 |
The correspondence connected with the papal brief dragged on till January or February 1591.[254] To all who saw Luis de Leon at this time it must have occurred that his career was drawing to a close. He had never been robust; his sedentary habits, his ascetic practices, and his prolonged imprisonment combined to wear him down. His last years were packed with troubles. The Inquisition watched him with suspicious eyes; he had always regarded the Dominicans and Jeromites as his enemies; he had contrived to increase the forces hostile to him by alienating the Carmelites. Doria was not without the power to make his resentment felt; a few well-meaning Augustinians did Luis de Leon more harm than good by suggesting that he had extorted from the Inquisition the admission that his doctrinal teachings were correct;[255] he was deeply affected by the enmity of other Augustinians whom he (perhaps too hastily) denounced by name to the Inquisitors.[256] Many of his colleagues at Salamanca stood aloof from him; some were openly opposed to him; one or two carried their spite so far as to suggest that he should be deprived of his University chair. His constant absence from Salamanca gave his foes a handle; it is conceivable that they might have succeeded in ousting him from his chair had his life been prolonged. Apart from public business, connected with his own order and with the proposed reform of the Carmelite nuns, Luis de Leon was retained in Madrid by his failing health. On January 11, 1591, he was examined by Doctor Estrada, who reported that his patient was suffering from a cystic tumour of the kidney.[257] This is a malady which might last many years. No doubt Luis de Leon had had the tumour for a long while; it is extremely likely that at the end the growth became malignant and that he died from it. It has been alleged that Luis de Leon's end came suddenly.[258] This is not so. His death was lingering. For all but himself this was fortunate, and, even for himself the pause before the end was convenient, for it enabled him to discharge certain duties. As editor, he was naturally in possession of many of Saint Theresa's papers; these he had time to make over to Doctor Sobrino, Professor of Theology in the University of Valladolid, and to Fray Agustin Antolinez, a future bishop, with instructions to return them to Madre Ana de Jesus. Nevertheless the saint's papers were not destined to reach Madre Ana de Jesus, for Philip II asked both the trustees to give him the holograph copies to be deposited in the Library at the Escorial. The trustees complied, and the papers are now stored in the Camarin de Santa Teresa.[259] Assiduous to the last in the discharge of his duties, Luis de Leon dragged himself to Madrigal, where a Chapter of the Augustinian Order was to be held in August 1591. The effort was too much for him. He had to take to his bed, and was still there on August 14 when he was elected Provincial[260]. He did not enjoy the honour long, for he died on August 23.
Though most people who are interested in Luis de Leon at all are familiar with Pacheco's portrait of him, Pacheco's character-sketch is so apt to be overlooked that it may be briefly summarized here.[261] Pacheco reports Luis de Leon as having a special gift of silence, as being the most taciturn of men though one of the wittiest; as being a man most trustworthy, truthful and upright, precise in speech and in the keeping of promises, reserved, not given to smiling; in the gravity of his countenance his nobility of soul and, still more, his deep humility were obvious; most cleanly, chaste, and reflective, he was a great monk and a close observer of laws; so marked was his devotion to the Blessed Virgin that he fasted on the eve of feasts, dined at three, and ate no supper; in her honour he wrote the lovely hymn Virgen que el Sol mas pura, very spiritually-minded and greatly given to prayer, at the time of his severest trials God hearkened to him. Though by nature hasty, he was very long-suffering and gentle to those with whom he had to deal; he was most abstemious in matters of food, drink, and sleep; indeed with regard to sleep (as was stated to Pacheco by Fray Luis Moreno de Bohorquez, who had lived in the same monastery as Luis de Leon for four years) he carried mortification so far that he seldom lay down, and the monk who had to make his bed would often find that it had not been slept in. So great were his intellectual gifts that he seemed more meet to teach every one than to learn things from anybody. On matters concerning government his judgement was sound; he was highly esteemed by prominent men both in Spain and out of it; Philip II was wont to consult him in difficult cases, and would send messengers from Madrid to Salamanca; when he visited Madrid on University business he was admitted to private audience and received signal marks of royal favour; with respect to offers of bishoprics and the Archbishopric of Mexico he displayed his courage and magnanimous spirits not only by stripping himself of rank (a thing seldom done) but of all he had in the world; a man of truly evangelical temper. In those holy exercises, and in fitting sequel to his life, he piously ended his course as Provincial of Castile, leaving all in great affliction, but with a still greater certainty of his glory.
This estimate was printed in 1599, eight years after Luis de Leon's death and one year after Philip II's death. Making some allowance for the partiality of an admirer, Pacheco's description may stand. A dry contemporary chronicler, like Luis Cabrera de Cordoba,[262] after paying tribute to Luis de Leon's intellectual gifts and heroic courage in adversity, speaks of his death as a national loss. Even in his lifetime Luis de Leon was recognized by men of exceptional genius as one of themselves. His poems, which were not published till forty years after his death, must have been handed about in manuscript long before. In 1585 Cervantes in his Galatea introduced Luis de Leon into the Canto de Caliope. It cannot well be maintained that Cervantes had been impressed by Luis de Leon's Latin treatises, by De los nombres de Cristo, and by La perfecta casada. The Canto de Caliope records the names of those only whom Cervantes considered to be eminent poets—masters en la alegre sciencia dela poesia—and hence it is to the poet that he refers when he writes in his 84th stanza:
Quisiera rematar mi dulce canto en tal sazon pastores, con loaros un ingenio que al mundo pone espanto y que pudiera en estasis robaros. En el cifro y recojo todo quanto he mostrado hasta aqui, y he de mostraros Fray Luys de Leon el que digo a quien yo reverencio, adoro, y sigo.
IV
[Footnote 189: Bartolome Jose Gallardo, Ensayo de una biblioteca espanola de libros raros y curiosos (Madrid, 1863-66-88-89), vol. IV, col. 1328: 'En unos apuntes cronologicos que hacia en Salamanca un curioso (jesuita?) a fines del siglo XVI, fol. 23 de un tomo de Papeles varios, en folio, se lee:
'Ano de 76, Martes 23 de diciembre dia de San Damaso, dieron por libre a fr. Luis sin pena. Y donde a 30 de diciembre entro en Salamanca a las tres de la tarde con atabales, trompetas y gran acompanamiento de Caballeros, Doctores, Maestros, &c.']
[Footnote 190: He is clearly wrong in stating that Luis de Leon was set free on December 23. We have already seen that Luis de Leon presented two applications in writing on December 15. From the nature of these applications, it is a fair inference that he was free when he made them.]
[Footnote 191: Especially as the fact is confirmed by a contemporary Augustinian, Fray Juan Quijano: see Blanco Garcia, op. cit., p. 206, n. 1.]
[Footnote 192: This date is given on the authority of the anonymous writer quoted by Gallardo, op. cit., col. 1328: 'Y lunes adelante le presento el Comisorio al Claustro, para que se le diese su proprio lugar, honra y catedra de Durando. El no la quiso y la Universidad cedio 200 ducados de partido.' The date in this case is corroborated by a summons from the Rector of the University: see P. Fr. Luis G. Alonso Getino, O.P., Vida y procesos del maestro Fr. Luis de Leon (Salamanca, 1907), p. 244.]
[Footnote 193: According to Blanco Garcia (op. cit., p. 207), Luis de Leon did not vote, but assigned his proxy to Bartolome de Medina. This incident occurred, but it happened at a meeting of the Claustro held two days later: see Alonso Getino (op. cit., pp. 252-254). Medina seems to have thought that Luis de Leon's chair had not been legally vacated, and that it was not in Luis de Leon's power to say that he would assign it to Castillo.]
[Footnote 194: Alonso Getino, op. cit., p. 258.]
[Footnote 195: Gallardo, op. cit., vol. IV, col. 1328: '...y martes a 29 [de enero de 1577] empezo a leer. Hubo gran concurso, &c.']
[Footnote 196: Monasticon Augustinianum (Munich, 1623), p. 208: 'Primam vero lectionem post tenebras ut auspicabatur, pleno concessu ad novitatem evocato, inquit: Dicebamus hesterna die.' Blanco Garcia, who quotes this passage (op. cit., p. 209, n. 1), refers also to p. 119 of a reprint issued at Valladolid in 1890: this reprint I have not seen.]
[Footnote 197: Early instances, dating from 1636, are given by Blanco Garcia, op. cit., p. 209, n. 2. The story first appeared in print in Spain in 1771, when it was given in the fifth volume of Juan Josef Lopez de Sedano, Parnaso Espanol (Madrid, 1768-1778).]
[Footnote 198: C. Muinos Saenz, Sobre el 'Deciamos ayer'... y otros excesos in La Ciudad de Dios (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 22.]
[Footnote 199: C. Muinos Saenz, La Ciudad de Dios (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 29.]
[Footnote 200: Luis G. Alonso Getino, Vida y procesos del Maestro Fr. Luis de Leon (Salamanca, 1907), pp. 242-243, 262-263.]
[Footnote 201: C. Muinos Saenz, El 'Deciamos ayer' de Fray Luis de Leon (Madrid, 1905) and Sobre el 'Deciamos ayer'... y otros excesos in La Ciudad de Dios (1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, 544-560; (1909), vol. LXXIX, pp. 18-34, 107-124, 191-212, 353-374, 529-552; (1909), vol. LXXX, pp. 99-125, and 177-197.]
[Footnote 202: Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 260-261.]
[Footnote 203: Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 262-263: 'E despues de lo sobredicho en la dicha ciudad de Salamanca martes a la hora que dio las diez de la manana el relox de la iglesia mayor, al fin de la lecion del padre m. Pedro de Uceda, que se contaron veinti nueve dias del mes de Enero... Antonio de Almaraz bedel puso en la posesion del dicho salario al dicho padre m. fray Luis de Leon en la catedra questa en el general mayor de theologia de escuelas mayores, el qual la tomo e apprehendio sin contradicion ninguna, y en lugar de posesion leyo un poco. E dijo y protesto... que estaba y esta presto de leer el dicho salario e partido, e que si no leyere no se le pare por ello perjuicio ni se le descuente de su salario y partido ni por ello sea multado en cosa alguna, pues no es su culpa, hasta tanto que le den hora en que lea, conforme a lo proveido por la junta de los senores theologos... y le senalen lectura, e asi lo pidio e protesto, siendo presentes por todo el Padre m. Pedro de Uceda... e Antonio de Almaraz bedel, e otros muchos estudiantes y personas de la universidad e yo Bartme. Sanchez notario e vicesecretario.']
