"Father—Listen.—You have told us by the talk of your Warriors, twice Father, that we were to fight on the flanks and in the rear of your Warriors, but we have always gone in front Father; and that it is in this way we have lost so many of our young Warriors, our women and children.

"Father—Listen.—The Americans have said they would kill you first Father, and then destroy your red children; but when you sent us the hatchet we took hold of it Father and made use of it Father, as you know.

"Father—Listen.—Your red children want back their old boundary lines, that they may have the lands which belong to them, and this Father when the war began, you promised to get for them.

"Father—Listen.—Your red children have suffered a great deal, they are sad, indeed they are pitiful, they want your assistance Father. They want arms for their Warriors, and clothes for their women and children. You do not know the number of your red children Father. There are many who never yet received any arms or clothing. It is necessary at present, Father, to send more than you formerly did.

"Father—Listen.—At the beginning of the war you promised us when the Americans would put their hand forward you would draw yours back. Now Father we request when the Americans put their hand out, (as we hear they mean to do) knock it away Father, and the second time when they put out their hand, draw your sword.—If not Father, the Americans will laugh at us, and say our Great Father, who is beyond the Great Lake is a coward Father.

"Father—Listen.—The Americans are taking our lands from us every day, they have no hearts, Father, they have no pity for us. They want to drive us beyond the setting sun. But Father, we hope, although we are few, and are here as it were upon a little Island, our Great and Mighty Father, who lives beyond the Great Lake, will not forsake us in our distress, but will continue to remember his faithful red children.

"This is all I have to say. This is from our Chiefs and Warriors, this is all they have to say."

NEWASH then advanced to His Excellency, and presented him with the Black Wampum and Bloody Belt.

His Excellency the Governor-in-Chief then made the Chiefs and Warriors the following answer to the talks or speeches that had been addressed to him in their behalf.

"My Children.—I thank the Great Spirit for his protection of you on your long journey, and I rejoice to meet you at Quebec, the Great Council Fire on this side the Great Lake.

"My Children.—You have freely and forcibly spoken your sentiments, and I am happy to have heard from your own mouths, your thoughts, as I know on these occasions you always speak the truth. I am therefore delighted to hear my red children declare their attachment to the King our Great Father, beyond the Great Lake, and to myself and my Warriors.

"My Children.—I have opened my ears and listened with attention to what you have said. My heart was sore when I heard of the death of a great warrior. It still bleeds when I think of his loss, and the misfortunes my children have met with during the war, in the death of many a wise chief and brave warrior, and some of your women and children who are gone to see the Great Spirit, before whom we must all one day appear.

"My Children.—I thank the Great Spirit that I see you in my own dwelling, and converse with you face to face. Listen to my words—they are the words of truth. You have always heard this from my chiefs, and I now repeat them. We have taken each other by the hand and fought together. Our interests are the same—we must still continue to fight together: for the King, our great father, considers you as his children, and will not forget you or your interests at a peace. But to preserve what we hold, and recover from the enemy what belongs to us, we must make great exertions; and I rely on your courage, with the assistance of my chiefs and warriors, to drive the big knives from our land the ensuing summer.

"My Children.—Our great father will give us new warriors from the other side of the great water, who will join with you in attacking the enemy, and will soon open the great road to your country, by which you used to receive your supplies, and which the enemy having stopped, has caused the distress and scarcity of goods you complain of: for I have never been in want of goods for you, but could not send them.

"My Children.—Our success in the war must depend on our bravery and your young men listening to the advice of their chiefs—this you must always bear in mind. I recommend to you to open your ears when my chiefs speak to you, for they only wish for your good. Tell your brother warriors whom I may not see, that these are my words; and that though they are to destroy their enemies in battle, they must spare and shew mercy to women and children, and all prisoners.

"My Children.—I have but one thing more to recommend to you, which you will not forget—you know that the only success that the enemy gained over us, last season, was owing to the want of provisions. There was much waste at Amherstberg—the consequence was that you and my warriors were forced to retreat. In future you must be careful of provisions, and use only what may be necessary; they are the same as powder and ball, we cannot destroy our enemies without them.

"My Children.—You will not forget what I have said to you. This is my parole to the nations. (Here the black wampum is presented to NEWASH.) Let them know what I have said. Tell them they shall not be forgotten by their great father nor by me.—Take courage my children—be strong—and may the Great Spirit preserve you in the day of battle." (Here the bloody belt is presented.)

After the interpreter had presented the belt to NEWASH, he with several of the chiefs chaunted parts of the war song:

"Under the Cloud Island With this belt I go; By this my heart is strong, I shall have courage to die by the foe.

