But the Federal authorities—whether sincere in their belief, or not—made this the pretext for a thorough change of policy in Richmond.

First came uniform orders, that none of the insignia, or rank marks, of the South should be worn—a measure peculiarly oppressive to men who had but one coat. Then came rules about "congregations of rebels," and three Confederates could not stand a moment on a corner, without dispersion by a provost-guard.

Finally came the news of Johnston's surrender—of the last blow to the cause, now lost indeed. Still this fact had been considered a certain one from the date of Lee's surrender; and it bore none of the crushing weight that had made them refuse to believe in the latter. Confident as all were in General Johnston's ability to do all that man might, they still knew his numerical weakness; that he must ere long be crushed between the upper and nether millstones. So this news was received with a sigh, rather than a groan.

There was a momentary hope that the wise covenant between Generals Johnston and Sherman, as to the basis of the surrender, would be indorsed by the Government; but the result of its refusal and of the final surrender on the 13th—was after all little different from what all had expected. Even the wild and maddened spirits, who refused to accept Lee's cartel, and started to work their way to Johnston, could have had no hope of his final success in their calmer moments.

But Johnston's surrender did not lift the yoke from Richmond, in any degree. Police regulations of the most annoying character were imposed; the fact of a parole bearing any significance was entirely ignored; no sort of grace was shown to its possessor, unless he took the oath; and many men, caught in Richmond at this time and far from home, were reduced to distress and almost starvation by the refusal of transportation.

All this the southern people bore with patience. They submitted to all things but two: they would not take the oath and they would not mix socially with their conquerors. In that respect the line was as rigorously drawn in Richmond, at that time, as ever Venice drew it against the Austrian. Not that any attempt was omitted by the Federals to overcome what they called this "prejudice." There was music in Capitol Square, by the best bands of the army, and the ladies were specially invited by the public prints. Not one went; and the officers listened to their own music in company with numbers of lusty black emancipated, who fully felt themselves women and sisters. Next it was given out that the negroes would not be admitted; but then the officers listened alone, and finally gave it up. Failing in public, every effort—short of rudeness and intrusion, which were never resorted to—was made to effect a social lodgment in private. But no Federal uniform ever crossed a rebel threshold, in those days, save on business. The officers occupied parts of many houses; but they were made to feel that the other part, occupied by the household, was private still.

Another infliction, harder to bear, was the well-meant intrusion of old friends from the North. Pleasure parties to Richmond were of constant occurrence; and for the time quite eclipsed in popularity, with the Washington idlers, the inevitable pilgrimage to Mt. Vernon. Gaily dressed and gushing over in the merriment of a party of pleasure, these visitors often sought out their ante-bellum friends; and then and there would condone the crime of rebellion to them—sitting in desolation by the ashes of their household gods. It is not hard to understand how bitter was proffered forgiveness, to those who never admitted they could have been wrong; and perhaps the soft answer that turneth away wrath, was not always given to such zealously officious friends.

There was little bitterness expressed, however much may have fermented in the hearts of the captured; and, as a general thing, the people were grateful for the moderation of the Yankees, and appreciated the good they had done at the fire. But, deeper than any bitterness could have sunk, was that ingrained feeling that there were two peoples that these could never again mingle in former amity, till oil and water might mix. The men especially—and with much apparent reason—were utterly hopeless of the future; and, collecting in knots, they would gloomily discuss the prospect of emigration, as if that were the sole good the future held. There can be little doubt that had the ability been theirs, a large majority of the young men of the South would have gone abroad, to seek their fortunes in new paths and under new skies. Luckily, for their country, the commander at Richmond failed to keep his agreement with the paroled officers; and—after making out rolls of those who would be granted free permission and passage to Canada, England or South America—those rolls were suddenly annulled and the whole matter given up. Thus a number of useful, invaluable men who have ever since fought the good fight against that outrage—the imposition of negro dominance over her—were saved to the South.

And that good fight, begun in the natural law of self-preservation, has eventuated to the interests of a common country. For no one who does not intimately understand the character of the negro—his mental and moral, as well as his physical, constitution—can begin to comprehend the sin committed against him, even more than against the white man, by putting him in the false attitude of equality with, or antagonism to, the latter.

