a brief consultation with the passengers, declined the Indian's money and upon Loler's remonstrating, told him in plain Saxon that the other passengers didn't like the smell of him, that his room was better than his company. This angered Peter and he said, "All right, John! Me be in Woodstock first!"

At 8 o'clock, a. m., Indian and stage coach left Fredericton together, and together they proceeded and in spite of Turner's endeavor to throw dust in the Indian's face the latter was always a little in advance. He stopped at every place the stage stopped to change horses (this occurred four or five times on the route) and took his dinner with all the solemnity of his race in the kitchen of the "Half-way House" where the passengers dined.

As they drew near their destination the Indian's savage nature seemed to assert itself; he ran like a deer, waving his cap at intervals as he passed the farm houses, and shouting defiantly. Turner now began to ply the whip, for he had no intention of allowing the red-skin to beat him out. The passengers began to wager their money on the result of the race and grew wild with excitement. The Indian village, three miles below Woodstock, was passed with Loler fifty yards in advance, but the village was not Peter's destination that day. He saluted it with a war-whoop and hurried on. It was still early in the afternoon when the quiet citizens of Woodstock were aroused in a manner entirely unexpected. The stage coach came tearing into town at the heels of an Indian who was yelling like a demon and running as for his life, John Turner plying the whip in lively fashion, and four very hot and tired horses galloping at their utmost speed. The finish was a close one, but the Indian was ahead. As soon as he had regained his breath sufficiently to speak, Loler walked over to where Turner was standing and philosophically remarked, "John! me here first!" Turner's answer is not recorded.

Our story should end here, but alas for poor human nature, it remains to be told that the Indian was soon surrounded by a crowd of friendly admirers, and before the close of the day was gloriously—or shall we say ingloriously—drunk.

From the year 1779 onward the cutting of masts for the navy became an industry of growing importance on the River St. John and Col. Francklin's efforts were largely directed to the protection of the workmen so employed from being molested by the Indians. The consideration of the "masting" industry will be taken up in the next chapter.

Michael Francklin died Nov. 8, 1782, deeply lamented by all classes of society. His last general conference with the Maliseets was at Oromocto in the month of November, 1781, when he distributed presents to nearly four hundred Indians who had assembled there. On this occasion he settled amicably some jealousies that had arisen about the election of chiefs. He tells us that the Indians were eager to go to the defence of the block house on the occasion of a recent alarm, that they were grateful for the continuance of their missionary Bourg and were resolved to again plant corn on the river. At the close of the conference they quietly dispersed to their hunting.

In spite of the interference of war the traffic in furs with the Indians was still very considerable, and about this time Hazen and White sent a consignment to Halifax in the ship Recovery, to be shipped to England for sale, which included 571 Moose skins, 11 Caribou, 11 Deer, 3621 Musquash, 61 Otter, 77 Mink, 152 Sable, 40 Fishers, 6 Wolverene, 11 "Lucervers," 17 Red Fox, 6 Cross Fox, 9 Bear.

Michael Francklin continued to the last to cultivate the friendship of Pierre Thoma the old Maliseet chieftain whose descendants, it may be observed, are numerous at the present day. The name of this well known Indian family (variously spelled Thoma, Toma, Tomah, Tomer) is clearly of French origin, and was originally Thomas, which pronounced in French fashion sounds like Tomah. The name Pierre Thoma was very common among both the Micmacs and the Maliseets, so common indeed as to make it difficult to distinguish between individuals. A few observations will enable the reader to see what splendid opportunities there are for confusion with regard to those Indians who bore the name of Pierre Thoma.

