691. Asceticism in Christian mores. The ascetic standards and doctrines passed into the mores of Christianity and so into the mores of Christendom, both religious and civil. In the popular notion it was the taboos which constituted Christianity, and those were the best Christians who construed the taboos on wealth, luxury, pleasure, and sex most extremely, and observed them most strictly. Such persons were supposed to be able to perform miracles. In the Middle Ages the casuists and theologians seemed never to tire of multiplying distinctions and antitheses about sex.[2191] In fact their constant preoccupation with it was the worst departure from the reserve and dignity which are the first requirements in respect to it. A document of the extremest doctrine is Hali Meidenhad,[2192] of the thirteenth century. The aim of the book is to persuade women to renounce marriage. Marriage is servitude. God did not institute it. Adam and Eve introduced it by sin. Our flesh is our foe. Virginity is heaven on earth. Happy wedlock is rare. Motherhood is painful. Family life is full of trials and quarrels. Virginity is not God's command but his counsel. Marriage is only a concession (1 Cor. vii.). This was the orthodox doctrine of the time. Among the religious heroes of the age not a few were irresponsible from lack of food, lack of sleep, and the nervous exaltation which they forced upon themselves by ascetic practices.[2193]

692. Renunciation of property. Beggary. Those who did not practice asceticism accepted its standards and applied them. A special case and one of the most important was the admiration which was rendered in the thirteenth century to the renunciation of property and the consequent high merit attributed to beggary for the two following centuries. The social consequences were so great that this view of poverty and beggary is perhaps the most important consequence in the history of the mores which go with the ascetic philosophy of life.

693. Ascetic standards. All who were indifferent or hostile to the church and religion maintained the ascetic standards for ecclesiastics in their extremest form. All the literature of the Middle Ages contains scoffing at priests, monks, and friars. In part, they were scoffed at because they did not fulfill that measure of asceticism which the scoffers chose to require, and which the clerics taught and seemed bound to practice.

694. The mendicant friars. The notion that poverty is meritorious and a good in itself was widely entertained but unformulated at the beginning of the thirteenth century. Jacques de Vitry, who was in Italy in 1216, and who left a journal of his journey,[2194] met with an association in Lombardy, the Umiliati, who held the doctrines of the later Franciscans. The ideas which were current at that time about the primitive church were entirely fantastic. They had no foundation in fact. They were in fact deductions from ascetic ideals. The church of the thirteenth century was the opposite in all respects of what the primitive church was supposed to have been. Francis of Assisi and a few friends determined (1208) to live by the principles of the primitive church as they supposed that it had been. It is certain that they were only one group, which found favorable conditions of growth, but that there were many such groups at the time. De Vitry was filled with sadness by what he saw at the papal court. All were busy with secular affairs, kings and kingdoms, quarrels and lawsuits, so that it was almost impossible to speak about spiritual matters. He greatly admired the Franciscans, who were trying to live like the early Christians and to save souls, and who shamed the prelates, who were "dogs who do not bark." The strongest contrasts between the gospel ideals and the church of that time were presented by wealth and the hierarchy. Francis renounced all property. Poverty was idealized and allegorized. Since he would not produce or own things, he had to beg or borrow them from others who were therefore obliged to sin for him. The first corollary from the admiration of poverty was the glorification of beggary and its exaltation above productive labor.[2195] There is a rhapsody on poverty in the Roman de la Rose. If it is base and corrupting to admire wealth, it is insane to admire poverty. It never can be anything more than a pose or affectation. The count of Chiusi gave to Francis the mountain La Verna as a place of retirement and meditation. Armed men were necessary to take possession of this place on account of beasts and robbers.[2196] Here, then, we have all the crime, selfishness, and violence of "property." The legendary story of Francis is fabulous. It is a product of the popular notions of the time. He was said to perform miracles. Crowds flocked to him. His order spread with great rapidity and without much effort on his part. Evidently it just met the temper, longings, and ideals of the time. Its strength was that it suited the current mores. Unlimited money and property were given to it. Francis died in 1226 and was canonized in 1228. Dominic (1170-1221) aimed to found an order of preachers in order to oppose the Albigenses and other heretics. He wanted to found a learned and scholarly order which should be able to preach and teach. He made it a mendicant order in order to preserve it from the corruptions to which the conventual life was exposed. The two orders of friars became fierce enemies to each other and fought upon all occasions.[2197] In their theory and doctrines they exactly satisfied the notions of the time as to what the church ought to be, and "they restored to the church much of the popular veneration which had become almost hopelessly alienated from it."[2198] The age cherished ideals and phantasms on which it dwelt in thought, developing them. Suffering was esteemed as a good, and self-denial with suffering made saintliness. Francis and his comrades cherished all these ideals and had all these ways of thinking. Francis became the ideal man of his time.[2199]

695. The Franciscans. Other mendicant orders prove the dominant ideas of the time. These were the Augustinian hermits (1256), the Carmelites (1245), and the Servites, or Servants of Mary (c. 1275). The mendicants did not live up to their doctrine for a single generation. In the middle of the century Bonaventura had to reprove the Franciscans for their greed of property, their litigation and efforts to grasp legacies, and for the splendor and luxury of their buildings.[2200] The two great orders of friars became an available power by virtue of their hold on the tastes and faiths of the people. They became the militia of the pope and helped to establish papal absolutism. They "were perfectly adapted to the world conditions of the time."[2201] The doctrines of poverty were at war with the character, aims, and ambitions of the church. The Franciscans, in order to establish the primitive character of their system, asserted that Christ and his disciples lived by beggary in absolute renunciation of property. This was a Scriptural and historical doctrine and question of fact, on which fierce controversy arose. It divided the order into two schools, the conventuals and the spirituals. In 1275 the spirituals, who clung to the original ideals and rules of Francis, were treated as heretics and persecuted. They rated Francis as another Christ, and the rule as a new revelation. They always were liable to fall into sympathy with enthusiastic sects which were rated as heretical.[2202] The Franciscans also, in their origin, were somewhat independent of hierarchical authority and of established discipline. It was necessary that the order should be brought into the existing ecclesiastical system. The popes of the thirteenth century until Boniface VIII accepted the standards of the age and approved of the mendicant friars. In 1279, in the bull Exiit qui seminat, the Franciscan rule was ascribed to revelation by the Holy Ghost, and the renunciation of property was approved. The use of property was right, but the ownership was wrong.[2203] Boniface was of another school. He was a practical man who meant to increase the power of the hierarchy. Absurd as was the notion of non-property, it was at least germane to the doctrine of Christianity that Christians ought to renounce the pomps and vanities of wealth and the struggle for power, and to live in frugality, simplicity, and mutual service. The papal hierarchy was in pursuit of pomp and luxury and, above all, of power and dominion. Boniface ordered the spiritual Franciscans to conform to the rule of the conventuals. Some would not obey and became heretics and martyrs. Their zeal for the ideas and rule of Francis was so great that they welcomed martyrdom for their adherence.[2204] The most distinguished of the martyrs of the spirituals was Bernard Delicieux, who found himself at war with the Inquisition and the pope, and who, after a trial in which all the arts of browbeating and torture were exhausted, died a prisoner, in chains, on bread and water.[2205] The other party also had its martyrs, who were willing to die for the doctrine that Christ and his apostles did not live by beggary.[2206] Any doctrine that the apostles lived in poverty, by begging, was a criticism of the hierarchy as it then was. John XXII, another non-sentimental pope, declared that the doctrine that Christ and his apostles lived in negation of property was a heresy. Then Francis of Assisi and all who had held the same opinions as he became heretics.[2207] In 1368 the strict Franciscans split off and formed the order of the Observantines, and in 1487 the Recollects, another order of strict observers of the rule, was founded in Spain, with the authorization of Innocent VIII. The stricter orders were always more enthusiastically devoted to the service of the papacy.[2208]

696. Whether poverty is a good. The history of the mendicant orders is an almost incomprehensible story of wrongheadedness. That poverty is a good is an inversion of common sense. That men do not want what they must have to live is a denial of all philosophy. The mendicants did not invent these dogmas. They were in the mores, and they made the mendicants. That the mendicants at once became greedy, avaricious, and luxurious, emissaries of tyranny and executioners of cruelty, was only an instance of the extravagances of human nature.

697. Clerical celibacy. If according to Christian standards virginity was the sole right rule and marriage was only a concession, it might justly be argued that the clergy ought to live up to the real standard, not the conventional concession. This was the best argument for sacerdotal celibacy. It was well understood, and not disputed, that celibacy was a rule of the church, and not an ordinance of Christ or the Gospel. It was an ascetic practice which was enjoined and enforced on the clergy. They never obeyed it. The rule produced sin and vice, and introduced moral discord and turpitude into the lives of thousands of the best men of the Middle Ages. In the baser days of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the current practice was a recognized violation of professed duty and virtue, under money penalties or penances. Yet the notion of celibacy for the clergy had been so established by discipline in the usage of priests and the mores of Christendom that a married priest was a disgusting and intolerable idea. At the same time usage had familiarized everybody with the concubinage of priests and prelates, and all Christendom knew that popes had their bastards living with them in the Vatican, where they were married and dowered by their fathers as openly as might be done by princes in their palaces. The falsehood and hypocrisy caused deep moral corruption, aside from any judgment as to what constituted the error or its remedy. Pope Pius II was convinced that there were better reasons for revoking the celibacy of the clergy than there ever had been for imposing it,[2209] but he was not a man to put his convictions into effect. The effect on character of violation of an ascetic rule, acknowledged and professed, was the same as that of the violation of one of the Ten Commandments.