No one, who did not move among the negroes, immediately after conquest of the South—and who did not see them with experience-opened eyes—can approach realization of the pernicious workings of that futile attempt.

Writing upon the inner details of the war and its resulting action upon the morale of the southern people, omission can not be made of that large and unfortunate class; driven—first by blind fanaticism, later by fear of their own party existence—into abnormal condition by the ultra radicals. The negro rapidly changed; "equality" frittered away what good instincts he had and developed all the worst, innate with him. It changed him from a careless and thriftless, but happy and innocent producer, into a mere consumer, at best; often indeed, into a besotted and criminal idler, subsisting in part upon Nature's generosity in supplying cabbage and fish, in part upon the thoughtlessness of his neighbor in supplying chickens and eggs.

Yet—so powerful is result of habit; on so much foundation of nature is based the Scythian fable—the negroes of the South, immediately succeeding the surrender, used the new greatness thrust upon them with surprising innocence. Laziness, liquor and loud asseverations of freedom and equality were its only blessings claimed; and the commission of overt acts, beyond those named, were rare enough to prove the rule of force of habit. Lured from old service for a time, most of them followed not far the gaudy and shining Will-o'-the-Wisp; and almost all—especially the household and personal servants—soon returned to "Ole Mas'r" once more, sadder and wiser for the futile chase after freedom's joys. But, even these were partly spoiled and rendered of far less practical use to themselves, or to their employers.

The "negro question" to-day is made merely a matter of politics, rather than one of political economy. At the date of the Confederacy's death, it is a matter of history.

Gradually—by very slow degrees—people in Richmond—as elsewhere in the South, further removed from victor's contact—began to grow so far accustomed to the chains imposed upon them, that they seemed less unbearably galling. Little by little—forced by the necessities of themselves and of those still dearer—men went to work at new and strange occupations; doing not what they would, but what they could, in the bitter struggle with want for their daily bread. But, spite of earnest resolve and steady exertion,

"There was little to earn and many to keep—"

and every month it seemed to grow harder and harder to make the bare means of life. And not alone did the men work—hard and steadily, early and late. As the women of the South had been the counsellors, the comforters, the very life of the soldiers when the dark hour was threatened; so they proved themselves worthy helpmeets now that it had come.

No privation was too great, no work too unaccustomed for them to undergo. Little hands that had never held even a needle until the war, now wrought laboriously at the varied—sometimes even menial—occupations that the hour demanded. And they worked, as they had borne the war—with never a murmur; with ever a cheering word for the fellow-laborer beside them—with a bright trust in the future and that each one's particular "King should have his own again."

And here the author's task is ended—albeit far from completed; for so little has been told, where there was so much to tell. But, there was no longer a Rebel Capital, to offer its inside view; and what followed the fall—were it not already a twice-told tale—has no place in these pages. Disjointed sketches, these have perchance told some new, or interesting, facts. Certes, they have omitted many more, well worth the telling, noted during those four unparalleled years; but plainly not compressible, within the limits of one volume.

Happily, the trials, the strain, the suffering of those years remain with us, but as a memory. That memory is, to the South, a sacred heritage which unreasoning fanaticism may not dim—which Time, himself, shall not efface. To the North that memory should be cleared of prejudice and bitterness, becoming thus a lesson priceless in worth.

Happily, too, the sober second thought of a common people, aided by the loyalty of the South—to herself and to her plighted faith—has changed into recemented union of pride and of interest, that outlook from the crumbled gates of Richmond, which made her people groan in their hearts:

Solitudinem faciunt appellantque pacem!

FINIS.



APPENDIX.

FIRST AND LAST BLOOD OF THE WAR.

While the battle of Bethel is recorded in the foregoing pages as the first decided fight of the war between the States, it may leave erroneous impression not to note the date of "first blood" really shed in action on southern soil. In the report of the Adjutant-general of the State of Virginia, for 1866, occurs this entry:

J. Q. Marr, graduated July 4, 1846. Lawyer, Member of the Virginia Convention. Entered military service as Captain of Virginia Volunteers, April 1, 1861. Killed at Fairfax Courthouse, Virginia, May 13, 1861. First blood of the war.