"Now I take hold of this belt, Light as birds fly in the air; Strong is my heart, and round I go, Seeking to die by the foe."

While this song was chaunting, several short speeches were made by the Indians. One of them said—"There is our father—here is the belt—there you are—the Great Spirit presides—now we are one, and none can flinch—if we stand by our father, he will stand by us. Our path is in the west—the war shall brighten there—the sky begins to clear—the light falls on our lands, and soon again shall our women and children be on them. You Saulks—you Chippeways, and all you of different nations, we are all one. We will fight them with our father, and never cease to fight while we have life, or until we have got back our lands."

The names of twelve Indian chiefs, inhabiting the coast of Acadia at the time the French peasants submitted to the British Government, will be found in the appendix to this work.

Lands in New-Brunswick are held in fee simple or free socage. The grants are immediately from the Crown. The subjoined table will shew the fees on single Grants, or where a number of Grantees are included in one patent, at present taken at the several offices.

TABLE OF FEES ON GRANTS.

- - - - - - - G o v S N e e C u r c p o m n ' A R u S m b o y t e r u m e r t t c c r i r h a o e h v s C i e o n r i i a e s r o n f d n v n s y i o f c w A e e c e o o w Total. l a s R u y r l r n n a u r u e d - - u m - e c d r r g i G G d o G r L r i e v t t e e i n e a e n n e r o n n n e n o n s g t y . r . . g y . f d - - - - - - - L s d L s d s d L s d L s d L s s d L s d 100 4 1 8 3 7 6 13 4 1 10 10 0 13 4 2 0 5 0 12 11 8 200 4 1 8 3 7 6 13 4 1 10 10 0 13 4 2 0 5 0 12 11 8 300 4 1 8 3 7 6 13 4 1 10 10 1 4 6 2 0 7 6 13 5 4 400 4 1 8 3 7 6 13 4 1 10 10 1 15 8 2 5 10 0 14 4 0 500 4 1 8 3 7 6 13 4 1 10 10 2 6 10 2 10 10 0 15 0 2 - - - - - - -

On Grants where more than one person is concerned, His Excellency has seven shillings per hundred acres; and the public offices have half the above-mentioned fees for each additional name, with the exception of the Attorney-General, who has nineteen shillings and two-pence for each additional name. The purchase money (which is a sum of five shillings sterling for every fifty acres above two hundred, payable to His Majesty, and called the King's purchase money,) is included in the above scale of fees to the Receiver-General. According to the Royal Instructions, a single man is entitled to one hundred acres of land, with an additional quantity provided he can produce sufficient testimonials of his ability to cultivate more. A married man is entitled to two hundred acres, with an additional quantity on proof of his ability to cultivate more: but no more than five hundred acres is allowed to be granted to any person by the Colonial Government.

The method of laying out lots in this Province, of a narrow front and extending a great distance back, is very inconvenient to the settler. Being confined to a narrow front when he commences, clearing, supposing, (which is often the case,) the land adjoining to be unoccupied, he merely makes a lane through the wilderness, not half of which will produce a crop, on account of its being shaded by the adjoining woods: which not only exclude the sun, but impoverish the land by drawing the nourishment from the plants to the adjoining trees. To obviate this, and many other inconveniences, it would be far better to lay out settlements, where the face of the country would admit of it, in square blocks, or parallelograms; to contain two ranges of lots, with roads at proper distances. The fronts of the lots to be extended, and their length contracted. The lots to abut on the road; and extend back one-half the depth of the block:—The rear of the lots in one range, abutting on the rear of lots in the next range. Or else, the settlements might be divided into squares and sections, after the method adopted by the United States in laying out new settlements, of which the following is a short outline:

Their townships are laid out in blocks of six miles square, the whole area containing 23,040 acres. Those squares are divided into thirty-six smaller squares or sections of a mile square, containing each 640 acres. The sections are numbered from right to left, and left to right, as in the following plan:—

six miles long. s + i 6 5 4 3 2 1 x + + 7 8 9 10 11 12 m + i 18 17 16 15 14 13 l + e 19 20 21 22 23 24 s + 30 29 28 27 26 25 l + o 31 32 33 34 35 36 n + g .

The sections are again subdivided into quarters and half quarters. A quarter section is half a mile square, and contains one hundred and sixty acres. The sixteenth section of each township is reserved to maintain schools, and the sections two, five, twenty, twenty-three, thirty, and thirty-three, are sold in half-quarters.

By this method the limits of counties and parishes are accurately defined; the settlements are every where interspersed with roads, and each man's field, instead of a narrow strip of irregular figure and uncertain boundary, is a square laying compact and near a road, whose contents are always easily ascertained. The rectangular method of laying out settlements, cannot always be followed, on account of rivers, &c. which will cause gores and inequalities; but whenever it can be adopted it offers many advantages.