698. How Christian asceticism ended. By the beginning of the sixteenth century the ascetic views and tastes were all gone, overwhelmed by the ideas and tastes of a period of commerce, wealth, productive power, materialism, and enjoyment. In the new age the pagan joy in living was revived. Objects of desire were wealth, luxury, beauty, pleasure,—all of which the ascetics scorned and cursed. The reaction was favorable to a development of sensuality and materialism; also of art. Modern times have been made what they are by industry on rational lines of effort, with faith in the direct relation of effort to result. The aleatory element still remains, and it is still irrational, but the attitude of men towards it is changed. All the ground for asceticism is taken away. We work for what we want with courage, hope, and faith, and we enjoy the product as a right. If the luck goes against us, we try again. We are very much disinclined to any increase of pain or of fruitless labor. There is a great change in the mores of the entire modern society about the aleatory element. That change accounts for a great deal of the modern change of feeling about religion.

[2150] Spix and Martius, Brasil, 1318.

[2151] Hearn, Japan, 165.

[2152] Marius the Epicurean, 357.

[2153] Galton, Hered. Genius, 239.

[2154] Lea, Inquisition, II, 330.

[2155] Psyche, II, 101.

[2156] Rohde, Psyche, II, 121-130.

[2157] Ibid., 104.

[2158] Ueberweg, Hist. Philos., I, 45.

[2159] Lecky, Eur. Morals, II, 314.

[2160] Stengel, Griech. Kultusalterthuemer, 35.

[2161] Euripides, Hippolytus, 1300; Trojan Women, 38, 975.

[2162] Mahaffy, The Grecian World under Roman Sway, 180.

[2163] Lecky, Eur. Morals, II, 315.

[2164] Lucian, De Syria Dea, sec. 28.

[2165] Jewish Encyc., V, 226.

[2166] Levit. xv. 16, 18; Deut. xxiii. 11; Josephus, Cont. Ap., II, 24.

[2167] Judges xiii. 4-14; Amos ii. 11.

[2168] Lucius, Essenismus, 102.

[2169] Josephus, Antiq., XIII, 5, 9.

[2170] Cook, Fathers of Jesus, II, 30, 38.

[2171] Hastings, Dict. Bib., Devel. of Doct. in Apoc. Period; Supp. Vol. 292, a.

[2172] Lucius, Essenismus, 54, 59, 68.

[2173] Ibid., 52.

[2174] Jewish Encyc., V, s. v. "Essenes."

[2175] Cook, Fathers of Jesus, II, 48; Lucius, Essenismus, 131; Graetz, Gesch. der Juden, III, 92 ff.

[2176] Harnack, Pseudoclement. Briefe de Virg., 3.

[2177] Hatch, Griechenthum und Christenthum, 121.

[2178] Lea, Sacer. Celib., 29.

[2179] Hatch, Griechenthum und Christenthum, 108.

[2180] Ibid., 109.

[2181] Harnack, Pseudo-Clement. Briefe de Virg., 19, 21, 22.

[2182] Hatch, 122.

[2183] Hatch, 123.

[2184] Harnack, Dogmengesch., I, 747.

[2185] Ibid., 59.

[2186] Ibid., 60.

[2187] Such perversions have been very frequent. See Todd, Life of St. Patrick, 91, for a case; also, Lea, Inquisition, III, 109. Sometimes the test was to show that the temptation was powerless. Lea, Inquis., II, 357; Sacerd. Celib., 167.

[2188] Wellhausen, Skizzen und Vorarbeiten, III, 210.

[2189] Hist. of Religions, section of the Amer. Orient. Soc., VII, 22.

[2190] Achelis, Virgines Subintroductae. The author thinks that the relationship was one of Platonic comradeship.

[2191] See Peter Lombard, Sentent., IV, 31.

[2192] Early Eng. Text Soc., 1866.

[2193] Cf. Lea, Inquis., II, 214, about Peter Martyr.

[2194] Nouveaux Mem. de l'Acad. des Sciences, lettres et beaux arts de Belgique, XXIII, 30.

[2195] The ideas of Francis had been promulgated by the Timotheists in the fifth century. They were then declared heretical (Lea, Sacerd. Celib., 377).

[2196] Carmichael, In Tuscany, 224.

[2197] Lea, Inquis., I, 302.

[2198] Lea, Sacerd. Celib., 377.

[2199] Little, St. Francis of Assisi, 138. Carmichael (In Tuscany, 228) is satisfied that Francis received the stigmata. He says: "No serious person any longer seeks to dispute the fact." The stigmata were imparted by an angel and consisted in "long nails of a black, hard, fleshy substance. The round heads of the nails showed close against the palms, and from out the backs of the hands came the points of the nails, bent back as if they had pierced through wood and then been clinched." The wounds caused pain so great that Francis could not walk. Little does not reject all the fabulous details in the life of the saint as the legends have brought it down.

[2200] Lea, Inquis., III, 29.

[2201] Michael, Gesch. des Deutschen Volkes, II, 78.

[2202] Lea, Inquis., III, 33.

[2203] Ibid., 30.

[2204] Ibid., 51.

[2205] Ibid., II, 75, 99.

[2206] Ibid., 59.

[2207] Lea, Inquis., I, 541.

[2208] Ibid., III, 172, 179.

[2209] Burckhardt, Renaissance in Italien, 465.



CHAPTER XIX

EDUCATION, HISTORY

The superstition of education.—The loss from education; "missionary-made men."—Schools make persons all on one pattern; orthodoxy.—Criticism.—Reactions of the mores and education on each other.—The limitations of the historian.—Overvaluation of history.—Success and the favor of God.—Philosophic faiths and the study of history.—Democracy and history.—The study of history and the study of the mores.—The most essential element of education.—The history of the mores is needed.

Introduction. The one thing which justifies popular education for all children is the immense value of men of genius to the society. We have no means of discerning and recognizing, in their early childhood, the ones who have genius. If we could do so it would be a good bargain to pay great sums for them, and to educate them at public expense. Our popular education may be justly regarded as a system of selecting them. The pupils retire from the schools when they think that "they do not want any more schooling." Of course thousands withdraw for one who keeps on. It is a very expensive system, and the expense all falls on the taxpayers. The beneficiaries are left entirely free to spend their lives wherever they please. If the system is sound and just it must be so by virtue of some common interest of all the people of the United States in the social services of men of talent and genius in any part of the United States.

699. The superstition of education. Popular education and certain faiths about popular education are in the mores of our time. We regard illiteracy as an abomination. We ascribe to elementary book learning power to form character, make good citizens, keep family mores pure, elevate morals, establish individual character, civilize barbarians, and cure social vice and disease. We apply schooling as a remedy for every social phenomenon which we do not like. The information given by schools and colleges, the attendant drill in manners, the ritual of the mores practiced in schools, and the mental dexterity produced by school exercises fit individuals to carry on the struggle for existence better. A literate man can produce wealth better than an illiterate man. Avenues are also opened by school work through which influences may be brought to bear on the reason and conscience which will mold character. Not even the increased production of wealth, much less the improvement of character, are assured results. Our faith in the power of book learning is excessive and unfounded. It is a superstition of the age. The education which forms character and produces faith in sound principles of life comes through personal influence and example. It is borne on the mores. It is taken in from the habits and atmosphere of a school, not from the school text-books. School work opens an opportunity that a thing may be, but the probability that it will be depends on the persons, and it may be nil or contrary to what is desired. High attainments in school enhance the power obtained, but the ethical value of it all depends on how it is used. These facts are often misused or exaggerated in modern educational controversies, but their reality cannot be denied. Book learning is addressed to the intellect, not to the feelings, but the feelings are the spring of action.

700. The loss from education. Missionary-made men. Education has always been recognized as a means of individual success and group strength. In barbarism the children are educated by their elders, especially the little boys by the big ones, but the whole mental outfit possessed by the group is transmitted to the children, and all the mores pass by this tradition. It is to be noticed, therefore, that in our modern education the sense of the term has been much narrowed, since we mean by it book learning or schooling. Teachers are not wanting who teach manners and mores out of zeal and ambition, and families and churches can be found which duly supplement the work of schools, but the institutions follow no set plan of cooperation, and one or another of them fails in its part. The modern superstition of education contains a great error. It is forgotten that there is always a loss and offset from education in its narrow sense. Petrie, speaking from observation and experience of Egyptian peasants, says: "The harm is that you manufacture idiots. Some of the peasantry are taught to read and write, and the result of this burden, which their fathers bore not, is that they become fools. I cannot say this too plainly: An Egyptian who has had reading and writing thrust on him is, in every case that I have met with, half-witted, silly, or incapable of taking care of himself. His intellect and his health have been undermined by the forcing of education."[2210] Petrie's doctrine is that each generation of men of low civilization can be advanced beyond the preceding one only by a very small percentage. He does not lay stress on the stimulation of vanity and false pride. If he is right, his doctrine explains the complaints of "missionary-made men" which we hear from Miss Kingsley and others, and such social results as are described by Becke.[2211] Amongst ourselves also the increase of insanity, nervous diseases, crime, and suicide must be ascribed in part to the constant and more intense brain strain, especially in youth. Women also, as they participate more in the competition of life, have to get more education, and they fall under the diseases also. The cases of child suicide are the most startling product of our ways of education. These personal and social diseases are a part of the price we pay for "higher civilization." They are an offset to education and they go with it. It would be great ignorance of the course of effort in societal matters not to know that such diseased reactions must always be expected.