Naturally, many conflicting statements as to the last effective shot of the long struggle were made and received as true. The most reliable would appear to be the following, reproduced from a paper printed by the boys of Mr. Denson's school, in the village of Pittsboro, N.C., in 1866:

The accomplished author of that series of interesting papers, "The Last Ninety Days of the War in North Carolina," published in The Watchman, New York, states that the last blood of the war was shed near the Atkins plantation, a few miles from Chapel Hill, on the 14th April, 1865. In a later number of the same paper, a member of the First Tennessee Cavalry says that it is a mistake; that companies E and F, of the same regiment to which he belonged, skirmished sharply with the Federals on the 15th, and claims that this was the last blood shed. Both are in error; there was a skirmish near Mt. Zion church, two miles south-east of Pittsboro, North Carolina, between a body of Wheeler's cavalry and a party of Federals, on the 17th of April; two Yankees were wounded, and three others, with several horses, captured. There was other skirmishing in the neighborhood about this time, and as late as the 29th (two days after General Johnston surrendered), a squad of Federal cavalry rode through Pittsboro, firing upon the citizens and returned soldiers, and receiving their fire in return. These men were pursued and overtaken near Haw river, where a skirmish occurred, in which two of the Yankees were killed and two others wounded, one mortally. This Haw river incident is a familiar and well authenticated one and most probably it really showed the last of the long bloodshed.

* * * *

WHY NO PURSUIT AFTER MANASSAS.

Attention has frequently been drawn to the restiveness of the entire southern people, under alleged neglect to seize golden opportunities for pressing the enemy, after Confederate successes. Most frequently repeated of all these charges, is that which puts upon the shoulders of Jefferson Davis the onus of delay—and of all resulting evil—after the first victory on Manassas Plains. This charge receives semi-official sanction, from ex-Vice-President Stephens; for his history of the war plainly asserts that to the President was due "the failure of the Confederate troops to advance after the battle of Manassas." The following correspondence between the two men most interested in that mooted question may therefore be read with interest by all candid thinkers:

RICHMOND, VA., November 3, 1861.

General J. E. Johnston, Commanding Department of the Potomac:

SIR: Reports have been and are being widely circulated to the effect that I prevented General Beauregard from pursuing the enemy after the battle of Manassas, and had subsequently restrained him from advancing upon Washington City. Though such statements may have been made merely for my injury, and in that view their notice might be postponed to a more convenient season, they have acquired importance from the fact that they have served to create distrust, to excite disappointment, and must embarrass the administration in its further efforts to re-enforce the armies of the Potomac, and generally to provide for the public defense.

For these public considerations, I call upon you as the commanding general, and as a party to all the conferences held by me on the 21st and 22d of July, to say whether I obstructed the pursuit of the enemy after the victory at Manassas, or have ever objected to an advance or other active operation which it was feasible for the army to undertake?

Very respectfully yours, etc.,

JEFFERSON DAVIS.

HEADQUARTERS, CENTREVILLE, November 10, 1861.

To His Excellency, the President:

SIR: I have had the honor to receive your letter of the 3d instant, in which you call upon me, as the "Commanding General, and as a party to all the conferences held by you on the 21st and 22d of July, to say:

"Whether I obstructed the pursuit after the battle of Manassas.

"Or have ever objected to an advance, or other active operations which it was feasible for the army to undertake."

To the first question I reply: No. The pursuit was "obstructed" by the enemy's troops at Centreville, as I have stated in my official report. In that report I have also said why no advance was made upon the enemy's capital (for reasons) as follows:

The apparent freshness of the United States troops at Centreville, which checked our pursuit; the strong forces occupying the works near Georgetown, Arlington and Alexandria; the certainty, too, that General Patterson, if needed, would reach Washington with his army of more than 30,000, sooner than we could; and the condition and inadequate means of the army in ammunition, provision and transportation, prevented any serious thoughts of advancing against the Capital.

To the second question, I reply, that it has never been feasible for the army to advance further than it has done—to the line of Fairfax Courthouse, with its advanced posts at Upton's, Munson's and Mason's Hills. After a conference at Fairfax Courthouse with the three senior General officers, you announced it to be impracticable to give this army the strength which those officers considered necessary to enable it to assume the offensive. Upon which, I drew it back to its present position.