The estates of persons dying intestate are distributed analogous to the custom of gavelkind in Kent. The heir at law of such intestate shall be entitled to and receive a double portion or two shares of the real estate left by such intestate, (saving the widow's right of dower.) The remander to be equally distributed among all the children or their legal representatives, including in the distribution the children of the half blood; and in case there be no children, to the next of kindred in equal degree, and their representatives. Provided that children advanced by settlement, or portions, not equal to the other shares, shall have so much of the surplusage, as shall make the estate of all to be equal, except the heir at law, who shall have two shares, or a double portion.



Advertisement.

Having for reasons stated in the commencement of this Work, given up my first design of adding a brief connected history of the Province, I have inserted a few extracts relating to this Country, in an Appendix; as they may be satisfactory to the reader, and useful in conveying some knowledge of the early history of the Country. My reasons for abridging this Description I have also stated, and have omitted many particulars necessary in a full description of a Country, such as tables of Animals, Plants, Minerals, Weather, &c. as I could not obtain the necessary materials, as but little attention has been paid to these subjects by persons qualified for the task.

I have endeavoured to be as correct in what I have stated as possible, but no doubt many inaccuracies will be discovered, as the information I have collected from different sources is liable to error. But it must be remembered that in a first Work like this many difficulties will occur, and having no tract to guide me, I have frequently wanted the necessary information. The Work, however imperfect, must be useful, as giving the first general outline of the Province, and interesting to every person who possesses a feeling of interest for his own fireside. In short, persons who strike out a first tract in any thing, may be compared to pioneers who trace a road for others to use and improve.



APPENDIX No. 1

Speech of His Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor at the meeting of the General Assembly, at Fredericton, February 1, 1825.

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of His Majesty's Council, Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Assembly,

I have much satisfaction in meeting the Legislature of New-Brunswick—I am well persuaded that you will continue to promote and support the Interests and Institutions of the Province in a manner that will not fail to receive from me that ready and cordial concurrence which it will be my greatest pleasure to bestow upon all measures that may be calculated to advance the public good.

It affords me great pleasure to have it in my power to congratulate you on the very prosperous state of the Provincial Finances. The Revenue of the last exceeds greatly that of any former year, and yields a large surplus beyond the charges incurred, within the corresponding period.

Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Assembly,

I shall direct the Treasurer's Accounts to be laid before you, I rely upon your making the usual provisions for the Ordinary Services of the Province; and I am happy to acquaint you that the state of the Treasury is such as to enable you to provide for other objects of public interest and utility, to which your bounty has already been extended, and also to promote other important services which I shall hereafter bring before you.

Mr. President, and Gentlemen of His Majesty's Council, Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the House of Assembly,

Watching assiduously over the Public Interests, I shall have to submit to you, by Message, various measures which it will be necessary to bring under your consideration in the course of the Session, but whilst I reserve matters of detail for that mode of communication, important considerations and general views, which require to be fully and forcibly put to the Country, and which could not be properly treated in partial or very concise form, render it expedient, on this particular occasion, to lay before you such a statement of public affairs, as may embrace, generally, all interests, and leave nothing in doubt as to our real situation, in the more important branches of our well being.

I have great pleasure in stating to you that I find the affairs of the Province to be generally in a very prosperous condition. It will be useful however, to observe closely, how far this prosperity depends upon adventitious circumstances and in what degree it rests upon our own inherent means and resources: for it is necessary to contemplate the condition in which the Country might be placed, by alterations in such of her transactions as may be deemed precarious, to feel, with due effect, the necessity, which I earnestly represent, of attending zealously to those internal resources which are not of that uncertain description. The trade of the Province is, at present, very active; but much of that activity depends obviously, upon external circumstances, on the permanency of which, it were imprudent to continue to stake so exclusively, the well being of the Country. It will be prudent, therefore, to endeavour to open channels by which we may make our Commerce more general, consequently less precarious, and particularly to establish and improve commercial intercourse with our sister Colonies. Taking from them, what we require, we may make returns by some important operations of our industry, and particularly by the proceeds of an advantageous trade which this transaction would greatly extend; contributing thus to each others wants, in a way mutually beneficial: and, in an union of interests, promoting and consolidating strong and lasting ties.