701. Schools make persons all on one pattern. Orthodoxy. School education, unless it is regulated by the best knowledge and good sense, will produce men and women who are all of one pattern, as if turned in a lathe. When priests managed schools it was their intention to reach just this result. They carried in their heads ideals of the Christian man and woman, and they wanted to educate all to this model. Public schools in a democracy may work in the same way. Any institution which runs for years in the same hands will produce a type. The examination papers show the pet ideas of the examiners. It must not be forgotten that the scholars set about the making of folkways for themselves, just as members of a grown society do. In time they adopt codes, standards, preferred types, and fashions. They select their own leaders, whom they follow with enthusiasm. They have their pet heroes and fashion themselves upon the same. Their traditions become stereotyped and authoritative. The type of product becomes fixed. It makes some kind of compromise with the set purposes of the teachers and administrators, and the persons who issue from the schools become recognizable by the characteristics of the type. It is said that the graduates of Jesuit colleges on the continent of Europe are thus recognizable. In England the graduates of Oxford and Cambridge are easily to be distinguished from other Englishmen. In the continental schools and barracks, in newspapers, books, etc., what is developed by education is dynastic sentiment, national sentiment, soldierly sentiment; still again, under the same and other opportunities, religious and ecclesiastical sentiments, and by other influences, also class and rank sentiments.[2212] In a democracy there is always a tendency towards big results on a pattern. An orthodoxy is produced in regard to all the great doctrines of life. It consists of the most worn and commonplace opinions which are current in the masses. It may be found in newspapers and popular literature. It is intensely provincial and philistine. It does not extend to those things on which the masses have not pronounced, and by its freedom and elasticity in regard to these it often produces erroneous judgments as to its general character. The popular opinions always contain broad fallacies, half-truths, and glib generalizations of fifty years before. If a teacher is to be displaced by a board of trustees because he is a free-trader, or a gold man, or a silver man, or disapproves of a war in which the ruling clique has involved the country, or because he thinks that Hamilton was a great statesman and Jefferson an insignificant one, or because he says that he has found some proof that alcohol is not always bad for the system, we might as well go back to the dominion in education of the theologians. They were strenuous about theology, but they let other things alone. The boards of trustees are almost always made up of "practical men," and if their faiths, ideas, and prejudices are to make the norm of education, the schools will turn out boys and girls compressed to that pattern. There is no wickedness in any disinterested and sincere opinion. That is what we all pretend to admit, but there are very few of us who really act by it. We seem likely to have orthodox history (especially of our own country), political science, political economy, and sociology before long.[2213] It will be defined by school boards who are party politicians. As fast as physics, chemistry, geology, biology, bookkeeping, and the rest come into conflict with interests, and put forth results which have a pecuniary effect (which is sure to happen in the not remote future), then the popular orthodoxy will be extended to them, and it will be enforced as "democratic." The reason is because there will be a desire that children shall be taught just that one thing which is "right" in the view and interest of those in control, and nothing else. That is exactly the view which the ecclesiastics formerly took when they had control. Mathematics is the only discipline which could be taught under that rule. As to other subjects we do not know the "right answers," speaking universally and for all time. We only know how things look now on our best study, and that is all we can teach. In fact, this is the reason why the orthodox answers of the school boards and trustees are mischievous. They teach that there are absolute and universal facts of knowledge, whereas we ought to teach that all our knowledge is subject to unlimited verification and revision. The men turned out under the former system, and the latter, will be very different agents in the face of all questions of philosophy, citizenship, finance, and industry.

702. Criticism. Criticism is the examination and test of propositions of any kind which are offered for acceptance, in order to find out whether they correspond to reality or not. The critical faculty is a product of education and training. It is a mental habit and power. It is a prime condition of human welfare that men and women should be trained in it. It is our only guarantee against delusion, deception, superstition, and misapprehension of ourselves and our earthly circumstances. It is a faculty which will protect us against all harmful suggestion. "We are all critical against the results reached by others and uncritical against our own results."[2214] To act by suggestion or autosuggestion is to act by impulse. Education teaches us to act by judgment. Our education is good just so far as it produces well-developed critical faculty. The thirteenth century had no critical faculty. It wandered in the dark, multiplying errors, and starting movements which produced loss and misery for centuries, because it dealt with fantasies, and did not know the truth about men or their position in the world. The nineteenth century was characterized by the acquisition and use of the critical faculty. A religious catechism never can train children to criticism. "Patriotic" history and dithyrambic literature never can do it. A teacher of any subject who insists on accuracy and a rational control of all processes and methods, and who holds everything open to unlimited verification and revision is cultivating that method as a habit in the pupils. In current language this method is called "science," or "scientific." The critical habit of thought, if usual in a society, will pervade all its mores, because it is a way of taking up the problems of life. Men educated in it cannot be stampeded by stump orators and are never deceived by dithyrambic oratory. They are slow to believe. They can hold things as possible or probable in all degrees, without certainty and without pain. They can wait for evidence and weigh evidence, uninfluenced by the emphasis or confidence with which assertions are made on one side or the other. They can resist appeals to their dearest prejudices and all kinds of cajolery. Education in the critical faculty is the only education of which it can be truly said that it makes good citizens. The operation of the governmental system and existing laws is always "educating" the citizens, and very often it is making bad ones. The existing system may teach the citizens to war with the government, or to use it in order to get advantages over each other. The laws may organize a big "steal" of the few from the many, and they may educate the people to believe that the way to get rich is to "get into the steal." "Graft" is a reaction of the mores on the burdens and opportunities offered by the laws, and graft is a great education. It educates faster and deeper than all the schools. The people who believe that there is a big steal, and that they must either get into it or be plundered by it, have nothing to learn from political economy or political science.

703. Reactions of the mores and education on each other. Every one admits that education properly means much more than schooling or book learning. It means a development and training of all useful powers which the pupil possesses, and repression of all bad prepossessions which he has inherited. The terms "useful" and "bad" in this proposition never can mean anything but the currently approved and disapproved traits and powers; that is, what is encouraged or discouraged by the mores. The good citizen, good husband and father, good business man, etc., are only types which are in fashion at the time. In New England they are not the same now as fifty years ago. The mores and the education react on each other. They are not as likely to settle into grooves in a new country as in old countries. In Spain and Portugal, and to a less extent in Italy and Russia, the mores have taken rigid form, and they control schools and universities so that the types of educated men vary little from generation to generation. When the schools are not too rigidly stereotyped they become seats of new thought, of criticism of what is traditional, and of new ideas which remold the mores. The young men are only too ready to find fault with what they find existing and traditional, and the students of all countries have been eager revolutionists. Of course they make mistakes and do harm, but the alternative is the reign of old abuse and consecrated error. The folkways need constant rejuvenation and refreshment if they are to be well fitted to present cases, and it is far better that they be revolutionized than that they be subjected to traditional changelessness. In the organization of modern society the schools are the institutional apparatus by which the inheritance of experience and knowledge,—the whole mental outfit of the race,—is transmitted to the young. Through these institutions, therefore, the mores and morality which men have accepted and approved are handed down. The transmission ought to be faithful, but not without criticism. The reaction of free judgment and taste will keep the mores fresh and active, and the schools are undoubtedly the place where they should be renewed through an intelligent study of their operation in the past.

704. The limitations on the historian. If the schools are to prosecute this study, history is the chief field for it. No historian ever gets out of the mores of his own society of origin. He may adopt a party in church, politics, or social philosophy. If he does, his standpoint will be set for him, and it is sure to be sectarian. Even if he rises above the limitations of party, he does not get outside of the patriotic and ethical horizon in which he has been educated, especially when he deals with the history of other countries and other times than his own. Each historian regards his own nation as the torchbearer of civilization; its mores give him his ethical standards by which he estimates whatever he learns of other peoples. All our histories of antiquity or the classical nations show that they are written by modern scholars. In modern Russian literature may be found passages about the "civilizing mission" of Russia which might be translated, mutatis mutandis, from passages in English, French, or German literature about the civilizing mission of England, France, or Germany. Probably the same is true of Turkish, Hindoo, or Chinese literature. The patriotism of the historian rules his judgment, especially as to excuses and apologies for things done in the past, and most of all as to the edifying omissions,—a very important part of the task of the historian. A modern Protestant and a Roman Catholic, or an American and a European, cannot reach the same view of the Middle Ages, no matter how unbiased and objective each may aim to be. There is a compulsion on the historian to act in this way, for if he wrote otherwise, his fellow-countrymen would ignore his work. It follows that a complete and unbiased history hardly exists. It may be a moral impossibility. Every student during his academic period ought to get up one bit of history thoroughly from the ultimate sources, in order to convince himself what history is not. Any one who ever lived through a crisis in the history of a university must have learned how impossible it is to establish in memory and record a correct literary narrative of what took place, the forces at work, the participation of individuals, etc. Monuments, festivals, mottoes, oratory, and poetry may enter largely into the mores. They never help history; they obscure it. They protect errors and sanctify prejudices. The same is true of literary commonplaces which gain currency. It is commonly believed in the United States that at some time in the past Russia showed sympathy and extended aid to the United States when sympathy and aid were sorely needed. This is entirely untrue. No specification of the time and circumstances can be made which will stand examination. Nevertheless the popular belief cannot be corrected.