Most respectfully your obedient servant,

J. E. JOHNSTON.

A true copy:

G. W. C. LEE, Col. and A.D.C.

* * * *

THE FIRING UNDER THE WHITE FLAG, IN HAMPTON ROADS.

Reference has been made in these pages, to the peculiar circumstances of the wounding of Flag-Lieutenant Robert D. Minor, in the "Merrimac" fight on the 8th March, 1862. The official report of Fleet-Captain Franklin Buchanan distinctly states the facts and formulates the charge, accepted by the author. From that lengthy and detailed official document is reproduced verbatim this

EXTRACT FROM REPORT OF FLAG-OFFICER BUCHANAN.

NAVAL HOSPITAL, NORFOLK, March 27, 1862.

To Hon. S. R. Mallory, Secretary of the Navy:

* * * * * * * * * * * * *

While the Virginia was thus engaged in getting her position, for attacking the Congress, the prisoners state it was believed on board that ship that we had hauled off; the men left their guns and gave three cheers. They were soon sadly undeceived, for a few minutes after we opened upon her again, she having run on shore in shoal water. The carnage, havoc and dismay, caused by our fire, compelled them to haul down their colors, and to hoist a white flag at their gaff half-mast, and another at the main. The crew instantly took to their boats and landed. Our fire immediately ceased, and a signal was made for the Beaufort to come within hail. I then ordered Lieutenant-Commanding Parker to take possession of the Congress, secure the officers as prisoners, allow the crew to land, and burn the ship. He ran alongside, received her flag and surrender, from Commander William Smith and Lieutenant Pendergrast, with the side-arms of those officers. They delivered themselves as prisoners of war on board the Beaufort, and afterward were permitted, at their own request, to return to the Congress, to assist in removing the wounded to the Beaufort. They never returned, and I submit to the decision of the Department whether they are not our prisoners. While the Beaufort and Raleigh were alongside the Congress, and the surrender of that vessel had been received from the commander, she having two white flags flying, hoisted by her own people, a heavy fire was opened upon them from the shore and from the Congress, killing some valuable officers and men. Under this fire the steamers left the Congress; but as I was not informed that any injury had been sustained by those vessels at that time, Lieutenant-Commanding Parker having failed to report to me, I took it for granted that my order to him to burn her had been executed and waited some minutes to see the smoke ascending from her hatches. During this delay we were still subjected to the heavy fire from the batteries, which was always promptly returned.

The steam frigates Minnesota and Roanoke, and the sailing frigate St. Lawrence, had previously been reported as coming from Old Point; but as I was determined that the Congress should not again fall into the hands of the enemy, I remarked to that gallant young officer, Flag-Lieutenant Minor, "that ship must be burned." He promptly volunteered to take a boat and burn her, and the Teazer, Lieutenant-Commanding Webb, was ordered to cover the boat. Lieutenant Minor had scarcely reached within fifty yards of the Congress, when a deadly fire was opened upon him, wounding him severely and several of his men. On witnessing this vile treachery, I instantly recalled the boat and ordered the Congress destroyed by hot shot and incendiary shell.

* * * * * * * * * * * * *

FRANKLIN BUCHANAN, Flag Officer.

* * * *

DEPRECIATION OF CONFEDERATE CURRENCY.

In the chapters on Finance and Dollars and Cents, reference has been made to the rapid depreciation of C.S. Treasury notes. The condensed table appended—gathered from most reliable data—will explain this more clearly than could a volume:

RELATIVE VALUE OF GOLD FROM JANUARY 1, 1861, TO MAY 12, 1865.

1861.—January 1st to May 1st, 5 per cent.; to October 1st, 10 per cent.; October 15th, 12 per cent.; November 15th, 15 per cent.; December 1st, 20 per cent.

1862.—January 1st, 20 per cent.; February 1st, 25 per cent.; February 15th, 40 per cent.; March 1st, 50 per cent.; March 15th, 65 percent.; April 1st, 75 percent.; April 15th, 80 per cent.; May 1st. 90 per cent.; May 15th, 95 per cent.; June 15th, 2 for 1; August 1st, 2.20 for 1; September 1st, 2.50 for 1.