[Footnote 204: Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 266-268.]
[Footnote 205: Blanco Garcia, op. cit., pp. 212-213.]
[Footnote 206: Blanco Garcia, op. cit., p. 214, n. 1; Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 282-301.]
[Footnote 207: The bishop seems to have resented Luis de Leon's opposition to the candidature of the bishop's brother, Juan Gallo, for the catedra de visperas de teologia. In this contest Juan Gallo, a Dominican, was defeated by the Augustinian Fray Juan de Guevara (Documentos ineditos, vol. XI, pp. 275-277). Guevara was present when the bishop told Luis de Leon that 'he knew Luis de Leon's hostility to his (the bishop's) brother had done him more harm than all the rest' (Documentos ineditos, vol. XI, p. 261). Later on, Juan Gallo appears to have been appointed to another chair at Salamanca (Documentos ineditos, vol. XI, p. 318).]
[Footnote 208: Documentos ineditos, vol. XI, p. 303. Salinas, it should be noted, denied having heard that this applied specially to opponents of the Dominican order.]
[Footnote 209: The verses ascribed to Domingo de Guzman are reproduced in part by Adolfo de Castro, Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles desde la formacion del lenguaje hasta nuestros dias (Madrid, 1847-1880), vol. XXXV, p. x; they are given in full by Cayetano Alberto de la Barrera in the Revista de Ciencias, Literatura y Artes (Sevilla, 1856), vol. II, pp. 731-741; (Sevilla, 1857), vol. III, pp. 5-22, 69-80, 209-220. La Barrera, following Gallardo, was careful to point out that lines 37-40 of the verses to Urganda la Desconocida are practically identical with four lines in Domingo de Guzman's glosa. Sr. Rodriguez Marin, in his edition of Don Quixote, published at Madrid in 1916-1917, prints the four lines (vol. I, pp. 49-50) in inverted commas. Cervantes, if he meant to quote, must have trusted to his memory.
GUZMAN CERVANTES
que don Albaro de Luna, Que don Aluaro de Lu que Anibal Cartajines, Que Anibal el de Carta que Francisco Rey frances, Que Rey Francisco de Espa se queja de la fortuna. Se quexa de la fortu.
In Guzman's case I reproduce La Barrera's transcription. In the case of Cervantes I follow the spelling adopted in the princeps of the First Part of Don Quixote.
For some readers, it may be convenient to refer to the revised but abridged reprint in C.A. de la Barrera, El Cachetero del Buscapie (Santander, 1916), pp. 133-136.]
[Footnote 210: The first quintilla of some verses by a poetaster on Luis de Leon's side is quoted by Fray Antolin Merino in the preface to his edition of the Poesias of Luis de Leon contained in the Obras del Il. Fr. Luis de Leon (Madrid, 1804-1805-1806-1816), vol. XI, p. xxv:
Luis y Mingo pretenden casarse con Ana bella, cada cual pretende habella, mas segun todos entienden muerese por Luis ella.
[Footnote 211: Gallardo, op. cit., vol. IV, col. 1328: '...En este ano (79) domingo 6 de diciembre se proveyo la (catedra) de Biblia a Fr. Luis de Leon, y el dia siguiente tomo la posesion: tuvo 281 votos, y el maestro fr. Domingo de Guzman tuvo 245: llevola con 36 votos.']
[Footnote 212: Gallardo, op. cit., vol. IV, col. 1328-1329: 'Regularonse los cursos, y vino en llevarla por solo tres Cursos, y esto fue quitando un voto senalado, que tenia cinco cursos, el cual se sospecho era Dominico. No pudiendo conformarse con el, hubo concierto entre los frailes, que votasen de Santo Domingo 100 y de San Agustin 50. Anduvo pleito hasta viernes 13 de Octubre de 81, que sentenciaron en Valladolid en favor de fr. Luis de Leon.']
[Footnote 213: For example, by Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 268-274.]
[Footnote 214: This is stated by Alonso Fernandez, who wrote more than twenty years after the election. A relevant passage is given in Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 272-273.]
[Footnote 215: The terms of Suarez's order are reproduced by Blanco Garcia, op. cit., p. 218, n. 3.]
[Footnote 216: Nothing was known of this second suit by the Valladolid Inquisitors till 1882, when a considerable part of the report of the proceedings was published by Sr. D. Alvarez Guijarro in the Revista Hispano-Americana.
It was given later more fully in La Ciudad de Dios (Madrid, 1896), vol. XLI, pp. 15-31, by P. Francisco Blanco Garcia. The subsequent references are to the tirage a part entitled: Segundo Proceso instruido por la Inquisicion de Valladolid contra Fray Luis de Leon con prologo y notas del P. Francisco Blanco Garcia (Madrid, 1896).]
[Footnote 217: Zumel gives the date (Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, p. 40) as January 21; the delator, Santa Cruz, fixes the date a day earlier (Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, p. 20).]
[Footnote 218: Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, p. 31: '...mouime lo uno por parecerme que los padres dominicos le querian oprimir por ser de la compania contra la qual se muestran siempre apasionados y lo otro y principal porque me parecio gran sin razon condenar por eregia una cosa que la presuponen por cierta muchos sanctos y otros muchos catholicos sanctos y no sanctos la afirman y defienden...']
[Footnote 219: Luis de Leon merely says (Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, p. 31) 'un fraile benito': Castaneda's full name is given in the report of the Valladolid Inquisitors (Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, p. 52).]
[Footnote 220: Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, p. 32: '...porque se dezia en la escuela que el maestro yuanez dezia que era error pelagiano yo dixe que no tenia razon de ponelle aquella nota,...']
[Footnote 221: Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, p. 33: '...y despues del acto me dixo el maestro Vanez que el quedaba bien satisfecho de la manera como el sustentante auia declarado su opinion'.]
[Footnote 222: Juan de Guevara and Pedro de Aragon, for example. This emerges from the evidence of the Augustinian Fray Martin de Coscojales (Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, p. 37). Pedro de Aragon was Duns Scotus Professor of Theology at Salamanca, a former pupil of Luis de Leon's and a great admirer of his. He appeared as a witness against Luis de Leon (Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, pp. 36-37).]
[Footnote 223: Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, pp. 20-27.]
[Footnote 224: Documentos ineditos, vol. XI, p. 328.]
[Footnote 225: Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, pp. 28-34.]
[Footnote 226: Even in his official calificacion Joan de la Cruz (Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, p. 24) speaks of 'las [cosas] que yo vi y las que oy y se por Relacion....']
[Footnote 227: Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, p. 35.]
[Footnote 228: Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, pp. 36-40.]
[Footnote 229: Blanco Garcia, Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico, p. 225; Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, pp. 40-45.]
[Footnote 230: This seems to follow from a question which Luis de Leon proposed to put to six witnesses: the Augustinians Juan de Guevara, Pedro de Rojas, and Hernando de Peralto, and three laymen, Loarte, Ruiz, and Madrigal: 'Item si saben etc. que el maestro fray Domingo Ibanez, antes y al tiempo que juro y depuso en esta causa, era y es enemigo capital del dicho fray Luis de Leon, ansi por ser fraile dominico como porque se opuso contra el a una substitucion de visperas, y se la llevo fray Luis de Leon con mucho exceso, de lo cual el y sus frailes se sintieron mucho' (Documentos ineditos, vol. XI, pp. 261-263). Luis de Leon was mistaken in supposing that Banez had deposed against him at Valladolid. Alonso Getino endeavours to show (op. cit., pp. 384-386) that Luis de Leon never competed against Banez, and that his memory played him a trick on this point.]
[Footnote 231: See note 222.]
[Footnote 232: Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, pp. 46-47: 'V.P. dexe las cosas de la orden aunque esten en peor estado del que hahora tienen, trate de su cathreda, y dexe de tomar a su cargo el remedio de las tiranias. No llame tyrano a nadie, y sepa V.P. que publicamente dicen muchos religiosos que V.P. no hico bien a nadie y disgustos si a muchos, recibiendo buenas obras de aquellos a quien hahora maltrata, cosa que no puede tener buen suceso ni puede parecer bien a nadie.']
[Footnote 233: Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, p. 52.]
[Footnote 234: Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, pp. 52-53: '...sea gravemente Reprehendido, y... que en su cathedra publicamente declare la calidad de las proposiciones que se le dieren diciendo que en dezir que lo contrario de lo que el sustentaba era heregia, dixo mal, y que esto era su parezer'. The official report of the proceedings must be incomplete, for Arresse's parecer mentions that Domingo de Guzman had spoken of receiving an apology from Luis de Leon. No evidence by Domingo de Guzman is disclosed in the record.]
[Footnote 235: Fr. Heinrich Reusch, Luis de Leon und die spanische Inquisition (Bonn, 1873), p. 111.]
[Footnote 236: Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, p. 53: 'En Toledo... parescio siendo llamado, el Maestro fray Luis de Leon..., al qual su senoria Illma reprehendio y declaro la culpa que contra el resulta por los auctos y meritos deste processo, y le amoneste benigna y caritativamente, que de aqui adelante se abstenga de dezir, ni deffender publica ni secretamente, las proposiciones que paresce haver dicho y defendido,... y el ha confesado que la sentencia dellas no caresce de alguna temeridad, ni otras semejantes, con apercibimiento que no lo cumpliendo se procedera contra el por todo rigor de derecho, y el dicho fray luis de leon promettio de lo cumplir y que lo haria assi.]
[Footnote 237: By Sr. D. Carlos Alvarez Guijarro. Blanco Garcia (Segundo proceso, p. 54, n. 1) dissents from this view.]
[Footnote 238: Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 305-308.]
[Footnote 239: Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 308-315.]
[Footnote 240: Alonso Getino, op. cit., p. 316.]
[Footnote 241: Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 309, 317-318.]
[Footnote 242: Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 319-320.]
[Footnote 243: Alonso Getino, op. cit., p. 321.]
[Footnote 244: Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 327-329.]
[Footnote 245: Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 329-331.]
[Footnote 246: Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 329-335.]
[Footnote 247: Blanco Garcia, Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico, &c., pp. 236-239.]
[Footnote 248: Blanco Garcia, Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico, pp. 239-240. The pressmark of this autograph letter in the British Museum is Add. MSS. 28, 698.]