705. Overvaluation of history. Never was history studied as it is now. Amongst scholars there is a disposition to overvalue it, and to develop out of it something which must be called "historyism." Jurisprudence has passed through the dominion of this tendency. Political economy is now lost in it. When has anybody ever been governed by "the teachings of history" when he was philosophizing or legislating? The teachings of history can always be set aside, if they are a hindrance, by alleging that the times have changed and that new conditions exist. This allegation may be true, and the possibility that it is true must always be taken into account. No two cases in history ever are alike.

706. Success and the favor of God. Sects and parties have claimed God's favor and power. They have boldly declared that they would accept success or failure as proof of his approval on their doctrines and programme. No one of them ever stood by the test. There were some in the crusades who argued that the Moslems must be right on account of their successes. The Templars were charged with making this deduction when grounds for burning them were sought. It was a heresy. If the Christians had any success, the deduction might be made against the Moslems, but not contrariwise. All nations have treated in this way the deductions about the approval of the superior powers. If there are any superior powers which meddle with history, it is certain that men have never yet found out how their ways and human ways react on each other, nor any means of interpreting their ways.

707. Philosophic faiths and the study of history. In a similar manner other philosophic faiths interfere with the study of history. The mores impose the faiths on the historian, and the faiths spoil his work. "It is not difficult to understand how a people imbued with the idea that the world is an illusion should have neglected all historical investigations. No such thing as genuine history or biography exists in Sanskrit literature. Historical researches are, to a Hindoo, simple foolishness."[2215]

708. Democracy and history. Democracy is almost equally indifferent to history, and the dogmas of democracy make history unimportant. If "the people" always know what is right and wise, then we have the supreme oracle always with us and always up to date. In the report of a civil-service examination which got into the newspapers, it was said that one candidate for a position on the police answered the question, Who was Abraham Lincoln? by saying that he was a distinguished general on the Southern side in the Civil War. Nevertheless, if appointed, he might have made an excellent policeman. His ludicrous ignorance of American biography proved nothing to the contrary. The question brought into doubt the intelligence of the examiners. If all policemen were examined on American history, it is fair to believe that incredible ignorance and errors would be displayed. No amount of study of American history would make them better policemen. The same may be said of the masses as a whole. A knowledge of history is a fine accomplishment, but ignorance of it does not hinder the success of men in their own lines of industry. They do not, therefore, care about history or appreciate it. Its rank in school studies is an inheritance of European tradition. Popular opinion does not recognize its position as fit and just. Its effect on the minds and mores of the pupils is almost nil, unless the history deals directly with the mores.

709. The study of history and the study of the mores. There is, therefore, great need for a clearer understanding of the relation between the study of history and the study of the mores. Abraham Lincoln's career illustrated in many ways the mores of his time, and the knowledge of some of the facts about the mores would have been by no means idle or irrelevant for a policeman. In like manner it may well be that other branches of study pursued in our schools contain valuable instruction or discipline, but it does not lie on the surface, and it is an art to get it out and bring it to the attention of the scholar.

710. The most essential element in education. A man's education never stops as long as he lives. All the experience of life is educating him. In school days he is undergoing education by the contact of life, and by what he does or suffers. This education is transferring to him the mores. He learns what conduct is approved or disapproved; what kind of man is admired most; how he ought to behave in all kinds of cases; and what he ought to believe or reject. This education goes on by minute steps, often repeated. The influences make the man. All this constitutes evidently the most essential and important education. If we understand what the mores are, and that the contact with one's fellows is all the time transmitting them, we can better understand, and perhaps regulate to some extent, this education.

711. The history of the mores is needed. The modern historians turn with some disdain away from the wars, intrigues, and royal marriages which the old-fashioned historians considered their chief interest, and many of them have undertaken to write the history of the "people." Evidently they have perceived that what is wanted is a history of the mores. If they can get that they can extract from the history what is most universal and permanent in its interest.

[2210] Smithson. Rep., 1895, 596.

[2211] Pacific Tales.

[2212] Schallmeyer, Vererbung und Auslese, 265.

[2213] According to a German newspaper the parliament of Bavaria, in 1897, expressed a wish that the government of that state would not appoint any more Darwinians to chairs in the universities of the kingdom.

[2214] Friedmann, Wahnideen im Voelkerleben, 219.

[2215] Monier-Williams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, 39.



CHAPTER XX

LIFE POLICY. VIRTUE VS. SUCCESS

Life policy.—Oaths; truthfulness vs. success.—The clever hero.—Odysseus, Rother, Njal.—Clever heroes in German epics.—Lack of historic sense amongst Christians.—Success policy in the Italian Renaissance.—Divergence between convictions and conduct.—Classical learning a fad.—The humanists.—Individualism.—Perverted use of words.— Extravagance of passions and acts.—The sex relation and the position of women.—The cult of success.—Literature on the mores.—Moral anarchy.

712. Life policy. Some primitive or savage groups are very truthful, both in narrative and in regard to their promises or pledged word. Other groups are marked by complete neglect of truthfulness. Falsehood and deceit are regarded as devices by which to attain success in regard to interests. The North American Indians generally regarded deceit by which an enemy was outwitted as praiseworthy; in fact it was a part of the art of war. It is still so regarded in modern civilized warfare. It is, however, limited by rules of morality. There was question whether the deception by which Aguinaldo was captured was within the limit. In sport also, which is a sort of mimic warfare, deception and "jockeying" are more or less recognized as legitimate. Samoan children are taught that it is "unsamoan" to tell the truth. It is stupid, because it sacrifices one's interest.[2216] It does not appear that the experience of life teaches truthfulness on any of the lower stages. The truthful peoples are generally the isolated, unwarlike, and simple. Warfare and strength produce cunning and craft. It is only at the highest stage of civilization that deceit is regarded with contempt, and is thought not to pay. That honesty is the best policy is current doctrine, but not established practice now. It is a part of a virtue policy, which is inculcated as right and necessary, but whether it is a success policy is not a closed question.

713. Oaths. Truthfulness vs. success. It is evident that truthfulness or untruthfulness, when either is a group characteristic, is due to a conviction that societal welfare is served by one or the other. Truthfulness is, therefore, primary in the mores. It does not proceed from the religion, but the religion furnishes a sanction for the view which prevails in the mores. Oaths and imprecations are primitive means of invoking the religious sanction in promises and contracts. They always implied that the superior powers would act in the affairs of men in a proposed way, if the oath maker should break his word. This implication failed so regularly that faith in oaths never could be maintained. Since they have fallen into partial disuse the expediency of truthfulness has been perceived, and the value of a reputation for it has been recognized. Thus it has become a question whether a true success policy is to be based on truth or falsehood. The mores of groups contain their answer, which they inculcate on the young.

714. The clever hero. Krishna. The wily and clever hero, who knows what to do to get out of a difficulty, or to accomplish a purpose, is a very popular character in the great epics. In the Mahabharata Krishna is such a hero, who invents stratagems and policies for the Panduings in their strife with the Kuruings. The king of the latter, when dying, declares that the Panduings have always been dishonorable and tricky, while he and his party have always adhered to honorable methods. However, he is dying and his party is almost annihilated. The victors are somewhat affected by his taunts, which refer to Krishna's inventions and suggestions, but Krishna shows them the booty and says: "But for my stratagems you would have had none of these fine things. What do you care that you got them by tricks? Do you not want them?" They applaud and praise him. Then the surviving Kuruings, weary of virtue and defeat, surprise and murder the Panduings in the night, an act which was contrary to the code of honorable war. The antagonism of a virtue policy and a success policy could not be more strongly presented.[2217] In the same poem Samarishta says that five lies are allowed when one's life or property is in danger. The wicked lie is one uttered before witnesses in reply to a serious question, and the only real lie is one uttered of set purpose for selfish gain. Yayati, however, says, "I may not be false, even though I should be in direst peril."[2218] The heroes fear to falsify, and the Vedas are quoted that a lie is the greatest sin.[2219] The clever hero has remained the popular hero. At the present day we are told that Ganesa, or Gana-pati, son of Siva, really represents "a complex personification of sagacity, shrewdness, patience, and self-reliance,—of all those qualities, in short, which overcome hindrances and difficulties, whether in performing religious acts, writing books, building houses, making journeys, or undertaking anything. He is before all things the typical embodiment of success in life, with its usual accompaniments of good living, plenteousness, prosperity, and peace."[2220] The Persians, from the most ancient times, have been noted liars. They used truth and falsehood as instruments of success. The relation of king and subject and of husband and wife amongst them were false. They were invented and maintained for a purpose.[2221]

715. Odysseus. The Greeks admired cunning and successful stratagem. Odysseus was wily. He was a clever hero. His maternal grandfather Autolykos was, by endowment of Hermes (a god of lying and stealing), a liar and thief beyond all men.[2222]

716. Clever hero in German epics. In the German poems of the twelfth century Rother is a king who accomplishes his ends by craft. In the Nibelungen, Hagen is the efficient man, who, in any crisis, knows what to do and can accomplish it by craft and strength combined. The heroes are noteworthy for tricks, stratagems, ruses, and perfidy.[2223] In all the epic poems the princes have by their side mentors who are crafty, fertile in resource, and clever in action.[2224] In the Icelandic saga of Burnt Njal, Njal is the knowing man, peaceful and friendly. His crafty devices are chiefly due to his knowledge of the law, which was full of chicane and known to few. These clever heroes, developed out of the mores of one period and fixed in the epics, became standards and guides for the mores of later times, in which they were admired as types of what every one would like to be.