Other channels for commercial operations of very advantageous natures invite us to cultivate with increased activity, that rich source of wealth (one of our natural advantages) which our Fisheries present! These, if rendered more productive, will afford us great additional facilities in trade with the new States of South America: and there are favourable openings in the liberal policy of the present times, which should encourage us to cultivate, by every means, commercial intercourse with those States. By your wisdom and bounty the Fisheries have been improved on remote parts of the coasts of British America; but I recommend you to consider whether the Home or Coast Fisheries might not be brought more under the fostering and stimulating influence of your bounty by some extension of its provisions. The main branch of our manufacturing industry (Ship-Building) has increased prodigiously, and is now carried on to an extent beyond that of any former period: but it is submitted to your consideration whether it is not accompanied by some disadvantageous circumstances which detract vastly from the great value it might be made to produce, and to leave in the Province; and for which I have no doubt, you will adopt prudent remedies that will render this branch of industry more staple, as well as more beneficial.

Vast sums are sent from this Province, in specie, for the purchase of foreign agricultural produce. This enormous burthen operating in fact, as a tax raised by foreign industry on our food, contributes to raise high above the rate in surrounding Countries, the wages of labour here, and to lay the Province under corresponding difficulty and disability in every branch of its industry. It comes home to us, grievously, in various forms, in every operation of our domestic and political economy; and I appeal to your wisdom, to your patriotism, to the real interests, and to the public spirit of the Country for zealous co-operations in the measures and exertions necessary to relieve the Province from this most serious difficulty.

Agricultural, Emigrant, and other Societies should be encouraged to extend and exert their influence in every way that can tend to promote, improve, circulate and distinguish the modes and means most favourable to augment the production of subsistence. By such means, too, we may reasonably expect soon to possess a population sufficient for the operative parts of all other branches of industry; and when these several operations shall all be executed by British Subjects and British Colonists, the Province will feel and exhibit in her condition the good effects of having closed those drains that have long carried off much capital which otherwise would have been laid out in the Merchants' stores, in the cultivation of the soil, and in other productive enterprizes of vast advantage.

Large sums have been expended on the Great Roads of this Province; but their condition shows the inefficiency of the present system, in appropriation and execution. This arises, chiefly, from having tried too much, and in such attempts dispersing limited means, to superficial and endless labor; on works far too numerous and costly, to be all substantially improved at the same time. Such appropriation, therefore, should be made of the sums which may be allotted to the Great Roads as may ensure effectual exertion upon them in succession, and in the order of their importance; and at the same time preclude those partial and general alterations in the lines of Roads, from which vast sums of public money have been uselessly expended. The Public Service has been exposed to very serious inconvenience by irregularities incident to the present line of communication between the Seat of Government and the City of Saint John. To remedy this, whatever it may be necessary to do in other times and seasons, I earnestly recommend the expediency of completing such a communication with Saint John, for a winter travelling and Post Road, as may not be subject to those serious interruptions and dangers to which the present line must always be exposed, during the greater portion of the year.

Fully impressed with the importance of attending to the efficiency of the Militia, I have derived much satisfaction from what I have witnessed of their appearance and public spirit. The Militia Law will have to pass under your revision, generally, and I recommend the amendment of those clauses which press so severely upon the Militiamen in regard to the distance of travel to their drill, and also with respect to age, at unnecessary cost of time, and inconvenience to the people.

I earnestly recommend to your continued patronage the several Institutions for the Education of our Youth; and I may have occasion hereafter to recommend measures for giving security and encouragement to those Provident Institutions, which I am happy to acquaint you have been established in this Province, under very promising circumstances, highly advantageous to the Country.

I have great satisfaction in acquainting you that our Most Gracious Sovereign has condescended to patronize the College of New-Brunswick with his gracious Favor, and to bestow a Grant from His Royal Revenues in this Province, to place that Institution upon a very improved establishment; and I rely upon such gradual provision being made hereafter, in addition to your last vote, as may enable the Governor and Trustees, to proceed in the erection of a suitable building. His Majesty's Secretary of State has further dispensed the grace and favour of the Crown in a manner that cannot fail to be duly and fully appreciated, and to sustain those principles of attachment, and loyalty which distinguish the origin and course of this Colony.

In addition to the provision made for the Madras Schools, generally, and to that of the African School at St. John, I recommend some provision for a similar establishment at the Seat of Government, to bring more generally within the influence of these excellent Institutions, a portion of the human race to whom we owe kindness, charity, and benevolence, and for whom we should provide religious, moral and industrious education.

In the very prosperous condition which the affairs of this Province may now permanently take, I perceive, that the period is arrived for entertaining enlarged views and scope of system, necessary to supersede some very disadvantageous circumstances which should be gradually corrected, and to raise the Province to that consideration, value and importance, which it will soon assume, if the management of its affairs proceed upon sound views and estimates of her true situation, and be conducted according to fixed and solid general principles. But great misery and embarrassment may be inflicted on young and advancing Countries, if disturbed by doubts, or exposed to quick transitions arising from different schemes of temporizing policy, and I desire to point out the errors and dangers of all contingent measures and pursuits made only to comply with chance circumstances, temporary interests and adventitious excitements.