[Footnote 249: Blanco Garcia, Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico, pp. 242-244.]
[Footnote 250: The whole episode is clearly set forth by Blanco Garcia, Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico, pp. 246-250.]
[Footnote 251: Blanco Garcia, Fr. Luis de Leon: estudio biografico, pp. 248-249; Alonso Getino, op. cit., pp. 349-351.]
[Footnote 252: A passage in Alonso Getino (op. cit., p. 349) describes Santa Maria as 'contemporaneo de los sucesos'. This, though literally true, is somewhat misleading. Santa Maria was twenty-four the year that Luis de Leon died. See Gallardo, op. cit., vol. IV, col. 489.]
[Footnote 253: '...al principal de ellos [los que habian procurado el Breve] y pretensor de mitra, le costo la vida el sentimiento que tuvo de ver tan indignado al Rey Catolico'. I have not been able to consult Jesus y Maria's work. My quotation, like Alonso Getino's (op. cit., p. 354), is taken at second-hand from Vicente de la Fuente's edition of Saint Theresa's works.]
[Footnote 254: January 26, 1591, is the latest date attached to the Documentos published by Cristobal Perez Pastor, Bibliografia madrilena (Madrid, 1907), Parte III, pp. 404-409. On January 25, 1591, Luis de Leon signed a document undertaking to accept 1,000 reales in lieu of 2,800 due to him by the estate of Cornelio Bonard, formerly a bookseller at Salamanca; see Cristobal Perez Pastor, Bibliografia madrilena (Madrid, 1906), Parte II, pp. 454-455.]
[Footnote 255: F. Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, p. 53. The Salamancan Inquisitors reported to the Supreme Inquisition: '...havemos entendido que los de su orden se xatan y alaban de que en este sto offi se a declarado ser verdad lo que el dho frai luis sustento...']
[Footnote 256: F. Blanco Garcia, Segundo proceso, p. 49.]
[Footnote 257: C. Muinos Saenz, Sobre el 'Deciamos ayer'... y otros excesos in La Ciudad de Dios (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 540.]
[Footnote 258: Alonso Getino, op. cit., p. 355.]
[Footnote 259: C. Muinos Saenz, Sobre el 'Deciamos ayer'... y otros excesos in La Ciudad de Dios (1909), vol. LXXIX, p. 540, n. 1.]
[Footnote 260: Alonso Getino writes (op. cit., p. 355): 'al ser elegido Provincial, nueve dias antes de morir, no puede suponerse que estuviera enfermo de consideracion'. This is a guess very wide of the mark. F. de Mendez, in the Revista Agustiniana (1881), quoted (p. 351) Juan Quijano, a contemporary whose chronicle is now lost, as saying that when Luis de Leon was elected Provincial he was already confined to his bed with the illness of which he died.]
[Footnote 261: The portrait and character-sketch will be found in the photo-chromotype reproduction of Francisco Pacheco, Libro de descripcion de verdaderos retratos de illustres y memorables varones. The original is dated Sevilla, 1599. The reproduction, due to Jose Maria Asensio y Toledo, was photo-chromotyped between 1881 and 1884. Owing to the rarity of the reproduction, it has been thought desirable to reprint in an appendix the passage in which Pacheco deals with Luis de Leon.]
[Footnote 262: The reference is given by C. Muinos Saenz, Sobre el 'Deciamos ayer'... y otros excesos in La Ciudad de Dios (1909), vol. LXXX, p. 119.]
V
By his contemporaries Luis de Leon was perhaps more esteemed as a theologian or a scholar than as a man of letters. This judgement has been reversed by posterity mainly on the strength of the Spanish poems which were little known during the author's lifetime beyond a small circle of his personal friends.[263] Experts tell us that as a theologian he ranks below his master Melchor Cano; and in the annals of scholarship Luis de Leon is less conspicuous than Benito Arias Montano and than Francisco Sanchez (el Brocense). Few now read for pleasure the treatises which Luis de Leon composed in a dead language: in any case these treatises can add nothing to his reputation as a writer of Spanish, and it is solely as a Spanish author that he concerns us here and now. He was by no means the earliest of devout writers to use Spanish as a literary medium. There is a long and illustrious bead-roll of authors from Bernardino de Laredo to Saint Theresa to prove the contrary. Much less was Luis de Leon the first post-Renaissance scholar to recognize that Spanish had a great future before it. Yet, if we take leave to assume that Luis de Granada was an ascetic rather than an extatic, we may account Luis de Leon as perhaps the first professional scholar to perceive that Spanish was adequate to convey the subtleties of theology and the ravishments of mysticism. His chief prose works in Castilian include the Exposicion del libro de Job, a commentary dedicated to Madre Ana de Jesus, but not published till near the end of the eighteenth century (1779). The provenance of this work calls for no explanation. Apart from the quotation of a passage in Jorge Manrique's Coplas, the Exposicion del libro de Job offers few indications of Spanish origin and fewer personal touches. Equally Biblical in origin are a rendering of the Song of Songs and a corresponding commentary; the existence of both has a personal interest inasmuch as they prove that Luis de Leon was enabled to carry out a long cherished design by means of which he hoped, as he declared at Valladolid, to counterbalance the indiscreet prying of Fray Diego de Leon. La Perfecta Casada (1583) and De los nombres de Cristo (1583-1585) likewise have their roots in Scripture. La Perfecta Casada is avowedly based on the thirty-first chapter of Proverbs, and De los nombres de Cristo, the first part of which appeared simultaneously with La Perfecta Casada,[264] discusses the various symbolic names applied to the Saviour in the Bible.
La Perfecta Casada is dedicated to Maria Varela Osorio, a recently wedded bride, who may have been a distant kinswoman of the author's.[265] Nowhere more clearly than in this treatise does Luis de Leon justify the statement that he had a Hebrew soul. He takes for granted the Oriental point of view, and illustrates his imperious thesis with ample quotations from writers of all types—pagans, Christians, saints, and laymen. There are references to Simonides, to Sophocles, to Euripides, to Plutarch, to Saint Clement of Alexandria, to Saint Cyprian, to Saint Ambrose, to Garcilasso de la Vega. It seems likely that La Perfecta Casada was written after De los nombres de Cristo, which was almost certainly begun in prison. But there is perhaps nothing in the internal evidence of the style which would point to that conclusion. The style of La Perfecta Casada is vigorous and clear; but it is marred by gusts of rhetoric and by an excess of copulative conjunctions. These peculiarities produce the effect of relative inexperience, and might easily mislead a too confident critic.
De los nombres de Cristo is cast in the Platonic form of dialogue, and, in the section entitled Pastor, Plato is quoted by name. But the Hellenic influence, though present, is not dominant. Already Alonso de Orozco had anticipated Luis de Leon with De los nueve nombres de Cristo,[266] and there are points of contact in the handling as is inevitable from the similarity of the subject. But it cannot be denied that Luis de Leon's work is suffused with a warmer, more human interest than Orozco's brief sketch. These more intimate personal elements are present on almost every page of De los nombres de Cristo. Nobody can read far without perceiving that Marcello, hindered by his poca salud y muchas occupaciones, is manifestly a double of Luis de Leon; there are passages which gloss themes developed metrically elsewhere; there are retrospicient glances at the Valladolid trial; the scene of the dialogue is laid within view of La Flecha, and the details of the landscape are reproduced with exact fidelity; Luis de Leon has a freer hand in De los nombres de Cristo than in his other prose works, but here again in his paraphrases of the Biblical passages relating to Christ his interpretation is at one with the interpretation of the prophets. And this identity of sentiment has in it nothing dramatic. Those who have alleged that Luis de Leon came of Jewish stock may have been—apparently were—mistaken; but their mistake is comprehensible, for more than any contemporary Spanish poet—more even than Herrera in his odes—is he saturated with the Jewish spirit. In all his work Luis de Leon adheres closely to the Bible. In the De los nombres de Cristo he is also a Platonist within limits: not so much as regards the manner (which tends to an oratorical pomp more reminiscent of Cicero) as in his conciliatory method. With the Jewish and Hellenic blend of influence we must rate the Latin influence—that of Horace and of Virgil. The influence of Horace on Luis de Leon has been often noted. It exists no doubt, but has perhaps been exaggerated: why should we suppose that his love of moderation was learnt from Horace and was not partly, at least, temperamental? May not the references to Horace be a characteristic of humanism? An opinion backed by the weight of classical authority must reach us with irresistible force, must it not? However this may be, the predominant influence in De los nombres de Cristo, as in all Luis de Leon's prose, is Scriptural and Christian. In maturity of development, in intellectual force, in beauty of expression, and in general adequateness, De los nombres de Cristo exhibits Luis de Leon's prose at its culmination. The book is dedicated to Pedro Portocarrero,[267] Bishop of Calahorra, who had previously twice been rector of Salamanca University. It seems probable that Luis de Leon's friendship with him dates back to 1566-1567, when Portocarrero held the office of rector for the second time. Besides De los nombres de Cristo Luis de Leon dedicated to Portocarrero In Abdiam prophetam Explanatio (1589) and the manuscript collection of his poems. For some reason not very obvious this collection of verses was not published till 1631 when it was issued by Quevedo, who hoped that it would help to stem the current of Gongorism in Spain. The poems, printed forty years after the author's death, appeared too late to affect the public taste. Gongora himself had died in 1627, but his influence was undiminished. Quevedo, who had obtained his copies of Luis de Leon's verses from Manuel Sarmiento de Mendoza, a canon of Seville cathedral, did his share as editor by writing two prefaces, one addressed to Sarmiento de Mendoza, and the other to Olivares who was manifestly expected to pronounce against Gongorism. Olivares, however, had no reason to love Quevedo, and was resolved to take no active part in what he doubtless regarded as a scribblers' quarrel. Gongorism pursued its way unchecked. Quevedo's edition, though incomplete and disfigured by certain errors, was reprinted at Milan during the same year (1631), and then all interest in Luis de Leon flickered out for a while.