717. Lack of historic sense amongst Christians. In the first centuries of the Christian era no school of religion or philosophy thought that it was an inadmissible proceeding to concoct edifying writings and attribute them to some great authority of earlier centuries, or to invent historical documents to advance a cause or support the claims of a sect. This view came down to the Middle Ages. The lack of historic feeling is well shown by the crusaders who, after Antioch was taken, in the next few days and on the spot, began to write narratives of the deeds of their respective commanders which were not true, but were exaggerated, romantic, and imaginary. They were not derived from observation of facts, but were fashioned upon the romances of chivalry.[2225] This was not myth making. It was conscious reveling in poetic creation according to the prevailing literary type. It was not falsehood, but it showed an entire absence of the sense of historic truth. In the case of the canon law, "the decretals were intended to furnish a documentary title, running back to apostolic times, for the divine institution of the primacy of the pope, and for the teaching office of bishops; a title which in truth did not exist."[2226] There was probably lacking in the minds of the men who invented the decretals all consciousness of antagonism between fact and their literary work. If they could have been confronted with the ethical question, they would probably have said that they knew that the doctrines in question were true, and that if the fathers had had occasion to speak of them they would have said such things as were put in their mouths. Mediaeval history writing was not subject to canons of truth or taste. It included what was edifying, to the glory of God and the church. Legends and history were of equal value, since both were used for edification. The truth of either was unimportant.

718. Success policy in the Italian Renaissance. The historical period in which the success policy was pursued most openly and unreservedly was the Italian Renaissance. The effect on all virtue, especially on truthfulness of speech and character, was destructive, and all the mores of the period were marked by the choice of the code of conduct which disregards truth. The most deep-lying and far-reaching cause of societal change was the accumulation of capital and the development of a capitalistic class. New developments in the arts awakened hope and enterprise, and produced a "boundless passion for discovery" in every direction.[2227] The mediaeval church system did not contain as much obscurantism in Italy as in some other countries, and the interests of the Italians were intertwined with the hierarchical interests of Rome in many ways. It flattered Italian pride and served Italian interests that Rome should be the center of the Christian world. Every person had ties with the church establishment either directly or by relatives. In spite of philosophic freedom of thought or moral contempt for the clergy, "it was a point of good society and refined taste to support the church." "It was easy for Germans and Englishmen to reason calmly about dethroning the papal hierarchy. Italians, however they might loathe the temporal power, could not willingly forego the spiritual primacy of the civilized world." Thus the Renaissance pursued its aims, which were distinctly worldly, with a superficial good-fellowship towards the church institution.[2228] "The attitude of the upper and middle classes of Italy towards the church, at the height of the Renaissance, is a combination of deep and contemptuous dislike with accommodation towards the hierarchy as a body deeply interwoven with actual life, and with a feeling of dependence on sacraments and ritual. All this was crossed, too, by the influence of great and holy preachers."[2229]

719. Divergence between convictions and conduct. This means that faith in Christian doctrine was gone, but that the ecclesiastical system was a tolerated humbug which served many interests. Burckhardt quotes[2230] a passage from Guicciardini in which the latter says that he had held positions under many popes, which compelled him to wish for their greatness, on account of his own advantage. Otherwise he would have loved Martin Luther, not in order to escape the restraints of the current church doctrine, but in order to see the corrupt crew brought to order, so that they must have learned to live either without power or without vices. Thus the conduct of men was separated from their most serious convictions by considerations of interest and expediency, and a moral inconsistency was developed in character. Churches were built and foundations were multiplied, so that the masses seemed more zealous than the popes, but at the beginning of the sixteenth century there were bitter complaints of the decline of worship and the neglect of the churches.[2231] We have all the phenomena of a grand breaking up of old mores and the beginning of new ones. "It required the unbelief of the fifteenth century to give free rein to the rising commercial energies, and the craving for material improvement, that paved the way for the overthrow of ascetic sacerdotalism."[2232] The new class of burghers with capital produced a new idea of liberty to be set against the feudal idea of liberty of nobles and ecclesiastics, and that new class became the founders of the modern state.

720. Classical learning a fad. Whatever may have been the origin of the zeal for classical study of the late Middle Ages, it was a remarkable example of a fad which became the fashion and very strongly influenced the mores. It was strengthened by the revolt against the authority of the church, and the humanism which it produced took the place of the mental stock which the church had offered. "Humanism effected the emancipation of intellect by culture. It called attention to the beauty and delightfulness of nature, restored man to a sense of his dignity, and freed him from theological authority. But in Italy, at any rate, it left his conscience, his religion, his sociological ideas, the deeper problems which concern his relation to the universe, the subtler secrets of the world in which he lives, untouched."[2233] That means that it was a fad and was insincere. There were men who were great scholars within the standards of humanism, but the enthusiasm for art, the zeal for Latin and Greek literature, the cooperative struggle for exhumations and specimens, were features of a reigning fad. The Renaissance was an affair of the upper and middle classes. It never could spread to the masses. Classical learning came to be valued as a caste mark. Then it became still more truly an affectation, and was tainted with untruth. The masses were superior in the sincerity and truthfulness of their mores by the contrast. The humanists were pagan and profane, but did not follow their doctrines into a reformation of the church. They exaggerated the knowledge of the ancients and the prestige of classical opinion until it seemed to them that anything ancient must be true and authoritative. They transferred to what was ancient the irrational reverence which had been paid to the doctrines of the church, and paid to the great classical authors the respect which had been paid to saints.[2234] In the sixteenth century they fell into discredit for their haughtiness, their shameful dissipation, and for their unbelief.[2235]

721. The humanists. The humanists of Italy are a class by themselves, without historical relations. They had no trade or profession and could make no recognized career. Their controversies had a large personal element. They sought to exterminate each other. Three excuses have been suggested for them. The excessive petting and spoiling they met with when luck favored them; the lack of a guarantee for their physical circumstances, which depended on the caprice of patrons and the malice of rivals; and the delusive influence of antiquity, or of their notions about it. The last destroyed their Christian morality without giving them a substitute. Their careers were such generally that only the strongest moral natures could endure them without harm. They plunged into changeful and wearing life, in which exhaustive study, the duties of a household tutor, a secretary, or a professor, service near a prince, deadly hostility and danger, enthusiastic admiration and extravagant scorn, excess and poverty, followed each other in confusion. The humanist needed to know how to carry a great erudition and to endure a succession of various positions and occupations. To these were added on occasion stupefying and disorderly enjoyment, and when the basest demands were made on him he had to be indifferent to all morals. Haughtiness was a certain consequence in character. The humanists needed it to sustain themselves, and the alternation of flattery and hatred strengthened them in it. They were victims of subjectiveness. The admiration of classical antiquity was so extravagant and mistaken that all the humanists were subject to excessive suggestion which destroyed their judgment.[2236]

722. "Individualism." Recent writers on the period have emphasized the individualism which was produced. By this is meant the emancipation of men of talent from traditional morality, and the notion that any man might do anything which would win success for his purposes. There was no grinding of men down to an average.[2237] This code was very widely applied in statecraft and social struggles. A smattering knowledge of Plutarch, Plato, and Virgil furnished heroic examples which could justify anything.[2238] Machiavelli's Prince was only a text-book of this school of action for statesmen. Given the existing conditions in Italy, he assumed a man of ability and asked how he should best act. "He said that, to such a man, undertaking such a task, moral considerations were of subsidiary importance, and success was the one criterion by which he was to be judged. The conception was one forced on him by the actual facts of Italian history in his own time. The methods which he codified were those which he saw being actually employed."[2239] Gobineau[2240] supposes a dialogue between Michael Angelo, Machiavelli, and Granacci about Francis I, Henry VIII, Charles V, and Leo X, in which the speakers attempt to foresee the development of events. They do not rightly estimate the royal personages, do not foresee the Reformation, and do not at all correctly judge the future. It was impossible that any one could do the last at a time when great historical movements and efforts of personal vanity and desire were mixing in gigantic struggles to control the world's history. Italy offered a narrower arena for personal ambition. Creighton[2241] describes Gismondo Malatesta of Rimini. He "thoroughly mastered the lesson that to man all things are possible. He trusted to himself, and to himself only. He pursued his desires, whatever they might be. His appetites, his ambition, his love of culture, swayed his mind in turns, and each was allowed full scope. He was at once a ferocious scoundrel, a clear-headed general, an adventurous politician, a careful administrator, a man of letters and of refined taste. No one could be more entirely emancipated, more free from prejudice, than he. He was a typical Italian of the Renaissance, combining the brutality of the Middle Ages, the political capacity which Italy early developed, and the emancipation brought by the new learning." This might serve as a description of any one of the great secular men of the period. "Capacity might raise the meanest monk to the chair of St. Peter, the meanest soldier to the duchy of Milan. Audacity, vigor, unscrupulous crime, were the chief requisites of success."[2242] "In Italy itself, where there existed no time-honored hierarchy of classes and no fountain of nobility in the person of a sovereign, one man was a match for another, provided he knew how to assert himself.... In the contest for power, and in the maintenance of an illegal authority, the picked athletes came to the front."[2243]