To that solid course, then, which may best embrace all of those interests of which the public good is made up, and upon which the permanency of your prosperity depends, I shall endeavour to look, and on it encourage the exertions of the whole Population to push their special interests with spirit and enterprize, under the sober guidance of general measures calculated to produce a steadiness, healthfulness and solidity of progress, which, under Divine Blessing, and the powerful and enlightened protection of our Parent State, will gradually conduct this happy Province to a very high degree of value and prosperity.

At a general meeting of the Members of the Legislature, and other respectable Gentlemen from all parts of the Province, assembled in one of the Committee Rooms of the House of Assembly on Thursday the 17th of February, 1825, by request of the LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR, to take into consideration some propositions to be submitted by his Excellency, relating to the improvement of Agriculture, &c. in this Province, when His Excellency was pleased to open the proceedings of the meeting with the following SPEECH:—

The purpose for which I have caused this meeting to be convened, is of the first importance to the Country: And I am delighted to find myself surrounded on this occasion, as I hope to be on every occasion, by those distinguished Persons, from whose station, stake and consideration in the Country, I may expect the most powerful aid in promoting the great objects I have in view, if we are all fully impressed with the expediency and necessity we are under, each in our several stations, of doing all that may depend upon us, to accomplish the purposes which I am now to bring more particularly under your consideration.

The purpose for which we are met is, to enquire whether some encouragement and excitement may not be applied to Agricultural pursuits, to operate, discreetly and gradually, in a manner to relieve the country from the great difficulty and disability under which it is laid by the vast sums which we pay for our food, and from the very disadvantageous effects which this produces on the cost of labour, and consequently in all branches of our industry.

Under ordinary circumstances, the high price occasioned by deficiency in the supply of any article in general demand, operating as a premium upon increased production, has a direct and natural tendency to remedy its own evils. This, in fact, is an effect which is working here, though slowly, to cure the malady of which we complain; and if other branches of industry were not in an excited, forced, and somewhat unnatural condition, it would be unnecessary, superfluous, or perhaps disadvantageous, to interfere with the sources and currents of supply, which ultimately accommodate themselves in the most advantageous and fittest way, to meet demand. But these are peculiarities in the circumstances of this Country, which must appear very obvious to all persons who have correct notions of the extent of her business and dealings, compared with the limited Population and Capital we possess, which occasioning powerful competitions in other branches, would appear to demand some additional encouragement and adventitious aid, to draw Labour and Capital in greater quantities, to the cultivation of the Soil.

To consider, properly, the best modes and means by which we may augment the production of subsistence, it will be proper to resolve the question into the consideration of the elements of production, viz. Labour, Capital and Land, and to enquire in what way we can give to those constituent parts of production, the facilities and encouragement they require, to compete with other branches which are obviously under the influence of adventitious excitement.

With respect to Land, we possess it in abundance, and in quality ready to yield what we may in a judicious manner require of it; and it will be one of my main objects to endeavour to lay open to Agricultural pursuits, extensive tracts which have long been locked up in reserved superabundance. This measure has in one case been, heretofore, sought and petitioned for; but it was not accorded to, at that time, in consequence of doubts entertained by His Majesty's Government, as to the value of the standing produce of that Land, for other purposes. But it is an advantage arising from a late appointment to a high situation in the Province, that powers are given, subject to certain conditions and regulations which I may sanction, to throw open portions of those reserves to meet the improving circumstances of the Country, and this will be speedily observed in a way that will open considerable tracts of valuable Land to the operations of Agriculture.

Proceeding, next, to the consideration of Capital, it has appeared to me to be very desirable, that some new measures should be taken with a view to attract the enterprizes of Capitalists, not only to the cultivation of fresh tracts, but likewise to that of the waste Lands of the Province generally; and I entertain the intention of bringing this proposition under the consideration of the High Authorities, elsewhere, upon whom this will depend. But the creation and accumulation of small Capitals, sufficient to enable the working man to enter with advantage on the cultivation of a grant of Land, of the usual extent, is a matter in degree and practicability, much within the influence of our own measures, and it becomes therefore subject of very fit consideration for this meeting, composed of so many distinguished persons, who, returning soon to their respective Countries, may give information respecting those Institutions which are constituted, and likely I trust to be protected, to provide for the safe custody and accumulation of the small savings of the industrious classes of Society.