1863.—February 1st, 3 for 1; February 15th, 3.10 for 1; March 1st, 3.25 for 1; March 15th, 5 for 1; May 15th, 6 for 1; June 1st, 6.50 for 1; June 15th, 7.50 for 1; July 1st, 8 for 1; July 15th, 10 for 1; August 15th, 15 for 1; November 15th, 15.50 for 1; December 15th, 21 for 1.

1864.—March 1st, 26 for 1; April 1st, 19 for 1; May 1st, 20 for 1; August 15th, 21 for 1; September 15th, 23 for 1; October 15th, 25 for 1; November 15th, 28 for 1; December 1st, 32 for 1; December 31st, 51 for 1.

1865.—January 1st, 60 for 1; February 1st, 50 for 1; April 1st, 70 for 1; April 15th, 80 for 1; April 20th, 100 for 1; April 26th, 200 for 1; April 28th, 500 for 1; April 29th, 800 for 1; April 30th, 1,000 for 1, May 1st (last actual sale of Confederate notes), 1,200 for 1.

* * * *

GENERAL LEE'S FAREWELL ORDER TO THE ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA.

HEADQUARTERS ARMY NORTHERN VIRGINIA, April 10, 1865.

GENERAL ORDER, } NO. 9. }

After four years of arduous service, marked by unsurpassed courage and fortitude, the Army of Northern Virginia has been compelled to yield to overwhelming numbers and resources. I need not tell the brave survivors of so many hard-fought battles, who have remained steadfast to the last, that I have consented to this result from no distrust of them; but, feeling that valor and devotion could accomplish nothing that would compensate for the loss that must have attended the continuance of the contest, I determined to avoid the useless sacrifice of those whose past services have endeared them to their countrymen.

By the terms of agreement, officers and men can return to their homes and there remain until exchanged. You will take with you the satisfaction that proceeds from the consciousness of duty well performed; and I earnestly pray that a merciful God will extend to you His blessing and protection. With unceasing admiration of your constancy and devotion to your country and a grateful remembrance of your kind and generous consideration for myself, I bid you an affectionate farewell.

R. E. LEE, General.

* * * *

GENERAL JOHNSTON'S FAREWELL ORDER TO THE ARMY OF TENNESSEE.

HEADQUARTERS ARMY TENNESSEE, Near Greensboro, N.C., April 27, 1865.

GENERAL ORDER, } NO. 18. }

By the terms of a military convention made on the 26th instant, by Major-General W. T. Sherman, United States Army, and General J. E. Johnston, Confederate States Army, the officers and men of this army are to bind themselves not to take up arms against the United States until properly relieved from that obligation, and shall receive guarantees from the United States officers against molestation by the United States authorities so long as they observe that obligation and the laws in force where they reside.

For these objects, duplicate muster-rolls will be made out immediately, and after the distribution of the necessary papers, the troops will be marched under their officers to their respective States, and there be disbanded, retaining all private property.

The object of this convention is pacification, to the extent of the authority of the commanders who made it. Events in Virginia which broke every hope of success by war, imposed on its general the duty of sparing the blood of this gallant army and saving our country from further devastation and our people from ruin.

J. E. JOHNSTON, General.

* * * *

GENERAL SHERMAN'S ORDER ON HIS CONVENTION WITH GENERAL JOHNSTON.

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI. In the Field, Raleigh, N.C., April 27, 1863.

SPECIAL FIELD ORDER, } NO. 65. }

The General Commanding announces a further suspension of hostilities and a final agreement with General Johnston, which terminates the war as to the armies under his command and the country east of the Chattahoochee.

Copies of the terms of convention will be furnished Major-Generals Schofield, Gillmore and Wilson, who are specially charged with the execution of its details in the Department of North Carolina, Department of the South, and at Macon and Western Georgia.

* * * * * * * * * * * * *

General Schofield will procure at once the necessary blanks, and supply the Army Commanders, that uniformity may prevail; and great care must be taken that the terms and stipulations on our part be fulfilled with the most scrupulous fidelity, whilst those imposed on our hitherto enemies be received in a spirit becoming a brave and generous army.