723. Perverted use of words. Many words were given a peculiar and technical meaning in the use of the period. Tristezza often meant wickedness. It was a duty to be cheerful and gay.[2244] "Terribleness was a word which came into vogue to describe Michael Angelo's grand manner. It implied audacity of imagination, dashing draughtsmanship, colossal scale, something demonic and decisive in execution."[2245] Virtu meant the ability to win success. Machiavelli used it for force, cunning, courage, ability, and virility. "It was not incompatible with craft and dissimulation, or with the indulgence of sensual vices."[2246] Cellini used virtuoso to denote genius, artistic ability, and masculine force.[2247] "The Italian onore consisted partly of the credit attaching to public distinction and partly of a reputation for virtu" in the above sense.[2248] It was objective,—"an addition conferred from without, in the shape of reputation, glory, titles of distinction, or offices of trust."[2249] "The onesta of a married woman is compatible with secret infidelity, provided she does not expose herself to ridicule and censure by letting her amour be known."[2250] A virago meant a bluestocking, but was a term of respect for a learned woman. Modesty was "the natural grace of a gifted woman increased by education and association."[2251] The tendency of words to special uses is an index of the character of the mores of a period. The development of equality, when the restraints of traditional morality are removed, ought not to be passed without notice.

724. Extravagance of passions and acts. It followed from the "ways" of the period that the human race "was bastardized" "by the physical calamities, the perpetual pestilences, the constant wars, the moral miseries, the religious conflicts, and the invasion of ancient ideas only half understood." The men died young in years, old in vice, decrepit and falling to pieces when not beyond the years of youth.[2252] The emancipation of men with inordinate ambition and lust meant a grand chance of crime. Pope Paul III (Farnese) said that men like Cellini, "unique in their profession, are not bound by the laws." Cellini had committed a murder. He committed several others, to say nothing of minor crimes. After he escaped from St. Angelo, he was in the hands and under the protection of Cardinal Cornaro. The pope, Clement VII, wanted to get possession of him and Cornaro wanted a bishopric for a friend, so the pope and cardinal made a bargain and Cellini was surrendered.[2253] "Italian society admired the bravo almost as much as imperial Rome admired the gladiator. It also assumed that genius combined with force of character released men from the shackles of ordinary morality."[2254] Cellini was a specimen man of his age. He kept religion and morality far separated from each other.[2255] Varchi wrote a sonnet on him which is false in fact and in form, and displays the technical and conventional insincerity of the age.[2256] The augmentative form of the name Lorenzaccio expresses the notion that he was great, awful, and wicked.[2257] His biographer says that he was a "mattoid."[2258] He missed success because his antagonists were stronger than he, but his career was typical of the age. He was in part a victim of the classical suggestion. He expected to be glorified as a tyrannicide. This taste for the imaginative element was an important feature in the Italian Renaissance and helped to make it theatrical and untrue. "In gratifying his thirst for vengeance [the Italian] was never contented with mere murder. To obtain a personal triumph at the expense of his enemy by the display of superior cunning, by rendering him ridiculous, by exposing him to mental as well as physical anguish, by wounding him through his affections or his sense of honor, was the end which he pursued."[2259] "However profligate the people might have been, they were not contented with grossness unless seasoned with wit. The same excitement of the fancy rendered the exercise of ingenuity, or the avoidance of peril, an enhancement of pleasure to the Italians. This is perhaps the reason why all the imaginative compositions of the Renaissance, especially the novellae, turn upon adultery."[2260] The false standards, aims, codes, and doctrines required this play of the fantasy to make them seem worth while. The fantastic element gave all the zest. When the mediaeval imaginative element failed the classical learning furnished a new one with suggestions, examples for imitation, and unlimited maxims and doctrines. Hence the passions become violent and upon occasion criminal,[2261] that is to say, they violated the code recognized by all men in all ages. "Force, which had been substituted for Law in government, became, as it were, the mainspring of society. Murders, poisoning, rapes, and treasons were common incidents of private as of public life. In cities like Naples blood guilt could be atoned for at an inconceivably low rate. A man's life was worth scarcely more than that of a horse. The palaces of the nobles swarmed with professional cutthroats, and the great ecclesiastics claimed for their abodes the right of sanctuary. Popes sold absolution for the most horrible excesses, and granted indulgences beforehand for the commission of crimes of lust and violence. Success was the standard by which acts were judged; and the man who could help his friends, intimidate his enemies, and carve a way to fortune for himself by any means he chose was regarded as a hero."[2262] If we should follow the manners and morals of the age into detail we should find that they were all characterized by the same fiction and conventional affectation, and by the same unrestrainedness of passion. Caterina Sforza avenged the murder of her lover with such atrocities that she shocked the Borgia pope.[2263] The artists of the late Renaissance were absorbed in admiration of carnal beauty. There was vulgarity and coarseness on their finest work. Cellini's work is marked by "blank animalism."[2264] There was a great lack of all sentiment. "Parents and children made a virtue of repressing their emotions." "No period ever exhibited a more marked aversion from the emotional or the pathetic."[2265] There was no shame at perfidy or inconsistency, and very little notion of loyalty. It shocks modern taste that Isabella d'Este should have bought eagerly the art treasures of her dearest friend when they had been stolen and put on the market, and that after warm adherence to her brother-in-law, Ludovico il Moro, until he was ruined, she should have turned to court the victor.[2266] It is not strange that the age became marked by complete depravity of public and private morals, that the great men are enigmas as to character and purpose, and that they are demonic in action. The sack of Rome put an end to the epoch by a catastrophe which was great enough to strike any soul with horror, however hardened it might be.[2267] That event seems to show how the ways of the time would be when practiced by brutal soldiers.

725. The sex relation and position of women. In such a period the sex relation is sure to be degraded and the position of woman is sure to be compromised. They can only be defined by the restraints which are observed or enforced. When all restraints are set aside sensuality is set free. Women were not suppressed. They took their place by the men and only demanded for themselves a liberty equal to that assumed by the men. The opinion has been expressed that Isabella d'Este "may be regarded as the most splendid realization of the Renaissance ideal of woman."[2268] Vittoria Colonna has been more generally accorded that position. She is doubly interesting for her Platonic relation to Michael Angelo, who was fifteen years her senior,[2269] and for her personal character. The title "bastard" was often worn with pride. In royal houses it happened often that the illegitimate branch took the throne on the failure of the other, so that the existence of the former was a recognized and useful fact, not a shameful one.[2270] Although it was true that woman "occupied a place by the side of man, contended with him for intellectual prizes, and took part in every spirited movement," although many of them became celebrated for humanistic attainments, and were intrusted with the government of states,[2271] yet it was not possible that they could maintain womanly honor and dignity side by side with the concubines and bastards of their husbands. The love of men for men was a current vice which was hardly concealed and which degraded the sex relation.[2272] The individualism of the period is interpreted as a motive for making love to the wife of another, that is, to another fully developed individual.[2273] Adultery also appealed to the love of intrigue and the appreciation of the imaginative element. Lewd stories and dramas were produced in great numbers in which the cunning and deception of adultery were developed in all imaginable combinations of circumstances. In real life a woman's relatives showed great ferocity in enforcing against her all the current conventions about her conduct. That was because she might bring disgrace and ridicule on them by marrying beneath her, or by a liaison which was known and avenged by her husband. The assassination of the husband in such cases was only a trifling necessity which might be called for.[2274] A physician having married a widowed duchess, born a princess of Aragon, her brothers murdered her and her children and caused the physician to be assassinated by hired bravos.[2275] In the comedies marriage was derided and marital honor treated with contempt. Downright obscenity was not rare. Some of the comedies would not now be tolerated anywhere before an audience of men only.[2276] It seems trifling that objection was made to the nakedness of some figures in Michael Angelo's "Last Judgment." "As society became more vicious, it grew nice."[2277]

726. The cult of success. This deep depravation of all social interests by the elevation of success to a motive which justified itself has the character of an experiment. Amongst ourselves now, in politics, finance, and industry, we see the man-who-can-do-things elevated to a social hero whose success overrides all other considerations. Where that code is adopted it calls for arbitrary definitions, false conventions, and untruthful character.