The greater part of such accumulations may be considered as funds rescued from unproductive consumption, to be laid out productively in various important branches of industry; and whilst, therefore, in this view, the provident Institutions deserve encouragement from all classes, they more particularly suggest to the gentlemen acting in the different Emigrant and Agricultural Societies, and to the employers of Agricultural Labours generally, the co-operation which may be expected from Savings' Banks in encouraging, by enabling, all industrious persons, soon to enter with advantage on the cultivation of the Soil, as proprietors of Land.

The poor Emigrant, for instance, who comes to the country destitute of pecuniary means, and who should always be met and welcomed with a great deal of charitable attention and protection, should be told, that to enter on the laborious enterprize of clearing a Lot, in the wilderness, without Capital, would be to entangle himself in very considerable difficulty. The best course which such a person can pursue, would be to avail himself of the assistance, which it should be a main object of all Emigrant Societies to provide, to procure advantageous employment in which to acquire experience of the climate, habit of Labour, and best modes of culture; and whilst acquiring these, to accumulate his Savings in the Savings' Banks, in the manner that any person, who is not burthened with a large family, may soon do, in farm service in summer, and in other pursuits in winter.

This object will perhaps be best pursued by the Emigrant Societies in the different parts, taking active measures to become acquainted with the circumstances and description of Emigrants so soon as they arrive, and entering in a Book, their names, age, trade or occupation, objects, and the means they may possess of pursuing these. From those entries of the circumstances and condition of the Individuals, Emigrant Societies would be competent to give them counsel and protection. If the Emigrant's desire should be to Agricultural pursuits, which will commonly be the case, but that he has no Capital to commence with, he should be advised to put himself to Farm service, and his attention should be drawn to the facilities which Savings' Banks provide for receiving, securing and augmenting his savings. If this measure meet concurrence in its objects and practicability, it will be received as an appeal to the Agriculturists of the Country to keep correspondence with the nearest Emigrant Societies, for the purpose of procuring Labourers of their recommendation.

But although it may not be expedient for a person without Capital, to enter at once on the cultivation of his tract, yet it appears to me that some inducement should be applied to excite his industry by a prospect of an advantageous location, so soon as he finds himself capable of undertaking it; and in this view I see no difficulty in the arrangement, and on the other hand, great public advantage, in securing for persons thus working for their capital, locations upon the Lots they may prefer, subject to a condition that, within one year, the Emigrant Society in whose Books they may be registered, report favorably of their proceedings, in a manner to give fair expectation that at the end of a further short period, they would be able to enter upon their location, and pay a proportion of their fees, in aid of which the Society should provide some donation or loan.

But when the Emigrant has pecuniary means, or is resolved to enter at once on his Land, the Emigrant Societies will be enabled to let him chuse his situation, in the plans of unoccupied Lots reserved for Emigrants, which plans will for this purpose be transmitted to the Emigrant Societies, and to whose recommendation a quick return of location tickets will be made; and I am happy to say that this measure will be observed and promoted with much ability and zeal by the distinguished persons on whom it will severally depend.

When we reflect that one of the greatest difficulties under which we labour in accomplishing the great purpose of independence with respect to our food, arises from the want a working population sufficient for the all operative parts of our industry, and consequently the very high rate of wages and food, which lays the Agriculturist under disadvantages of the most serious description, in a climate where the productive powers of the earth are so long dormant, we must all concur in the necessity of aiding Societies by whose means so many able hands can be procured, and for want of properly supporting which, so many have passed to a foreign land.

An increased competition or supply of labour then will be much influenced by arrangements such as I have indicated; whilst in its modes, intelligence and material means, it may be greatly promoted by Agricultural Societies. These, under the designation of Agricultural and Emigrant Societies, I should wish to see formed in every County in the Province, and Sub-Societies organized under them to carry their benefits to all parts of the Country. I trust, indeed, that ere you depart, the foundation, or rather the re-organization of such a system will be completed, and I call upon the Gentlemen of distinction from the different Counties who are now present to concur in this measure, and when they return to their respective Counties, to engage to organize such Societies to be composed of persons who would be most likely to co-operate in this great purpose. I feel confident, that whenever Societies shall be so organized in any County, they will meet the provision which I trust will be made by the liberality of the Country for their support and efficiency: and I perceive with much satisfaction that the public spirit of the Country is in many parts exhibiting itself in the form, and for the purpose which we contemplate for general adoption.

For the purpose of improving, circulating and distinguishing the modes and means most favorable to increased production, and of drawing to a focus that information which it may be desirable to possess here in the Seat of Government for myself and for you it will be proper that some provision should be devised for the laborious part of that purpose which will depend upon a Secretary who should be appointed to manage the correspondence of the Central Committee to report proceedings to the general meeting.