In the prefatory note of the 1631 Madrid edition—entitled Obras propias, y traduciones latinas, griegas y italianas—Luis de Leon speaks of his poems slightingly as mere playthings of his youth, now brought together at the request of an anonymous friend—perhaps Benito Arias Montano—to whom they had been ascribed. Luis de Leon arranges the material in three books, containing respectively his original compositions, his translations from authors profane, and his versions of certain psalms, a hymn, and chapters from the Book of Job. But, beyond the general statement as to the early date of composition, Luis de Leon gives no precise information as to when individual poems were written. The assertion that the poems date back almost to the author's childhood is contradicted by concrete facts. Take, for instance, the celebrated Noche serena dedicated to Oloarte. If, as I conjecture, the dedicatee of the Noche serena is identical with the Diego de Loarte, archdeacon of Ledesma, who gave evidence at Salamanca on January 27, 1573, and who on that date had known Luis de Leon for fourteen years, the Noche serena cannot have been composed earlier than 1559 when Luis de Leon was thirty-one—youthful, indeed, but long past his ninez. On January 17, 1573, Francisco Salinas testified at Salamanca to having known Luis de Leon for six years: whence it follows that El aire se serena cannot have been written before 1567, when Luis de Leon was bordering on his fortieth year. As Don Carlos died on July 24, 1568, the Cancion a la muerte de don Carlos and the Epitafio al tumulo del principe don Carlos must necessarily have been composed after that date; that is, when Luis de Leon was just forty and had left his ninez far behind him. Besides a general dedication to Portocarrero, the collection includes three individual poems which are dedicated to that personage: (1) Virtud, hija del Cielo; (2) No siempre es poderosa; (3) La cana y alta cumbre. In La cana y alta cumbre there is a reference to
la cruda guerra que agora el Marte airado despierta en la alta sierra.
These verses can scarcely allude to anything but the Alpujarras rising of 1568-1571, and the conjecture hardens into certainty in view of the mention of Alonso and Poqueira: this is clearly the Alonso Portocarrero who, as Hurtado de Mendoza records, perished at Poqueira, 'trabado del veneno usado dende los tiempos antiguos entre cazadores'. This poem must have been written when Luis de Leon was at least forty-one. Virtud, hija del cielo, in mentioning the Mino, refers to Portocarrero's appointment in Galicia; and as Portocarrero's term of office appears to have lasted from 1571 to 1580, the poem cannot be dated earlier than 1571 when Luis de Leon was over forty-three. If the mention of la morisca armada in the lines A Santiago glances at the battle of Lepanto which was fought on October 7, 1571, then the poem must have been written after that date, when the author was close on forty-four. The verses dedicated to Juan de Grial, with their closing reference to the writer's trials:
Que yo, de un torbellino traidor acometido, y derrocado del medio del camino al hondo, el plectro amado y del vuelo las alas he quebrado;
the fervent entreaty A todos los santos and its unreserved lament:
No niego, dulce amparo del alma, que mis males son mayores que aqueste desamparo; mas cuanto son peores, tanto resonaran mas tus loores;
the very beautiful and justly renowned Virgen que el sol mas pura, with its heart-rending supplication:
los ojos vuelve al suelo y mira un miserable en carcel dura cercado de tinieblas y tristeza:
possibly[268] the song Del conocimiento de si mismo, with its significant simile:
el gusanillo de la gente hollado un rey era, conmigo comparado;
and assuredly the famous quintillas beginning Aqui la envidia y mentira: these compositions were probably composed during, or after, the writer's imprisonment at Valladolid, that is to say between the spring of 1572 and the winter of 1576, when Luis de Leon was from forty-four or forty-five to forty-eight or forty-nine. Del mundo y su vanidad glances at
la grave desventura del lusitano, por su mal valiente, la soberbia bravura de su animosa gente desbaratada miserablemente.
This passage obviously recalls the disastrous defeat of Sebastian I, King of Portugal, at Al-Kaor al-Kebir in August 1578, when Luis de Leon was more than fifty years of age. If these inferences are valid, it would follow that many of his original poems were not composed till he was nearly forty or more. It is difficult to reconcile these conclusions with the author's categorical assertion that the poems were produced during his early years. As Luis de Leon was the least vain, as well as the most truthful of men, an explanation must be found, and it is perhaps permissible to suggest that Luis de Leon wrote a prefatory note to Portocarrero intending it to be placed at the beginning of the Second Book which contains his poems translated from Roman and other authors. By some mischance the poet's intention was frustrated; perhaps a leaf was out of place in Sarmiento de Mendoza's copy; perhaps Quevedo is directly responsible for what occurred. At any rate, the letter dedicatory was bisected, the greater part of it being transferred to the beginning of the First Book, while a mere morsel came to be printed at the beginning of the Third Book. This surmise may serve till a better explanation is forthcoming.
It is not to be inferred from the foregoing summary that all Luis de Leon's original and graver compositions were written during his maturity, but there is some reason to think that his earlier efforts in verse took the form of translations. Though it is undoubtedly true that his poems as a whole were not published till 1631, four isolated pieces of his strayed into print as early as 1574 when they were included by Francisco Sanchez, el Brocense, in the notes to his edition of the Obras del excelente poeta Garci-Lasso de la Vega.[269] At that date Luis de Leon was in the secret prison-cells of the Inquisition at Valladolid. Sanchez had been a colleague of his at Salamanca for some six years, was on friendly terms with him, knew the exact turn things were taking, felt that no good, and possibly some harm, might be done by mentioning the prisoner's name, and accordingly gave a version of an Horatian ode with the comment: 'vn docto destos reynos la traduxo biẽ'[270]. This needs interpretation. There can be no doubt that Luis de Leon was a very competent Latin scholar; neither is there any doubt that he had a profound admiration for Horace. At his best, his Horatian versions, if somewhat lacking in polish, are remarkably faithful and vigorous. But when we find him in his translation of the eighteenth ode of the Second Book rendering salis avarus by de sal avariento—the second person singular of the present indicative of the verb salire being mistaken for the genitive of the substantive sal[271]—we may perhaps conclude that a boyish exercise has somehow escaped destruction.
It is sometimes alleged against Luis de Leon that he is restricted in his choice of themes, and it is impossible to deny that his sacred profession acted as something of a limitation to him. Still, when the mood was on him, he rent his chains asunder as readily as Samson broke the seven green withs at Gaza: 'as a thread of tow is broken when it toucheth the fire.' Perhaps nobody would guess off-hand that the Profecia del Tajo was the handiwork of a sixteenth-century monk, a dweller in the rarefied atmosphere of mysticism. It only remained for a friar in the opposition camp to discover nearly three hundred years later a tendency in Luis de Leon to treat sensual themes in a sensual fashion.[272] To deal seriously with a belated judgement based on malignant ignorance would be a waste of time. It is the very irony of fate that the poem which has been the subject of severe censure should prove to be a translation from Cardinal Bembo.[273] The standard of the twentieth century is not the standard of the sixteenth, and it is certain that Luis de Leon has not the unfettered liberty of a godless layman. He is restrained by his austere temperament, by his monk's habit, by Christian doctrine. Nevertheless he moves with easy grace and dignity on planes so far apart as those of patriotism, of devotion, of human sympathy, of introspection. His patriotism finds powerful expression, as already noted, in the Profecia del Tajo, besprinkled with sonorous place-names, these growing fewer as the movement is accelerated, and Father Tagus describes with a mixture of picturesque mediaeval sentiment and martial music the onset of the Arabs and the clangour of arms as they meet the doomed Gothic host. In the sphere of devotional poetry Luis de Leon nowhere displays more unction, more ecstatic piety than in the verses on the Ascension beginning with the line:
Y dexas, Pastor santo.
It will be observed that the conjunction y, so superabundant in La Perfecta Casada, is the first word of this poem, of which Churton has supplied a well-known rendering:
And dost Thou, holy Shepherd, leave Thy flock in this dark vale alone, In cheerless solitude to grieve, Whilst Thou to endless rest art gone?
The sheep, in Thy protection blest, Untended wilt Thou leave to mourn? The lambs, once cherished at Thy breast, Forlorn,—oh! whither shall they turn?
Where shall those eyes now find repose, That pine Thy gracious glance to see? What can they hear but sounds of woes, Sad exiles from discourse with Thee?
And who shall curb this troubled deep, When Thou no more amidst the gloom Shalt chide the wrathful winds to sleep, And guide the labouring vessel home?
For Thou art gone! that cloud so bright That bears Thee from our gaze away, Springs upward into dazzling light, And leaves us here to weep and pray.
Four additional stanzas, accepted as authentic by perhaps the most painstaking of Luis de Leon's editors, are thus Englished by Churton:
Our life has lost its richest store, The balm for sorrow's inward thorn, The hope, that, gladd'ning more and more, Out-brighten'd all the springs of morn.
Ah me! my soul, what hateful chain Holds back thy freeborn spirit's flight? Oh break it, disenthrall'd from pain, And mount those azure depths of light.
Why should'st thou fear? What earth-born spell Is on thee, with thy choice at strife The soul no dying pang can quell, But loss of Christ is death in life.
Dear Lord, and Friend, more dear to me Than all the names Earth's love hath found, Through darkest gloom I'll follow Thee, Or cheer'd with beaming glory round.
Now there is no question of mere executive skill and simple craftsmanship in Luis de Leon's poems. He is, indeed, always sound and competent in these respects; but artistry is not his supreme virtue as a poet. He is ever prone to be a little rugged in his manner, and this ruggedness has proved something of a trap to the unwary. Luis de Leon has no real mannerisms, and is no more to be parodied than is Shakespeare. Yet it is sometimes difficult to distinguish him at his worst from his imitators at their best. Though withheld so long from the public, Luis de Leon's poems, while still in manuscript, were repeatedly imitated—especially by Augustinians. To my way of thinking, he is most nearly approached by his friend Arias Montano. But it should be said that this is not the general verdict. That goes decisively in favour of Miguel Sanchez, el Divino. Miguel Sanchez is the author of a beautiful Cancion de Cristo Crucificado, a poem which, though not published till 1605 with the real writer's name attached to it, has constantly been ascribed to Luis de Leon.[274] The Cancion is no doubt a composition of great charm and mystic unction; but it lacks the concentrated force of Luis de Leon. Luis de Leon has a lofty dignity of his own; he outstrips all rivalry by virtue of his nobility, by virtue of his intellectual vigour, by virtue of sheer excellence rather than by curious refinements of technique. These positive qualities defy reproduction by even the most accomplished of imitators. It has been said that Luis de Leon's verse, as well as his prose, has noticeable roughnesses; but let us not derive a wrong impression from this assertion. Luis de Leon is not 'finicking'. Withal he is a master of his art. Retrograde as we may perhaps think him in some matters, he was on the side of the reformers in the matter of metrics. He was a partisan of Boscan's innovating methods: so much might be expected from a man of his period. It is to be noted that, in his best poems, he shows a decided preference for liras, a form apparently invented by Bernardo Tasso before it was transplanted to Spain by Garcilasso de la Vega. Luis de Leon was of opinion that those who violate poetry, using it for purposes of a meretricious kind, deserved punishment as public corrupters of two most sacred things: poetry and morals. It is one of the curious ironies of art that the measure which the seductive Garcilasso used for amatory purposes should have appealed to Luis de Leon as the vehicle most suited to enraptured chants and hymns of philosophic meditation.