727. Literature. There were several books published in the Renaissance period which aimed to influence the mores. In the middle of the fifteenth century was written Pandolfini's Governo della Famiglia. An old man advises his two sons and three grandsons on the philosophy and policy of life. He urges thrift and advises to stay far removed from public life. It is, he says, a "life of insults, hatreds, misrepresentations, and suspicions." He advises not to come into the intimacy of great nobles and not to lend them money. He has a low opinion of all women and would not trust a wife with secrets. Della Casa, in the first half of the sixteenth century, wrote Il Galateo, a treatise on manners and etiquette. He lays great stress on cleanliness of person and house, and he forbids all impropriety, for which he has a very positive code. Castiglione's Courtier inculcates what the age considered sound ideas on all social relations, rights, and duties. In the dialogue different views are put forward and discussed, from which it results that the views to be regarded as correct often lack point and definiteness. Symonds thinks that the type presented with approval differs little from the modern gentleman.[2278] Cornaro wrote at the age of eighty-three a book called Discorsi della Vita sobria, which is said to set forth especially the diet by which the writer overcame physical weakness and reached a hale old age. When ninety-five he wrote another book to boast of the success of the first. He died in 1565, over a hundred years old.[2279]

728. Moral anarchy. The antagonism between a virtue policy and a success policy is a constant ethical problem. The Renaissance in Italy shows that although moral traditions may be narrow and mistaken, any morality is better than moral anarchy. Moral traditions are guides which no one can afford to neglect. They are in the mores and they are lost in every great revolution of the mores. Then the men are morally lost. Their notions, desires, purposes, and means become false, and even the notion of crime is arbitrary and untrue. If all try the policy of dishonesty, the result will be the firmest conviction that honesty is the best policy. The mores aim always to arrive at correct notions of virtue. In so far as they reach correct results the virtue policy proves to be the only success policy.

[2216] Globus, LXXXIII, 374.

[2217] Holtzmann, Indische Sagen, I, 170.

[2218] Holtzmann, Indische Sagen, I, 105.

[2219] Ibid., 23, 37, 119.

[2220] Monier-Williams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, 216.

[2221] Hartmann, Ztsft. d. V. f. Volkskunde, XI, 247.

[2222] Od., XIX, 394.

[2223] Lichtenberger, Nibelungen, 334, 354.

[2224] Uhland, Dichtung und Sage, 232.

[2225] Kugler, Kreuzzuege, 52.

[2226] Eicken, Mittelalterl. Weltanschauung, 656.

[2227] Symonds, Renaissance, III, 320.

[2228] Ibid., I, 390-405.

[2229] Burckhardt, Renaissance, 458.

[2230] Burckhardt, Renaissance, 465.

[2231] Ibid., 490.

[2232] Lea, Sacerd. Celibacy, 364.

[2233] Symonds, Catholic Reaction, II, 137.

[2234] Burckhardt, 184.

[2235] Ibid., 267.

[2236] Burckhardt, Renaissance, 268-271.

[2237] Symonds, Renaissance, I, 423.

[2238] Gauthiez, Lorenzaccio, 71.

[2239] Creighton, Hist. Essays and Reviews, 336.

[2240] La Renaissance, 377.

[2241] Hist. Essays and Reviews, 138.

[2242] Symonds, Renaissance, I, 52.

[2243] Ibid., 53.

[2244] Gauthiez, Lorenzaccio, 92.

[2245] Symonds, Catholic Reaction, II, 392.

[2246] Symonds, Renaissance, I, 416.

[2247] Symonds, Autobiog., I, 74.

[2248] Symonds, Renaissance, I, 416.

[2249] Ibid., 420.

[2250] Ibid., 420.

[2251] Gregorovius, Lucretia Borgia, 28.

[2252] Gauthiez, Lorenzaccio, 230.

[2253] Symonds, Renaissance, III, 467.

[2254] Symonds, Autobiog. of Cellini, I, XI, 196.

[2255] Ibid., XIV.

[2256] Ibid., 227.

[2257] Gauthiez, Lorenzaccio, 104.

[2258] Ibid., 79.

[2259] Symonds, Renaissance, I, 413.

[2260] Ibid., 410.

[2261] Burckhardt, 175, 432, 445.

[2262] Symonds, Renaissance, I, 101.

[2263] Creighton, Essays, 344.

[2264] Symonds, Renaissance, III, 453-455.

[2265] Muentz, Leonardo da Vinci, I, 12.

[2266] Cartwright, Isabella d'Este, I, 145.

[2267] Geiger, Renaissance, 318.

[2268] Opdyke, trans. of Castiglione, Courtier, 398.

[2269] Lannau-Rolland, Michel Ange et Vittoria Colonna, Chap. VI.

[2270] Heyck, Die Mediceer, 70; Symonds, Renaissance, I, 37.

[2271] Gregorovious, Lucretia Borgia, 27.

[2272] Gauthiez, Lorenzaccio, 65.

[2273] Burckhardt, Renaissance, 455.

[2274] Ibid., 441.

[2275] Ibid., 442.

[2276] Gregorovius, Lucretia Borgia, 96.

[2277] Symonds, Renaissance, III, 425.

[2278] Renaissance, I, 118.

[2279] Burckhardt, 335, 338.



LIST OF BOOKS CITED

Full titles of all books cited are given below in the alphabetical order of the authors' names or of the leading word of the title. Numbers after the title are the pages in the present volume on which the book is cited or used as an authority.

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Am Urquell, 137

Ameer Ali, The Influence of Woman in Islam (Nineteenth Century, XLV, 755)

American Anthropologist, 17, 121, 142, 149, 305, 315, 326, 339, 460, 485, 533

American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literature, 536

American Journal of Sociology, 112

Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum Gestarum (libri 18, out of 31), 418, 586

Ammon, O., Die Gesellschaftsordnung und ihre natuerlichen Grundlagen (Jena, 1896), 39, 475, 541

d'Ancona, A., Le Origini del Teatro in Italia (2 tomes. Firenze, 1877 e 1891), 227, 445, 580-582, 591-595

Andree, R., Die Anthropophagie (Leipzig, 1887), 329, 332

Andree, R., Ethnographische Parallele und Vergleiche (2 Folgen. Leipzig, 1889), 326

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l'Annee Sociologique, 482. See Durkheim

l'Anthropologie, 130, 146. See Bulletins

Apostolic Constitutions. Die Syrischen Didaskalia uebersetzt und erklaert von A. Achelis und J. Fleming (Leipzig, 1904) contains the "Two Ways," 316

Appianus, Historia Romana, 281

Apuleius, Metamorphoses, 364, 571

Arabian Nights, 287, 434. See Lane

Archiv fuer Anthropologie, 329, 447, 536-537, 543, 548-549, 563, 577-578

Archiv fuer Kunde der OEsterreichischen Geschichtsquellen, 443

Archiv fuer Religionswissenschaft, 525

Ashton, J., Social Life in the Reign of Queen Anne (London, 1883), 523

Athenaeus, Deipnosophistorum libri, 15, 436, 529, 542

Athenagoras, Apologia (on the resurrection of the dead), 390

Augustine, Opera (Paris, 1635), 290, 348, 360-361, 390-391, 529, 542, 585

d'Aussy. See Legrand

Australian Association for the Advancement of Science: Fourth Meeting, at Hobart, Tasmania, January, 1892 (Sydney, 1892), 187, 204, 264, 314, 317, 330, 334, 382, 459, 461

d'Avenel, G., Histoire Economique de la Propriete, des Salaires, des Denrees, et de tous les Prix en general, depuis l'an 1200 jusqu'en l'an 1800 (2 tomes. Paris, 1894-1898), 165-166, 298

Babelon, E. C. F., Les Origines de la Monnaie (Paris, 1897), 154

Bancroft, H. H., The Native Races of the Pacific States of North America (New York, 1875-1876), 271, 324, 337, 422, 543, 548, 553, 586

Barthold, F. W., Die Geschichte der Hansa (Leipzig, 1862), 370, 524

Barthold, F. W., Juergen Wuellenweber von Luebeck (Raeumer, Histor. Taschenbuch, VI), 524

Barton, G. A., Semitic Origins (New York, 1902), 535, 557, 563

Bastian, A., Die Deutsche Expedition an der Loango-Kueste (Jena, 1874), 459

Bebel, A., Die Frau (Zurich, 1883), 346

Becke, L., Pacific Tales (New York), 441, 460, 630

Becker, W. A., und Hermann, K. F., Charikles (3 Baende. Leipzig, 1854), 204, 390, 488

Beloch, J., Die Bevoelkerung der Griechisch-Roemischen Welt (Leipzig, 1886), 105, 279

Beloch, J., Griechische Geschichte (4 Baende. Strassburg, 1904), 106-107, 199, 279, 468, 565

Bender, H., Rom und Roemisches Leben im Alterthum geschildert (Tuebingen, 1880), 280

Bent, J. T., The Sacred City of the Ethiopians (London, 1893), 459

Bergel, J., Die Eheverhaeltnisse der alten Juden im Vergleiche mit den Griechischen und Roemischen (Leipzig, 1881), 398, 409