Army Commanders may at once loan to the inhabitants such of the captured mules, horses, wagons and vehicles as can be spared from immediate use; and the Commanding Generals of Armies may issue provisions, animals and any public supplies that can be spared, to relieve present wants and to encourage the inhabitants to renew their peaceful pursuits, and to restore the relations of friendship among our fellow-citizens and countrymen.

Foraging will forthwith cease, and, when necessity or long marches compel the taking of forage, provisions or any kind of private property, compensation will be made on the spot; or, when the disbursing officers are not provided with funds, vouchers will be given in proper form, payable at the nearest Military Depot.

By order of

MAJOR-GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN.

L. M. DAYTON, Assistant Adjutant-General.



RECENTLY ISSUED—BY THE SAME AUTHOR.

Juny: or Only One Girl's Story.

271 PAGES. PAPER COVERS. PRICE, 50 CENTS.

Sold by all Dealers; or Mailed (Prepaid), on receipt of Price, by THE GOSSIP PRINTING CO., Mobile, Ala.

CONDENSED PRESS COMMENT.

"Juny" is a lively story.—[Cincinnati Enquirer.

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Vividly told, with a beautiful Octoroon as the central figure.—Harrisburg Telegram.

Entertaining romance of the "Society crust"—upper and under.—[Kansas City Journal.

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It is full of excitement and adventure and, on that score alone, will prove interesting—[Evening Wisconsin.

The plot is good; and the author's name sufficient guarantee for literary excellence.—[Columbus Despatch.

By a writer who has attained reputation, the romance will prove interesting reading.—[San Francisco Call.

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Contains many good situations and some striking types of life, of which the "Leading Man" is the most comic.—[The Bookseller.

Most ambitious of this author's works; containing a plot of thrilling interest and several new American types.—[Baltimore American.

Cleverly constructed and containing more than one good character. The reader who begins it will be sure to read it to the close.—[New York Sun.

Has been complimented very highly. It is very readable, the characters strong; and the plot contains many dramatic situations.—[Savannah News.

An exceedingly bright and cleverly written story; charmingly told; most especially felicitous in all that treats of southern character and life. The old negro is a masterpiece of genre sketching; and the Louisiana girl and her Octoroon mother are no less clean cut and graphic. Mr. DeLeon is the promising writer of the South. He knows his people and region thoroughly.—[Chicago Times.

A very romantic story. The book is sensational; but the skill with which the story is told saves it from being ridiculous.—[San Francisco Chronicle.

Most successful descriptive and character studies. Animated from the very first chapter; and once beginning, one can scarcely leave it.—[New Orleans Bee.

The sketch of moonshining life in the North Carolina mountains is, to say the least, clever. The author has made a distinct success in this.—[Hartford Post.

The devotion of the old negro for his "chile" and the affection springing up between her and Wilmot Browne are the features of the book.—[North American.

A highly exciting story of life, in widely differing circles. All of the bad characters are disposed of rapidly, but with a proper eye to effect.—[New York Herald.

Just the thing for the car or hammock; a lively novel, introducing many odd characters in many odd situations of high and low life.—[Minneapolis Housekeeper.

Well written and full of "situations," many of them wrought up to a point of thrilling interest. The many characters are drawn in natural colors.—[Brooklyn Citizen.

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Some situations, especially those in the slums of the "East Side," are intensely dramatic. Juny and the characters that surround her are exceedingly well drawn.—[Philadelphia Times.

"Juny" is bright and sensational. * * The Mobile novelist is especially happy in his southern scenes and characters; but his plots have wide range and embrace high and low life.—[Atlanta Constitution.

T. C. DeLeon has recommended himself as a writer of talent and power. His latest work is perhaps his best, as his wit, his dramatic force and his striking ability for character drawing are all forcibly exhibited.—[Columbus (O.) Journal.

We have not read a better story for many a day. Mr. DeLeon has advanced rapidly to foremost rank among American novelists of the present day. The plot is skillfully framed and many thrilling, as well as humorous, situations keep the reader's mind alert.—[Chicago Herald.

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The old negro and the detective, Mr. Hunter Beagle, seem to have been taken from life and are carefully elaborated. * * The "Art Evolutionist" is a very clever portrayal of the creature who is made possible by, and subsists upon, the fads for which the present century must ever remain responsible.—[Courier-Journal.

THE END