It is obvious that Luis de Leon took a keen interest in all the real essentials of his art. It is no less obvious that he saw matters in their actual perspective, that he attached no undue importance to technique, as such, and that he gave no less weight to the choice of matter than to the choice of form. Luis de Leon was not incapable of metrical audacities: as when he divides into two separate words adverbs in -mente occurring at the end of a line. This practice was audacious, but it was not an innovation. Juan de Almeida defended it by citing a host of precedents from other literatures and, had Almeida been a prophet, he might have foretold that this device was destined to be repeated hundreds of years later by that innovating genius Ruben Dario. But Almeida was not a prophet. His titles to remembrance are that he was learned, and that he may rank with Miguel Sanchez, with Alonso de Espinosa, and with Benito Arias Montano as among the least unsuccessful of Luis de Leon's followers. They often follow his lead with undeniable adroitness. Yet they never attain his incomparable concentration, his majestic vision of nature and his characteristic note of ecstatic aloofness. Nowhere is he more himself than in the immortal stanzas dedicated to Oloarte under the title of Noche serena of which Churton has bequeathed us an English version which I will quote, though it gives but a far-off echo of the original's magic melody:
When nightly through the sky I view the stars their files unnumber'd leading, Then see the dark earth lie In deathlike trance, unheeding How Life and Time with those bright orbs are speeding:
Strong love and equal pain Wake in my heart a fire with anguish burning; The tear-drops fall like rain, Mine eyes to fountains turning, And my sad voice pours forth its tones of mourning:
O mansion of high state, Bright temple of bright saints in beauty dwelling, The soul, once born to mate With these, what force repelling Hath bound to earth, its light in darkness quelling?
What mortal disaccord Hath exiled so from Truth the mind unstable? Why of its blest reward Forgetful, lost, unable, Seeks it each shadowy fraud and guileful fable?
Man lies in slumber dead, Like one that of his danger hath no feeling, The while with silent tread Those restless orbs are wheeling, And, as they fly, his hours of life are stealing.
O mortals, wake and rise; Think of the loss that on your lives is pressing; The soul, that never dies, Ordain'd for endless blessing, How shall it live, false shows for truth caressing?
Ah, raise your fainting eyes To that firm sphere which still new glory weareth, And scorn the low disguise The flattering world prepareth, And all the world's poor thrall hopeth or feareth.
O what is all earth's round, Brief scene of man's proud strife and vain endeavour, Weigh'd with that deep profound, That tideless Ocean-river, That onward bears Time's fleeting forms for ever?
Once meditate, and see That fix'd accord in wondrous variance given, The mighty harmony Of courses all uneven, Wherein each star keeps time and place in heaven.
Who can behold that store Of light unspent, and not, with very sighing, Burst earth's frail bonds, and soar, With soul unbodied flying, From this sad place of exile and of dying?
There dwelleth sweet Content; There is the reign of Peace; there, throned in splendour, As one pre-eminent, With dove-like eyes so tender, Sits holy Love,—honour and joy attend her.
There is reveal'd whate'er Of Beauty thought can reach; the source internal Of purest Light, that ne'er To darkness yields; eternal Bloom the bright flowers in clime for ever vernal.
There would my spirit be, Those quiet fields and pleasant meads exploring, Where Truth immortally, Her priceless wealth outpouring, Feeds through the blissful vales the souls of saints adoring.
The fact that the original is cast in the lira form would compel one to assign this composition to a date not earlier than 1542, when Garcilasso's poems were first published. Nothing, however, could be more remote from Garcilasso's nebulous half-pagan melancholy; we are no less distant from the pseudonymous nymphs of Cetina and Francisco de la Torre: the elegant Amaryllis of the one, the elusive Filis of the other, though destined to be re-incarnated by a tribe of later poets, find no place in these stately numbers. Luis de Leon does not emulate Alcazar's epigrammatic wit, nor Herrera's Petrarchan sweetness, nor Ercilla's tumultuous rhetoric. He has an individuality all his own, the moral purpose of the man is wedded to the poet's art in such wise that he strikes a note individual and completely new in Spanish literature—a note rarely heard in any literature till we catch its strain in the verses of him who tells us that
The Youth, who daily farther from the east Must travel, still is Nature's Priest, And by the vision splendid Is on his way attended; At length the Man perceives it die away, And fade into the light of common day.
In Luis de Leon, as in Wordsworth, art is raised to a hieratic dignity: both have a splendid simplicity, a most lofty expression of sublime meditation—qualities rare everywhere in every age, and rarest of all in the flamboyant, if gloomy, Spain of the sixteenth century.
Luis de Leon has his weak points. He does not attain to the angelic melody of St. John of the Cross. He is apt to be indifferent to sheer beauty of form; though he often reaches it, this success seems with him to be a happy accident. Lucidity is not his main object; though he uses simple terms, his immense range of knowledge tempts him at whiles to indulge in allusions which it might tax all the ingenuity of commentators to explain. Commentators of Luis de Leon have a sufficiently heavy task before them in reconstructing the text of his poems—the heavier because the originals no longer exist. Sr. de Onis has given us some idea of the problems to be solved.[275] Whatever flaws are revealed in Luis de Leon's manner, he is nearly always vital, nearly always has something elevating, illuminating and beautiful to say. As a human being, too, he is not above criticism. There is an unpleasant savour in the story that he asked Antonio Perez to let him have the Chrysostom manuscript which he proposed to translate in Paris, the profits to be divided. We need not believe this perhaps calumnious little tale. Antonio Perez is open to suspicion of being an assassin and a traitor; he may also have been untruthful. Luis de Leon is not a candidate for canonization. He was no icicle of perfection. He was something vastly more interesting than a chill intellectual: a man ardent, austere, conscious of resplendent intellectual faculties, perhaps a little arrogant when off his guard, incautious but wary, individualistic but self-sacrificing, emotional, sensitive, reticent: a mass of conflicting qualities blended, unified and held in subjection by sheer strength of will, fortified by a professional discipline, deliberately embraced and rigorously followed. Add to this that he had in a supreme degree the creative impulse, an irrepressible instinct for self-expression. It is not strange that the self-expression of a personality so fine, so complex, so rich, so rare, should produce the series of compositions which entitle Luis de Leon to rank among the very greatest of Spanish poets, and beside the most glorious figures in the history of any literature. He stands a little apart from the rest of Spanish poets in a splendid solitude which befits him; he must perforce be solitary, dwelling as he most often does at altitudes inaccessible to ordinary mortals.
Those solemn heights but to the stars are known, But to the stars, and the cold lunar beams: Alone the sun arises, and alone Spring the great streams.
V
[Footnote 263: They must have been known to the dedicatee of the Noche serena, whom I am inclined to identify with Diego de Olarte who appeared before the Valladolid tribunal (Documentos ineditos, vol. XI, pp. 301-302). But the only positive evidence on this head is given by Francisco de Salinas who testified 'que era amigo del dicho fray Luis de Leon, el cual venia muchas veces a casa deste testigo, y oyo deste testigo la especulativa, y comunicaba con este testigo cosas de poesia y otras cosas del arte' (Documentos ineditos, vol. XI, pp. 302-303).]
[Footnote 264: In the early editions—those of 1583, 1585, 1587, 1595, and 1603—De los nombres de Cristo and La Perfecta Casada are bound up together. Each treatise has a separate pagination in all five cases.]
[Footnote 265: Luis de Leon's mother was 'Ines de Valera, hija de Juan de Valera, vecino que fue de la villa de Belmente, escudero, que vivia de su hacienda' (Documentos ineditos, vol. X, pp. 170-171). The substitution of Varela for Valera, or vice versa, is easy in Spanish. An example of such a substitution in the case of Luis de Leon's mother is given by Blanco Garcia, Fr. Luis de Leon, p. 24, n. 1. Blanco Garcia mentions a tombstone in the monastery of San Jeronimo at Granada with the following inscription:
'En esta capilla esta enterrado el noble hidalgo el Lic. Lope de Leon del C del Rey nuestro Senor, Oidor que fue de Granada, y Asistente de Sevilla: fallecio a 24 de Julio de 1562 anos: y Dona Ines Barela (sic), y Alarcon, su mujer, doto esta capilla para entierro suyo y de sus descendientes.'
The name of Luis de Leon's maternal grandmother was Mencia Alvarez Osorio. From these circumstances, it appears possible that some relationship existed between the dedicatee of La Perfecta Casada and the author of that treatise. Luis de Leon had four maternal uncles, three of whom were laymen—Francisco de Valera, Bernardino de Valera, and Cristobal de Alarcon, 'capitan que fue en Italia'. All three had died before April 15, 1572 (Documentos ineditos, vol. X, p. 181).
It is also possible that Isabel Osorio (Documentos ineditos, vol. XI, p. 271), to whom the manuscript of the vernacular version of the Song of Songs was lent, may likewise have been related to Luis de Leon.]
[Footnote 266: Orozco's treatise was printed in La Ciudad de Dios (1888), vol. XXI, pp. 393-401, and vol. XXII, pp. 543-550. It is reproduced by Sr. D. Federico de Onis in his edition of De los nombres de Cristo in the series of Clasicos Castellanos (1914), vol. XXVIII, pp. 261-281, and (1917), vol. XXXIII, pp. 257-271.]
[Footnote 267: Nowhere have I found an indication of Portocarrero's birth-date. He became Bishop of Calahorra in 1587, and was translated to Cordoba in 1594; he died on September 20, 1600.]
[Footnote 268: Alonso Getino (op. cit., p. 48) writes, however: 'la Cancion del conocimiento de si mismo, que es la primera cuya fecha se puede averiguar, la escribio diez anos despues de entrar en religion'. This is an inference from the closing lines of the poem:
aunque sane del mal y su accidente diez anos ha que soy convaleciente.