The general meeting should be composed of all Members of the Legislature; of all Presidents and Vice-Presidents of County Societies, and of all members subscribers in the regulated amount. The Central Committee should be named in the general meeting to carry on the correspondence during the recess, and to arrange the general Accounts; but the appropriation of Public Funds should be made direct to the County Societies and subject only to the audit of the Central Committee. These Reports will thus exhibit a general statement of the sums expended and whether commensurate progress has been made in the improvement of Agricultural implements, machinery, modes of culture, augmentation of production, and breed of Cattle, all of which should be under the influence of these meetings.

With views such as these, so soon as I discovered, in studying your affairs, the disabilities and difficulties which the Province might have to contend with from deficiency in the supply of food, and aware that it would require pecuniary means, on my part, to put into activity the plans which I then formed, and now lay before you, I submitted to His Majesty's Secretary of State the importance of sanctioning a small grant from the funds at the disposal of the Crown, to meet the liberality and public spirit with which I am persuaded, elsewhere and every where, the great object now under our consideration will be supported. I have great satisfaction in showing how readily this has been dispensed: I will read the terms of it, and hasten to say that the use I shall make of it, will be, to place a sum, which I hope will be annual, at the disposal of those County Societies that are or may be organized to meet the views which I here lay before you.

In communicating this grant from His Majesty's Revenue to the Agricultural Societies, it is however my duty to state, that the continuation of this grant for future years, will depend upon the report which I may have in my power to make of the advantages which it may have produced; and these will mainly depend upon the liberality and zeal with which this Provision is seconded in the Country generally.

The Society having been formed and organized, the President communicated to the Meeting that he had received a Message from His Excellency the LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR, that it was his intention to attend the Meeting in person, to communicate his sentiments on their proceedings, and his acceptance of the office of Patron.

Whereupon His Excellency entered and having taken the Chair, addressed the Society as follow:—

Mr. President, Vice-Presidents, and Gentlemen of the Agricultural and Emigrant Society,

I evince the satisfaction and cordiality with which I receive your Address by placing myself in this Chair, as your Patron, on the very instant the distinguished Seat is offered to me; and the first sentence I shall deliver from it is, to assure you that my most zealous exertions shall be used to promote the great objects we have in view, in every way that may depend upon me.

I am gratified for the present, sanguine and confident for the future, when I look around me and perceive the distinguished persons of whom this Society is composed, and the interest which it has excited; and it is particularly pleasing to me to find myself supported by the distinguished person whom you have placed in the President's Chair. I congratulate you, Gentlemen, upon such an election, and myself on having such coadjutures.

The Agricultural and Emigrant Societies being now about to go into immediate, and, as I hope successful operation, it may not be useless to express to you, and through you to convey to the Public, some appeals to those exertions which will be required to realize the benefits which we here contemplate, and for attaining which, the course is now so clear.

This fine, and as I have hitherto found it, happy Province, is advancing rapidly, with growth almost exuberant, to a station, the real intrinsic character and condition of which, in other times, will depend mainly upon the manner in which we who are now directing its affairs, in certainly a critical period of its advancement, when it is daily developing its resources, and forming its system, may discharge our several duties, by doing all that may depend upon us to train, sustain and correct the principles, habits and pursuits, and to regulate the exertions, by which, unquestionably, it may be conducted to a state of great prosperity.