In the month of August, 1827, the Lieut.-Governor of New Brunswick, Sir Howard Douglas, visited the historic Indian village of Medoctec, where he was introduced to an Indian name Pierre Thoma (or Toma Pierre) aged 93 years. The old warrior, who had lost an eye and an arm in the battle of the Heights of Abraham in 1759, was carefully provided for by the kindly hearted governor. Our first conclusion naturally would be—this is the old chieftain of Revolutionary days. But further investigation shows such a conclusion to be very improbable. If old Tomah, who greeted Sir Howard Douglas, were 93 years old in 1827, he must have been born in 1734, and in that case (supposing him to have been Francklin's old ally) he would have filled the office of supreme sachem or head chief of the St. John river when about thirty years of age, which is very unlikely. But this is not all. In the sworn testimony submitted to the commissioners on the international boundary in 1797, John Curry, Esq., of Charlotte County says that when he came to the country in 1770 there was an Indian place of worship and a burial ground on St. Andrew's Point at the mouth of the River St. Croix, and that among those whom he recollected to have been buried there were John Neptune (alias Bungawarrawit), governor of the Passamaquoddy tribe, and a "chief of the Saint John's Tribe known by the name of Pierre Toma." There can be little doubt that the latter was our old chief Thoma. His wife was one of the Neptune family whose home was at Passamaquoddy. The burial ground at St. Andrew's Point was abandoned by the Indians when the Loyalists settled at St. Andrews in 1783. We may therefore conclude that Pierre Thoma did not long survive his old friend and Patron Michael Francklin. Their acquaintance began as early at least as the summer of 1768, when Governor Thoma and Ambroise St. Aubin had an interview with Lieut.-Governor Francklin and his council at Halifax. At that time the chiefs made a favorable impression. They requested that their missionary Bailly, lately arrived might remain with them, complained that rum was much too common for the good of their people, desired lands for cultivation and that their hunting grounds should be reserved to them. Having completed their business they stated "We have nothing further to ask or represent, and we desire to return soon, that our people may not be debauched with liquor in this town."

The previous summer (12th August, 1767) Rev. Thomas Wood officiated at a notable wedding at Halifax the contracting parties being a young Indian captain named Pierre Jacques and Marie Joseph, the oldest daughter of "old King Thoma." An English baronet, Sir Thos. Rich, and other distinguished guests were present on the occasion. However this Thoma was not our old Maliseet chief, for Mr. Wood observes of him, "Old King Thoma looks upon himself as hereditary king of the Mickmacks." Moreover the date is too nearly coincident with an interesting event at Aukpaque in which Pierre Thoma was concerned. The event was a christening at the Indian chapel the particulars concerning which we find in the old church register. The Abbe Bailly on two consecutive days baptized thirty-one Indian children, viz., sixteen boys on August 29th and fifteen girls on August 30th. Among the boys we find a son of Ambroise St. Aubin and Anne, his wife, who received the name of Thomas and had as sponsors Pierre Thoma, chief, and his wife Marie Mectilde. The following day the compliment was returned and Ambroise and his wife stood as sponsors at the christening of Marie, the daughter of Pierre Thoma.

The next year (June 5, 1768) there was a double wedding in the family of Governor Thoma at which the Abbe Bailly officiated and which no doubt was the occasion of great festivity at the Indian village. The old chief's son Pierre Thoma, jr, wedded an Indian maiden named Marie Joseph, and his daughter Marie Belanger married Pierre Kesit. The younger Pierre Thoma was most probably his father's successor as chief of the Maliseets. At any rate when Frederick Dibblee[112] made a return of the native Indians settled at Meductic in 1788 he includes in his list Governor Thoma, his wife and four children. The Indians were always migratory and two years later we find Governor Thoma living at the mouth of the Becaguimec and tilling his cornfield since become the site of the town of Hartland. This Governor Thoma, may be the same referred to in the following paragraph in the Courier of January 6, 1841:[113]

"Friday last, being New Years day, a large body of the Milicete tribe of Indians including a considerable number of well dressed squaws, headed by their old-old-chief Thoma, appeared at Government House to pay their annual compliments to the representative of their Sovereign, and were received by His Excellency with great kindness. His Excellency availed himself of the occasion publicly to decorate the worthy old chief with a splendid silver medallion suspended by a blue ribbon, exhibiting a beautiful effigy of our gracious sovereign on one side, with the Royal Arms on the reverse."

[112] Frederick Dibblee was a Loyalist, a graduate of Columbia College (N.Y.); afterwards rector of Woodstock, N. B. He went to Medoctec as a lay missionary teacher to the Indians under an arrangement with an English Society for the propagation of the Gospel amongst the Indians. There were at Medoctec in 1788 about seventy Indian families including 98 men, 74 women, 165 children; total, 337 souls.

[113] The author is indebted for the above extract to the kindness of Mr. Ward.