In a note to the passage quoted above, Alonso Getino refers to the Cancion al nacimiento de la hija del Marques de Alcanices, written, as he thinks, 'en un tono impropio de un imberbe'. He appears to have no doubt as to the authenticity of this composition: the correctness of the ascription of this poem to Luis de Leon is at least questionable.]
[Footnote 269: The pieces printed by Sanchez are translations of Ode X, Book II; Ode XXII, Book I; Ode XIII, Book IV; and Epode II.]
[Footnote 270: Obras del excelente poeta Garcilasso de la Vega, Salamanca, 1577. This (second) edition is the earliest to which I have access. On pp. 91-92 Sanchez writes: 'Trato este elegantemente Horacio, Oda 10. lib. I. Y porque un docto destos reynos la traduxo biẽ, y ay pocos casos destos en nuestra lengua, le pondre aqui todo: y ansi entiẽdo hazer en el discurso destas sentencias quando se ofreciere'. On p. 94, Sanchez writes: 'Por traer el lugar de Horacio, donde todo esto se toma, aure de poner toda la Oda, sacada por el mismo que traduxo la otra'. On pp. 97-98 Sanchez writes: 'Al reves desto se burla Horacio de una dama, motejandola de vieja: y q ya se le passo la flor, aunque ella no lo piensa. Y por estar traduzida por el mismo q las pasadas, pogo aqui la Oda, que es del libro 4 l. 13.']
[Footnote 271: This slip has been pointed out by Menendez y Pelayo in both editions (Madrid, 1878[?] and 1885) of his Horacio en Espana. Solaceas bibliograficas.]
[Footnote 272: Alonso Getino (op. cit., p. 50) and in El Correo Espanol (1908). A reply to these views has been made in the form of an open letter to Sr. Berrueta, Director of El Labaro, by P. Conrado Muinos Saenz. The reply of Muinos Saenz will be found in La Ciudad de Dios (1909), vol. LXXVIII, pp. 479-495, 544-560, vol. LXXIX, pp. 18-34, 107-124, 191-212, 353-374, 529-552; vol. LXXX, pp. 99-125, 177-197.]
[Footnote 273: M. Menendez y Pelayo, Antologia de poetas liricos castellanos (1908), vol. XIII, p. 332.]
[Footnote 274: It is printed among Luis de Leon's poems in the Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles desde la formacion del lenguaje hasta nuestros dias, vol. XXXVII, pp. 12-13. As this is perhaps the best-known edition of Luis de Leon's poems, most of my quotations are taken from it.]
[Footnote 275: Sobre la transmision de la obra literaria de Fr. Luis de Leon in Revista de Filologia espanola (1915), vol. II, pp. 217-257.]
APPENDIX
EL MAESTRO FRAI LVIS DE LEON
Silas obras acertadas de algun Artifice le estan (como dize el Sabio) alabando siempre, con cuanta mayor razon las de Dios nos dan motivo para engrandecer su infinita Sabiduria. i mas cuando vemos que nacen algunos ombres, acopanados de tantas gracias que parece que fueron hechos, sin otro medio, por sus divinas manos, sien alguno se puede esto verificar, es en el gran Maestro (como veremos) sus Progenitores fueron de Belmonte, de clarissimo linage, en el cual resplandecieron muchos varones insignes en letras i Santidad. El Licenciado Lope de Leon su Padre, siendo uno de los mayores letrados de su tiempo, vino por Oidor a Sevilla, donde hizo oficio de Asistente, i en ella tuvo (para onra de nuestra Patria) este ilustre hijo, que siendo promovido luego ala chancilleria de Granada, nacio en ella, elano 1528 para engrandecer l' Andaluzia la Nacion Espanola, i el mundo. En lo natural, fue pequeno de cuerpo, en devida proporcion, la cabeca grande, bien formada, poblada de cabello algo crespo, i el cerquillo cerrado, la frente espaciosa, el rostro mas redondo que aguileno, (como lo muestra el Retrato) trigueno el color, los ojos verdes i vivos. En lo moral, con especial don de Silencio, el ombre mas callado que sea conocido, si bien de singular agudeza en sus dichos, con estremo abstinente i templado, en la comida bevida, i sueno. de mucho secreto, verdad, i fidelidad: puntual en palabra i promessas; compuesto, poco onada risueno. Leiasse en la gravedad de su rostro, el peso de la nobleza de su alma, resplandecia enmedio desto por eccelencia una umildad profunda. fue limpissimo, mui onesto i recogido, gran Religioso, i observante de las Leyes. Amava ala santissima Virgen ternissimamente, ayunava las visperas de sus fiestas, comiendo alas tres de la tar de, ino haziendo colacion. de aqui nacio aqella regalada Cancion que comienca; Virgen q'el Solmas pura. fue mui espiritual, i de mucha Oracion, i en ella en tiempo de sus mayores trabajos, favorecido de Dios particularissimamente. con ser de natural colerico fue mui sufrido i piadoso para los que le tratavan. tan penitente i austero consigo, que las mas noches no se acostava en cama, i el que la avia hecho la hallava ala manana de la misma manera certificalo el Padre Maestro frai Luis Moreno de Bohorquez (onra de su Religion, que estuvo 4 anos en su compania) a quien devemos la verdad deste discurso, Professo en el Monesterio de San Agustin de Salamanca, en 29 de Enero de 1544, siendo de edad de 16 anos. en lo adquisito, fue gran Dialetico i Filosofo, Maestro graduado en Artes, i Dotor en Teologia, por aquella insigne Universidad; donde fue Catedratico mas de 36 anos, en la Catedra de Santo Tomas de Durando, de Filosofia moral, i de Prima de Sagrada Escritura, que tuvo con crecido premio, por que leyesse una leccion, supo Escolastico tan aventajadamente, como sino tratava de Escritura, i de Escritura, como sino tratava de Escolastico. fue la mayor capacidad de ingenio que sea conocida en su tiempo, para todas Ciencias i Artes; escrevia no menos que nuestro Francisco Lucas, siendo famosso Matematico, Aritmetico, i Geometra; i gran Astrologo, i Judiciario, (aunque lo uso con templanca) fue eminente en el uno i otro derecho, Medico superior, que entrava en el General con los desta Facultad, i arguia en sus actos. fue gran Poeta Latino i Castellano, como lo muestran sus versos. estudio sin Maestro la Pintura, i la exercito tan diestramente que entre otras cosas hizo (cosa dificil) su mesmo Retrato. tuvo otras infinitas abilidades, que callo por cosas mayores. La lengua Latina, Griega, i Hebrea, la Caldea i Siria, supo como los Maestros della. pues la muestra con cuanta grandeza? siendo el primero que escrivio en ella con numero i elegacia; digalo el Libro de los Nombres de Cristo i perfeta casada, encarecido i admirado de los doctos, que no sabe acabar de loarlo Antonio Possevino en su Biblioteca. escrivio en Latin Comentarios sobre los Cantares, i fue el primero que allano las dificultades de la letra: i sobre el Psalmo 26 i el Profeta Abdias, i la Epistola ad Galatas, i un tratado de utriusq agni: expuso otros libros de la Escritura que no estan impressos. ai muchas obras suyas de mano en verso, divididas en tres partes, la primera de las cosas proprias, la segunda lo que traduxo de autores Profanos, la tercera de los Psalmos, Cantares i Capitulos de Job. lo cual asido siempre estimadissimo, con la carta a don Pedro Puertocarrero, a quien lo dirige, escrivio otra en san Felipe de Madrid ano 1587 alas Carmelitas descalcas, en favor del espiritu i escritos de Santa Teresa de Jesus, que anda con su libro, digna de la eccelencia de su ingenio. Al passo destas grandezas, fue la invidia que le persiguio, pero descubrio altamente sus quilates, saliendo en todo superior, i con el mayor triumfo i onra que en estos Reinos sea visto. fue varon de tanta autoridad, que parecia mas a proposito para mostrar alos otros, que para aprender de ninguno. grande su juizio i prudencia en materias de govierno, alcanco mucha estimacion en Espana i fuera della con los mayores ombres; consultavalo el Rei Filipo Segundo en todos los casos graves de conciencia enviandole correos estraordinarios a Salamanca; i despues yendo por orden de la Universidad, con particular comision, a su Magestad, lo trato i comunico, haziendole especial favor imerced. i en los acometimientos onrosos de Obispados, i del Arcobispado de Mexico, descubrio su valor i animo grande, no solo para desnudarse de la dignidad (cosa intentada de pocos) mas aun de todo cuanto tenia en la tierra: varon de veras Evangelico. en estos santos exercicios i con esta continuacion de vida, siendo Provincial de la Provincia de Castilla, acabo su curso santamente (dexando en todos harto desconsuelo, aun que mayor certeza de su gloria) en la villa de Madrigal en 24 de Agosto del ano 1595. de 63 anos de edad. traxeronle con la devida onra a san Agustin de Salamanca donde avia tomado el abito, i yaze sepultado en el claustro de aquel ilustre Convento. I para cumplimiento de su Elogio i de mi desseo no me contente con menos (en onra de tan insigne varon) de que los versos Latinos fuessen del Licenciado Rodrigo Caro, i los Castellanos de Lope de Vega, en su Laurel de Apolo, con que se encarecen bastatemẽte.
EPIGRAMMA
Hispalis, Iliberis, Salmantica, Monta, Toletum Municipem iactant te, Ludovice, suum. Contigit id magno quondam certamen Homero: Contigit Hesperio sicq3 Melesigeni.
Agustino Leon, Frai Luis divino o dulce Analogia de Agustino! conque verdad nos diste al Rei Profeta en verso Castellano, que con tanta elegancia tra duziste; o cuanto le deviste (como en tus mismas obras encareces) ala invidia cruel, porquien mereces Laureles inmortales; tu prosa, i verso iguales conservaran la gloria de tu nombre; i los Nombres de Cristo Soberano tele daran eterno, porque asombre la dulce pluma de tu heroica mano de tu persecusion la causa injusta, tu fuiste gloria de Agustino Augusta, tu el onor de la lengua Castellana, que desseaste introduzir escrita, viendo que ala Romana tanto imita que puede competir con la Romana. Si en esta edad vivieras fuerte Leon en su defensa fueras.
INDEX
A
Abarca de Sotomayor (Ana), 93 n.