Berlin Museum, 427, 432-433, 435, 438, 446, 459

Bernardin, N-M., La Comedie Italienne en France, 1570-1791 (Paris, 1902), 602

Bethe, E., Die Geschichte des Theaters im Alterthume (Leipzig, 1896), 447

de Bethencourt, J., Le Canarien livre de la Conquete et Conversion des Canaries (1402-1422) (ed. G. Gravier Rouen, 1874), 121, 339

Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch Indie, 187, 273, 298-300, 314, 335, 358, 383, 484

Binet, A., La Suggestibilite (Paris, 1900), 21

Biot, E. C., De l'Abolition de l'Esclavage ancien en Occident (Paris, 1840), 298-299

Bishop, Mrs. (Isabella Bird), Among the Thibetans (New York, 1894), 353, 441

Bishop, Mrs., Korea and her Neighbors (New York, 1898), 453

Blair, W., Slavery amongst the Romans (Edinburgh, 1833), 284, 319

Bock, C., Reis in Oost-en Zuid-Borneo (s'Gravenhage, 1887), 274

Bodin, J., De Republica libri sex (7a ed. Frankfort, 1641), 291, 301

Boggiani, G., I Caduvei (Roma, 1895), 272

Boissier, G., La Religion Romaine d'Auguste aux Antonins (2 tomes. Paris, 1874), 101, 199, 566

Bourquelot, Foires de Champagne (Acad. de Belles Lettres et d'Inscriptions, 1865), 298

Bousset, D. W., Die Religion des Judenthums im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter (Berlin, 1903), 295, 340, 515

Bridges, T., Manners and Customs of the Firelanders (A Voice for South America, XIII, 201-214), 272

Brinton, G., Nagualism (Philadelphia, 1894), 271, 338

Brunache, P., Le Centre de l'Afrique (Paris, 1894), 268, 334, 339, 433, 437-438

Buecher, K. W., Die Aufstaende der Unfreien Arbeiter (Frankfurt, 1874), 280-281, 283

Buchholz, E. A. W., Homerische Realien (3 Baende. Leipzig, 1871-1885), 278

Budge, E. A. W., The Gods of the Egyptians (Chicago, 1904), 433

Buhl, F. P. W., Die Socialen Verhaeltnisse der Israeliten (Berlin, 1899), 154, 277

Buehler, G., The Laws of Manu (trans.) (Oxford, 1886), 356, 384, 388, 544

B[ulletins] et M[emoires] de la Societe d'Anthropologie de Paris (Paris, 1901): Art. by Guyot on Les Indigenes de l'Afrique du Sud, based on the Report of the South African Committee (Pres. J. Macdonell) on the Natives of South Africa (Series V, Tome II, 362), 112, 368

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Buettner, C. G., Das Hinterland von Walfischbai und Angra Pequena (Heidelberg, 1884), 188

Cambridge History of Modern Europe, (ed. by A. W. Ward and G. W. Prothero) (New York, 1902, etc.), 531

Cameron, V. L., Across Africa (2 vols. London, 1877), 145

Campbell, H., Differences in the Nervous Organization of Man and Woman (London, 1891), 343-344

Cantacuzene, J., Romana Historia (Bonn, 1832), 264

Carey, B. S., and Tuck, H. N., The Chin Hills (Rangoon, 1896), 186, 273

Carmichael, M., In Tuscany (3rd ed. New York, 1902), 216, 623-624

Cartwright, J., Isabella d'Este, Marchioness of Mantua, 1474-1539 (2 vols. New York, 1903), 598, 650-651

Castiglione, B., The Book of the Courtier [1528] (trans. by L. E. Opdyke) (New York, 1903), 651, 653

Cato Major, De Agri Cultura, 280-281, 289

Cator, Dorothy, Everyday Life among the Head-hunters (New York, 1905), 305

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Cellini. See Symonds

Celestina. See Mabbe

Century Magazine, 193, 441, 462

Ch. Br. R. A. S. = China Branch, Royal Asiatic Society

Chandler, F. W., Romance of Roguery: I. The Picaresque Novel in Spain (New York, 1899), 320, 597

Charles, R. H., The Book of Enoch (trans.) (Oxford, 1893), 431

Charles, R. H., The Book of Jubilees or the Little Genesis (trans.) (London, 1902), 431

Christian, F. W., The Caroline Islands (London, 1899), 139, 151, 423

Chrysostom, Opera (Migne, Patrol. Graeca, XLVII-LXIV. Homily on Matthew in LVIII, 591), 294

Churchman, The, 456

Cibrario, G. A. L., Della Politica Economia del Medio Evo (2a ed. 3 tomes) (Torino, 1841-1842), 300

Cicero, Orations, 405; Tusculan Disputations, 570

Clement, K. J., Das Recht der Salischen Franken (Berlin, 1876), 495

Clement, P., Jacques Coeur et Charles VII, France au XV siecle (Paris, 1853), 443

Cockayne, O., Hali Maidenhad (Early English Text Society, London, 1866), 621

Codrington, R. H., The Melanesians (Oxford, 1891), 149, 272, 314, 317, 325, 334, 339, 438, 533

Cook, K. R., The Fathers of Jesus: a Study of the Lineage of the Christian Doctrines and Traditions (2 vols. London, 1886), 294-295, 379, 615-616

Corpus Juris Canonici (Colon. Munat., 1717), 348, 404, 406, 410

Corpus Juris Civilis (Lipsiae, 1858), 403

Corpus Poeticum Boreale, the Poetry of the Old Northern Tongue (Oxford, 1883), 296-297

Coryate, T., Crudities (New York, 1905), 444

Cranz, D., Historie von Groenland bis 1779 (Leipzig, 1780), 323

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Cunningham, A., Ladak (London, 1854), 352

Cunow, II., Verwandtschaftsorganization der Australneger (Stuttgart, 1894), 497

Curr, E. M., The Australian Race (Melbourne, 1886), 316, 421, 436

Curtius Rufus, Quintus, De Rebus Gestis Alexandri, 236

Cyprian, Epistolae, 525

Daniel, H. A., Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiae Universae in Epitomen Redactus (Lipsiae, 1851), 226

Darmsteter, J., Translation of the Zend Avesta (Oxford, 1880), 418, 486, 512-513, 558

Darinsky (Zeitschrift fuer vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, XIV), 368, 454

Darwin, Charles, Descent of Man (New York, 1886), 138, 357-358

Dasent, Sir G. W., The Story of Burnt Njal (New York, 1900), 642

Dawson, J., Australian Aborigines in the Western District of Victoria (Melbourne, 1881), 316, 325, 332

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Denecke, A., Entwickelungsgeschichte des gesellschaftlichen Anstandsgefuehls in Deutschland (Dresden, 1891), 460, 462, 469

Deutsch, S. M., Peter Abaelard (Leipzig, 1883), 228

Dezobry, C. L., Rome au Siecle d'Auguste (4me ed. 4 tomes.) (Paris, 1875), 283

Dialogue of the Exchequer. See Henderson

Dill, S., Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius (London, 1904), 55, 284-289, 379, 571

Dill, S., Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire (2nd ed. London, 1899), 290

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Dio Chrysostom, Orations, 199, 287, 290

Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheca Historica, 281, 286-289, 336, 390

Dionysus Halicarnessensis, Antiquitatum Romanorum quae supersunt, 281

Dozy, R., Musulmans d'Espagne, 711-1110 (4 tomes. Leyde, 1861), 301-302, 335

Drumann, W. K. A., Die Arbeiter und Communisten in Griechenland und Rom (Koenigsberg, 1860), 280

Dubois, J. A., Moeurs Institutions et Ceremonies des Peuples de l'Inde (2 tomes. Paris, 1825), 457, 545, 548, 558, 586

Du Camp, M., Paris dans la Seconde Moitie du dixneuvieme Siecle (Paris, 1873-1875), 190

Du Cange, C. du Fresne, Glossarium mediae et infimae Latinitatis (Paris, 1840-1850), 590

Dulaure, J. A., Paris et ses Monuments (Paris, 1865), 370, 444

Durkheim, E., La Prohibition de l'Inceste et ses Origines (l'Annee Sociologique, Tome I. Paris, 1898), 482

Duveyrier, H., Les Touaregs du Nord (Paris, 1864), 339, 423, 427, 456

van Duyl, C. F., Beschavingsgeschiedenis van het Nederlandsche Volk (Groningen, 1895), 97

l'Ecole d'Anthropologie de Paris, Revue de, 368

Economics of Aristotle (?), 359

Economicus of Xenophon, 360

Edda, the, 175, 488

Ehrenreich, P., Voelkerkunde Brasiliens (Veroeffentlichungen des Berliner Museums, Band II), 122, 139

von Eicken, H., Geschichte und System der mittelalterlichen Weltanschauung (Stuttgart, 1887), 370, 642

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Ellis, A. B., The Tshi-speaking Peoples (London, 1887), 268-269, 317, 512

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Ethnography of India. See Risley

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Euripides, 613

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Evarnitzky, D. I., The Zaporoge Kossacks (in Russian) (2 vols. St. Petersburg, 1888), 335

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Freisen, J., Geschichte des kanonischen Eherechts (Tuebingen, 1888), 399, 400, 402, 406, 409

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