Many of the Thoma family were remarkable for their longevity. When the writer of this history was a boy there lived at the Indian village, three miles below the Town of Woodstock, a very intelligent and industrious Indian, whose bent, spare figure was a familiar object to travellers along the country roads. It would be hard to count the number of baskets and moccasins the old man carried on his back to town for sale. He was born at Medoctec in 1789 and died at Woodstock not long ago at the age of nearly one hundred years. The old fellow was famous for his knowledge of herbs, which he was wont to administer to the Indians in case of sickness; indeed it was not an uncommon thing for the white people to consult "Doctor Tomer" as to their ailments. In the year 1877 "Tomer" came to pay a friendly visit to Charles Raymond, the author's grandfather, who was then in his 90th year and confined to his room with what proved to be his first and last illness. The pleasure of meeting seemed to be mutual. The two had known one another for many years and were accustomed from time to time to compare ages. "Tomer" was always one year younger, showing that the old Indian kept his notch-stick well. He is believed to have been the last surviving grandson of the old chieftain, Pierre Thoma.

While speaking of the Maliseets and their chiefs, mention may be made of the fact that the Indians, as a mark of especial confidence and favor, occasionally admitted one of the whites to the order of chieftainship. This compliment the Maliseets paid to the French Governor Villebon, when he commanded at Fort Nachouac, and a like compliment was paid some sixty-five years ago to the late Moses H. Perley. In early life Mr. Perley was very fond of the woods and frequently visited the Indian villages on the upper St. John to buy furs, which he paid for in silver dollars. So great was the confidence reposed in him by the Indians that he became their agent with the provincial government, and was in the end adopted as their chief. In 1840 he visited England and was presented to Queen Victoria in the character of an Indian chief, wearing on the occasion a very magnificent costume of ornamental bead-work, plumes, and so forth. He received at the Queen's hands a silver medal three inches in diameter, on the edge of which was engraved, "From Her Most Gracious Majesty to M. H. Perley, Chief Sachem of the Milicetes and Wungeet Sagamore of the Micmac nation. A. D., 1840." This medal is still in the possession of Mr. Perley's descendants.

It will be noticed that the St. John river Indians are termed "Milicetes" in the above description. The form Milicete, or Melicete, used by Dr. Gesner and Moses H. Perley, has been followed by the majority of our provincial writers. Dr. Hannay, however, in his history of Acadia, retains the spelling of Villebon and the early French writers, Malicite, which is almost identical with the Latin form, Malecitae, on the stone tablet of the chapel built by the missionary Jean Loyard at Medoctec in 1717. Either of these pronounced in French fashion is practically identical with Maliseet, the form adopted by modern students of Indian lore, and which the writer has followed in this history.



CHAPTER XXVII.

MASTS FOR THE ROYAL NAVY.

The enormous lumbering operations carried on upon the St. John river and its tributaries in modern times had their small beginning, two centuries ago, when masts for the French navy were cut by order of the King of France.[114] The war of the Revolution obliged the English government to look for a reserve of trees suitable for masts in the remaining British colonies. In the year 1779, arrangements were made with William Davidson to provide a number of masts at the River St. John.

[114] Mon. Diereville states that in 1700 the man of war Avenant, of 44 guns, shipped at St. John some very fine masts for the French navy, which had been manufactured by 14 carpenters and mast makers. These were safely delivered in France after a prosperous voyage of 33 days.

Colonel Francklin was quite aware of the necessity of giving careful attention to the Indians at this juncture, for the Machias rebels threatened to destroy the "King's masts" and endeavored to get the Indians to harass the mast cutters and obstruct, them in every possible way. In consequence Francklin sent the following letter to Pierre Thoma by James White, his deputy:—

"Windsor, 29th November, 1779.

"My Brother.—Mr. Davidson is now employed on the River St. John for the King my Royal master. I therefore request you will afford him and all his people every assistance and protection in your power.

"My Brother,—I request and flatter myself if any party of Rebels or Indians should attempt to disturb Mr. Davidson that you and your people will prevent it, and if necessary take up arms for that purpose.

"My Brothers,—The Governor of Nova Scotia sends to Major Studholme some presents for you; they are intended to encourage you to protect Mr. Davidson; receive them and be true to the trust that his Excellency reposes in you.