Agustiniana, Revista, passim
Alarcon (Cristobal de), 234 n.
Alarcon (fulano de), 110 n.
Alarcon (Ines de), 27 n., 234 n.
Alarcon (Maria de), 28 n.
Alava (Andres de), 90, 128 n., 139 n.
Albornoz (Francisco de), 90, 139 n.
Alcanices (Marques de), 235 n.
Alcazar (Baltasar de), 229
Almansa (Francisco de), 39, 40, 93 n., 94 n.
Almansa (Pedro de), 94 n.
Almaraz (Antonio de), 189 n.
Almeida (Juan de), 33 n., 129 n., 224
Alvarez (Luis), 44
Alvarez Guijarro (Carlos), 193 n., 198 n.
Alvarez Osorio (Mencia), 234 n.
Ambrose (Saint), 205
Ana de Jesus (La Madre) 12, 30 n., 174, 180, 181, 203
Antolinez (Agustin), 180
Aragon (Pedro de), 165, 194 n.
Arboleda (Francisco de), 56, 57, 112 n.
Arce (Antonio de), 137 n.
Arias Montano (Benito), 62, 63, 83, 119 n., 120 n., 202, 210, 221, 224
Arias (Diego), 59, 114 n.
Aristotle, 82
Arresse (Juan de), 166, 197 n.
Asensio y Toledo (Jose Maria), 201 n.
B
Banez (Domingo), 10, 154, 161, 164, 194 n., 195 n., 196 n.
Barrera (Cayetano Alberto de la), 190 n., 191 n.
Barrientos, 48, 100 n.
Bejar (Septimo duque de), 58
Bembo (Pietro), 83, 84, 218
Bernal, Dr., 170
Berrueta, 237 n.
Blanco Garcia (Francisco), passim
Bolivar (Pedro), 138 n.
Bonard (Cornelio), 199 n.
Boscan Almogaver (Juan), 223
Braganza (Teutonio de), 175
Bravo, 33 n.
C
Cabrera de Cordoba (Luis), 184
Calderon de la Barca Henao de la Barreda y Riano (Pedro), 3
Cancer, Dr., 66, 68, 77, 137 n.
Cano (Melchor), 81, 131 n., 202
Caravajal (Diego de), 112 n.
Carlos (el maestro Don), 33 n.
Carlos (el principe Don), 211
Caro (Rodrigo), 244
Carranza (Bartolome de), 21, 35 n., 85, 134 n.
Castaneda (Juan de), 161, 194 n.
Castillo (Garcia del), 33 n.
Castillo (Hernando del), 66, 67, 89, 137 n.
Castro (Adolfo de), 190 n.
Castro (Leon de) 13, 14,15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24 n., 31 n., 32 n., 33 n., 34 n., 35 n., 54, 62, 77, 80, 86, 110 n.
Castro (Pedro de) 91, 139 n., 141 n.
Cayetano (see Vio).
Cervantes Saavedra (Miguel de) 3, 58, 155, 184, 191 n.
Cetina (Gutierre de) 228
Churton (Edward) 219, 220, 225
Cicero 207
Ciguelo (Juan) 77, 78, 128 n.
Cipriano (el maestro) 81
Clement of Alexandria (Saint) 205
Copernicus (Nicolaus) 61, 114 n., 115 n.
Coscojales (Martin de) 165, 194 n.
Cruesen (Nicolaas) 148, 149
Cruz (Joan de la) (see Santa Cruz)
Cueto (Francisco) 71, 114 n., 117 n.
Cyprian (Saint) 205
D
Dario (Ruben) 224
Doria (Nicolas de Jesus Maria) 174, 175, 176, 179
E
Ercilla y Zuniga (Alonso) 229
Espinosa (Alonso de) 224
Espinosa (Ana de) 41, 95 n.
Estrada (Doctor) 180
Euripides 205
F
Fernandez (Alonso) 193 n.
Frechilla (Doctor) 77, 91, 139 n., 140
G
Galileo 57, 112 n.
Galvan (Juan), 84
Gallardo (Bartolome Jose), 145, 185 n., 187 n., 191 n., 192 n., 199 n.
Gallego (Juan), 36 n.
Gallo (Juan), 33 n., 34 n., 190 n.
Gallo (Gregorio), 9, 154
Gaona (Diego de), 107 n.
Garcia del Castillo, 146
Garcilasso, see Lasso de la Vega (Garci).
Getino (Luis G. Alonso), passim
Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas (Francisco), 209, 215
Gongora (Luis de), 209
Gonzalez (Diego), 21, 39, 94 n., 128 n.
Gonzalez de Tejada (J.), 28 n., 29 n., 100 n.
Grajal (Gaspar de), 10, 13, 20, 21, 22, 29 n., 33 n., 36 n., 37 n., 42, 108 n., 157, 162
Granada (Luis de), 203
Grial (Juan de), 213
Guevara (Juan de), 11, 33 n., 35 n., 81, 108 n., 190 n., 194 n., 195 n.
Guevara (Martin de), 127 n.
Guigelmo, 132 n.
Guijano de Mercado (Doctor), 91, 92, 128 n., 139 n., 140 n., 144 n.
Gustin (Celedon), 46, 144 n., 163
Gutierrez (Juan), 107 n.
Gutierrez (Marcelino), 115 n.
Guzman (Domingo de), 154, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160, 161, 164, 190 n., 191 n., 192 n., 197 n.
H
Haedo (Diego de), 24 n., 96 n.
Henriquez (Dr. Diego), 171
Henry VIII, 1
Herrera (Fernando de) 207, 229
Homer 83
Horace 83, 159, 207, 208, 217, 236 n.
I
Ibanez, see Banez.
Ibarra (Juan de) 138 n.
Isaiah 13, 15, 34 n.
J
Jeronimo (San) 32 n., 33 n., 108 n., 234 n.
Jesus y Maria (Jose de) 178, 199 n.
John Chrysostom (Saint) 33 n.
John of the Cross (Saint) 230
Junta (Lucas) 28 n.
Justin (Saint) 82, 83
L
Laredo (Bernardino de) 203
Lasso de la Vega (Garci) 155, 205, 216 n., 223, 228, 236 n.
Leo (Saint) 83
Leon (Antonio de) 28 n.
Leon (Cristobal de) 8
Leon (Diego de) 43, 44, 204
Leon (Francisco de) 7
Leon (Gomez de) 6, 23 n., 25 n.
Leon (Lope de) 6, 23 n., 25 n., 27 n., 234 n., 238
Leon (Luis de), his full name, 5;
his Jewish descent, 5-6;
his birthplace, 6;
his date of birth, 7;
he goes to Madrid, then to the University of Salamanca, 7;
he enters a religious order, 7;
renounces his share of the paternal estate, 8;
professes in the Augustinian order, 8;
his name appears on the list of theological students at Salamanca, 8;
he lectures at Soria, 9;
matriculates at Alcala de Henares, 9;
graduates at Toledo, 9;
graduates as licentiate of theology at Salamanca, 9;
fails to obtain the chair of Biblical exegesis at Salamanca, 10;
thwarts the designs of Domingo Banez, 10;
is elected Professor of Theology at Salamanca, 10;
is transferred to the chair of Scholastic Theology and Biblical Criticism, 10, 11;
is chosen to be the first editor of St. Theresa's works, 12;
incurs the enmity of Leon de Castro, 13, 14;
lectures on the Vulgate, 14;
is elected on the committee appointed to revise Francois Vatable's version of the Bible, 15;
threatens to burn Castro's Commentaria in Essaiam Prophetam, 16;
out-argues Bartolome de Medina, 18;
goes to Belmonte, 19;
falls ill, 19; is mentioned as an offender before the Inquisitionary Committee, 20;
hands in a written statement to the local Inquisition, 21;
his arrest is recommended by that body, 22;
he finds fault with Leon de Castro's knowledge of Latin and Greek and proposes to call witnesses to prove this point, 33 n.;
quarrels with Medina, 36 n.;
appeals to the Consejo Real at Madrid and wins his case, 36 n.;
is taken to Valladolid jail by Almansa, 40;
is lodged in the secret cells of the Inquisition, 40;
is nervous about his health, 41;
asks for books, for powders for his heart-attacks, and for a knife to cut his food, 41;
is charged with translating into Spanish the Song of Solomon, and admits having done so, 42;
implies that a copy may have reached Portugal, 44;
proves a formidable foe, 46;
petitions that his University Chair should be kept open until the end of his trial, 47;
his petition is refused and Medina is appointed in his place, 48;
his health suffers from imprisonment, and he asks for the companionship of a monk of his order, 49;
he requests to be transferred to a Dominican Monastery, 50;
petitions for leave to go to confession and to say Mass, 50;
his requests are refused, 50;
the increasing bias of the tribunal against him, 51;
he complains of his bad memory, 51;
his fearless attitude, 52;
he brands all Dominicans as enemies, 52;
objects to the Faculty of Theology at Alcala de Henares, 53;
inveighs against Medina and Castro, 54;
prevents Montoya's election as Provincial of the Augustinians in Spain, 55;
describes Montoya as notorious for lying, 56;
entrusts Arboleda to collect favourable evidence, 56;
brands Diego de Zuniga as a deliberate perjurer, 57;
his criticism on Zuniga's book, 60;
his counsel, Dr. Ortiz de Funes, 65;
his skill in drawing up his own defence, 65;
he is told to choose two patronos from four names unknown to him, 66;
requests that he be given Sebastian Perez as patrono, 66;
suggests that Dr. Cancer or Hernando del Castillo may be appointed with Perez, 66;
asks that Castillo's name be removed from the list of patronos, 67;
threatens to appeal to the Inquisitor-General against the enforced choosing of unknown patronos, 67;
decides to accept as patronos Fray Mancio de Corpus Christi and either Medina or Dr. Cancer, 68;
Mancio is appointed patrono and makes a report favourable to him, 69;
all information of this is withheld from him, 69;
he protests against his papers being entrusted to Mancio, 69;
his suspicions and distrust of Mancio, 69-71;
he becomes reconciled with Mancio, 72;
loses judicial favour owing to his vacillations over Mancio, 73;
his demeanour in court, 74;
his portrait by Pacheco, 79;
his want of humour, 80;
his gift of sarcasm, 80;
his versatility, 81; his conservatism, 81;
his teachers, 81;
his books, 81, 82;
his knowledge of Italian, 83;
his curiosity about astrology, 84, 85;
he urges the Court to prosecute Castro for perjury, 86;
declares that his detention is illegal and demands compensation for it, 86;
his health declines and his irritability increases, 87;
he is blamed by Castillo for teaching erroneous doctrine, 89;
his moods of depression, 89;
Menchaca, Alava, Tello Maldonado, and Albornoz recommend that he be tortured, 90;
a more lenient view is adopted by Guijano de Mercado and Frechilla, 91;
the Supreme Inquisition brushes aside the views of both parties, 91;
he is publicly reprimanded by order of the Supreme Inquisition and acquitted, 92;
his Spanish version of the Song of Solomon is confiscated, 92;
he asks for an official certificate of acquittal and for arrears of salary as regards his chair, 92;
his applications are granted but their fulfilment delayed, 92;
his return to Salamanca, 145;
he meets the Claustro of the University, 146;
renounces all claim to his Chair so long as it is occupied by Castillo, 146;
creation of a provisional new chair for him by the Claustro, 147;
he lectures in his new chair January 29, 1577, 147;
his famous alleged phrase Dicebamus hesterna die, 147-150;
difficulties about his lecture-hours, 151;
he presents himself as a candidate for the Chair of Moral Philosophy, 152;
is strenuously opposed by Zumel, 152;
defeats Zumel by a majority of seventy-nine votes, 153;
takes the degree of M.A., 153;
is appointed member of the committee for the reform of the calendar, 153;
his contest with Domingo de Guzman for the Biblical chair at Salamanca, vacant by the death of Gregorio Gallo, 154-155;
he defeats Guzman by thirty-six votes, 157;
appeal lodged by Guzman against irregularity in voting, 157;
judgement given in favour of Luis de Leon, 157;
he reads himself into the chair at Salamanca, December 7, 1579, 158;
publishes a Latin commentary on the Song of Solomon, 158;
chivalrously supports Montemayor against Domingo de Guzman at a theological meeting in Salamanca, 160-161;
through this action he is involved in a quarrel with Domingo Banez, 161;
the case comes before the Valladolid Inquisition, 162;
he presents himself voluntarily before the Inquisitionary tribunal at Salamanca on March 8, 163;
appears again before it on March 31, and offers to apologize if he has exceeded in his defence of Montemayor, 163;
his lecture on predestination (1571) is brought before the tribunal by Zumel, 164;
his enemies, Zumel, Guzman, and Banez, 164;
he receives a severely reproachful letter from Villavicencio, 165;
is summoned to Toledo and privately reprimanded by Quiroga, 167;
publishes Los Nombres de Cristo and La perfecta casada, 168;
is appointed to settle the suit between the University of Salamanca and the Colegios Mayores, 168;
progress of the suit and conduct of the Claustro, 168-173;
he refuses the invitation of Sixtus V and Philip II to join the committee for the revision of the Vulgate, 173;
is appointed by the papal nuncio to inquire into the administration of funds by the Provincial of the Augustinians in Castile, 173;
begins the publication of his edition of Saint Theresa's works, 174;
upholds Madre Ana de Jesus's reforms, 174;
is appointed by the Pope to execute them, 175;
is opposed by Doria and Philip II, 175-176;
his weakening health and the continuous opposition of his enemies, 178-179;
he is reported to be suffering from tumour, 180;
his lingering illness, 181;
he is elected Provincial of the Augustinians in Castile, August 14, 1591, 181;
his death, August 23, 1591, 181;
his character by Pacheco, 181-183;
his prose works, 202-210;
his poems, 210-221;
his versification, 221-229;
his character, 230-232.
Leon (Miguel de) 8, 28 n.
Leon (Pedro de) 25 n.
Leon (Pero Fernandez de) 26 n.
Loarte (Diego de) [see Oloarte and Olarte] 195 n., 211
Lopez (Diego) 117 n., 118 n.
Lopez de Sedano (Juan Josef) 188 n.
Lucas (Francisco) 241
Lucas (Saint) 124 n.
M
Madrigal 195 n.
Mancio de Corpus Christi 35 n., 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 81, 91, 122 n., 123 n., 124 n.
Manrique (Angel) 30 n.
Manrique (Jorge) 203
Marmol (Dr. Bernabe del) 174, 175
Martinez de Cantalapiedra (Martin) 13, 20, 21, 22, 31 n., 33 n., 37 n., 42
Medina (Bartolome de) 18, 19, 20, 21, 33 n., 35 n., 36 n., 37 n., 38 n., 42, 48, 54, 62, 68, 70, 77, 80, 100 n., 105 n., 110 n., 123 n., 129 n., 146, 151, 154, 155, 187 n.
Menchaca (Francisco de) 90, 139 n.
Mendez (F. de) 5, 26, 200 n.
Mendoza (Bernardino de) 35 n.
Mendoza (Diego Hurtado de) 212
Menendez y Pelayo (Marcelino) 236 n., 237 n.
Merino (Antolin) 191 n.
Mondejar (Marques de) 35 n.
Montemayor (Prudencio de) 159, 160, 161, 163
Montoya (Gabriel) 55, 56, 120 n.
Moreno de Bohorquez (Luis) 182, 240
Muinos Saenz (Conrado) 114 n., 115 n., 119 n., 188 n., 200 n., 201 n., 237 n.
Muniz 33 n.
Munon 33 n.
N
Napoleon 1
Nino (Hernando) 138 n.
O
Olarte (Diego de) 233 n.
Olivares (Conde-duque de) 209
Olivares (Pedro de) 23 n.
Oloarte (see Loarte and Olarte) 210, 225
Onis (Federico de) 230, 235 n.
Orozco (Alonso de), 206, 235 n.
Ortiz de Funes (Doctor), 65, 66, 67, 68, 104 n.
Osorio (Isabel), 42, 43, 234 n.
P
Pacheco (Francisco), 78, 79, 80, 160, 181, 182, 184, 200 n., 201 n. [and Appendix]
Palacios (Francisco de), 162
Paul (Saint), 12
Peralto (Hernando de), 195 n.
Perez (Antonio), 230, 231
Perez (Sebastian), 66, 67
Perez Pastor (Cristobal), 199 n.
Philip II, 168, 170, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 181, 183, 184, 243
Picatoste y Rodriguez (Felipe), 112 n.
Pindar, 83
Pineda, 115 n.
Pinelo (Gabriel), 95 n.
Pinto (Hector), 53, 108 n., 162
Plantin, 82
Plato, 205
Plutarch, 205
Ponce de Leon (Basilio), 24 n., 149, 150
Portocarrero (Alonso), 212
Portocarrero (Pedro), 208, 211, 212, 215, 235 n.
Portonariis (Gaspar de), 104 n.
Possevino (Antonio), 242
Poza (Licenciado), 85, 132 n.
Pozas (Marques de), 57
Q
Quevedo (see Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas)
Quijano (Juan), 186 n., 200 n.
Quiroga (Gaspar de), 167
R
Ramos (Nicolas), 77, 138 n.
Rejon (Alonso), 36 n.
Reusch (Heinrich), 197 n.
Riego (El Inquisidore), 132 n.
Rodriguez (Benito), 90
Rodriguez (Diego), see Zuniga, 58, 63, 113 n., 114 n., 117 n., 118 n.
Rodriguez (Diego), 151
Rodriguez Marin (Francisco), 114 n., 191 n.
Rojas (Pedro de), 57, 112 n., 114 n., 118 n., 195 n.
Ruiz, 195 n.
Ruiz de Alarcon y Mendoza (Juan), 3
S
Sahagun (Doctor Diego de), 168
Sainz de Baranda (Pedro), passim
Salinas (Francisco de), 7, 80, 84, 154, 190 n., 211, 233 n.
Salva (Miguel), passim
Samson, 217
Sanchez (Bartolome), 189 n.
Sanchez (Francisco), el Brocense 32 n., 202, 216, 236 n.
Sanchez (Miguel), 222, 224
Sanchez de Olivares (Diez), 23 n.
Sanchez de Olivares (Leonor), 6, 23 n.
Sancho (Francisco, bishop of Segoibe), 152
Sancho (Francisco), 33 n., 100 n., 104 n., 105 n.
Sancho (el maestro Francisco), 93 n.
Santa Cruz (Joan de), 162, 163, 193 n., 195 n.
Santa Maria (Francisco de), 176, 177, 178, 199 n.
Sarmiento de Mendoza (Manuel), 209, 215
Sebastian I, 214
Shakespeare, 221
Siluente (Alonso), 49, 94, 101 n.
Simonides, 205
Sixtus V, 173, 174
Sobrino (Doctor), 180
Solana (Andres de), 165
Solis (Antonio de), 168
Sophocles, 83, 205
Suarez (Pedro), 158, 193 n.
T
Tapia (Mencia de), 28 n.
Tasso (Bernardo), 223
Tellez Giron (Rodrigo), 23 n.
Tello Maldonado (Luis), 90, 139 n.
Theresa (Saint), 12, 174, 175, 178, 180, 181, 199 n., 203, 242
Tiberius, 1
'Tirso de Molina', 3
Torre (Francisco de la), 228
U
Uceda (Gaspar de), 110 n.
Uceda (Pedro de), 100 n., 189 n.
'Urganda la Desconocida', 155, 191 n.
V
Vadillo (Doctor), 70
Valbas (Doctor), 32 n.
Valera (Bernardino de), 234 n.
Valera (Francisco de), 234 n.
Valera (Ines de), 233 n., 234 n.
Valera (Juan de). 233 n.
Valladolid (Diego de), 39
Vanez (see Banez)
Varela Osorio (Maria), 204
Vatable (Francois), 15, 16, 17, 33 n., 82, 104 n., 105 n.
Vega Carpio (Felix Lope de) 3, 244
Velazquez 79
Vicente de la Fuente 31 n., 32 n., 199 n.
Villanueva (Leonor de) 6, 23 n.
Villavicencio (Lorenzo de) 165
Vio (Cardinal Thomas de), surnamed Cajetanus 133 n.
Vique (Juan) 33 n.
Virgil 83, 207
W
Wordsworth 229
Z
Zumel (Francisco) 152, 153, 159, 164, 172, 193 n.
Zuniga (Diego de), see Arias and Rodriguez, 57, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, 77, 83, 113 n., 114 n., 115 n., 117 n., 118 n., 119 n.
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