To consider these duties with reference to all the obligations we owe to the Country, in the several branches which contribute to its most political and statistical progress, would lead us away far beyond the sphere of our present purpose; I shall, therefore, only consider the duties we have to fulfil in regard to the Institutions now completely organized. The several purposes contemplated by those Institutions call upon us to promote habits of frugality, domestic economy, and useful industry, as training a rural population to settle and labour on the soil, and to assist them so to exert themselves in the modes and means of culture as to improve our Agricultural condition; to make us more independent at least for our food; and subsequently to set free other branches of industry, which are now under great disability. The foundation of systems which may produce such benefits has now been laid. I have had much satisfaction in recommending and promoting them. My views have been cordially and ably seconded every where; the measures they called for have now been adopted; and they have been liberally endowed by the Legislature with pecuniary means to animate and quicken the system. The Savings' Bank Bill; the organization and endowment of the Body I now address, open, to the industrious classes of Society, and to the interests of the Country generally, a distinct view of the progress that may be made from foundations laid, first, in habits of frugality and domestic economy, onwards, through moral and provident conduct, to security and accommodation, productive application, improvement in Agriculture, increase of population, competition in labour, encouragement and development of industry, and augmented production. The Acts and the system of this Session have laid the foundation of much improvement to the country, on solid grounds; and seeds which should blossom hereafter, are planted in the fertile soil; but whether the superstructure is to be raised, or them seeds are to spring, depends not on those who have laboured on the foundation, or who have provided the means that may quicken the process. Whether the Savings' Bank Bill, or this most admirable Institution are to be effectual in doing good, depends upon the degree of Public Spirit with which our exertions here, may be supported and extended in the Country generally. All Public Institutions live only by Public Spirit, in any Country; but this is particularly the case in young Countries where man owes to fellow man a greater contribution of his concern and of his aid. Look at the progress of an individual case. When a Settler goes, singly, to encounter the difficulties and the labour of a solitary Location in an unsettled District, and with the sweat of his own brow to shelter his family, and to clear space to receive the seeds which are to yield his immediate subsistence, we all know what fortitude, power and time are required to accomplish such beginnings. But should he undertake his enterprize on a site near to where former Settlers have experienced such difficulties, the recent sense brings to his aid the little community, to labour for him; and by the exertions of that Public he is speedily established in a way, that he might never have accomplished by his own solitary powers. This is Public Spirit. So may it be with the Edifices we are now raising! They are, in some respects, partially, and in others wholly, new Settlers, in this Country; and they are well deserving of public exertion to complete the useful fabric. We are here entirely dependent upon public spirit.—What can these systems do without it? They would languish from this day, and might expire even in their cradle. This I do trust will never happen. I know not how long I may be the witness of their progress; but sure I am that the intensity of interest which I feel in this Province, and which I have imbibed paternally, for the success of these Institutions which I have been instrumental in bringing forward, will always be felt with such solicitude as shall give me pleasure in their success; but which from that very interest, will suggest reproach, if (which cannot be) they should fail from want of public exertion. But remember that time, labour in arrangement and management, must be contributed gratuitously, for the Chief offices of these Institutions. I am confident that those sacrifices will be cheerfully tendered by the public spirit of the Country in a way that shall produce advantage to it, and reflect everlasting credit, honor and substantial enjoyment upon the patriotic persons who may offer their aid.—It cannot fail to do so; for the man who feels the real impulses of public spirit is usually the happiest, because he is the best of Beings. Public spirit contains in it every laudable passion, and every fine affection.—It comprehends our duties towards our parents, to our kindred, to our friends, to our neighbours, to our fellow man in every degree, and to every thing dear to mankind in the public Institutions formed of them. Public spirit is the highest of virtues, and affords the highest degree of satisfaction. Steadfast in good purpose; fidelity in trust; impartial to all; a passion to promote universal good, with personal labour, pains, and the sacrifice of every selfish feeling; to endeavour to maintain Society in peace, tranquillity, plenty and security. It is, in short, as I feel it, one man's care for the many: and, as you I am persuaded feel it, the concern of every man for the good of all. This sentiment binds us together in the pursuit of public advantage to a co-operation from which I am convinced none will shrink in any difficulty which these Institutions may have to encounter; and onward let us go with a determination that when we meet again in this place, we may receive, and record, reports which shall prove that our schemes have prospered.

I have now the pleasure to announce that from the Funds which His Majesty's Secretary of State has put at my disposal from the King's Casual Revenue, I shall appropriate L25 to each of the County Societies for the present year subject to the regulations and conditions already established; and I will not fail to intercede for a continuance of this Royal Bounty, if I can report success in our labours.



APPENDIX No. II.

Extracts relating to the early transactions in Nova-Scotia and New-Brunswick, copied verbatim from papers compiled by a gentlemen who intended to publish an account of New-Brunswick; but was from unexpected circumstances obliged to relinquish the design.

PROVINCE OF THE MASSACHUSETTS BAY.

Notice is hereby given, that it hath been determined that a squadron of His Majesty's ships and divers regiments of foot should winter in Nova-Scotia, which will require large supplies of fresh provisions to be sent thither from time to time, not only for the support of the sick in the hospitals, but for the refreshment of those that are well,—and that His Excellency Governor Lawrence hath given assurance, that the coasters and others trading in refreshments of that sort, shall not only be protected by the Admiral from pressing, but shall receive, both from His Excellency and the Admiral, all manner of countenance and regard.

A. OLIVER, Sec.

Province of the Massachusetts Bay. Boston, October 31, 1758.

The following proclamation being published in Nova-Scotia and transmitted to this government, was read in Council, and ordered to be published in this Province.

THOS. CLARK, D. Sec.

By His Excellency Charles Lawrence, Captain-General and Commander-in-Chief in and over His Majesty's Province of Nova-Scotia, or Acadia, in America, Vice-Admiral of the same, &c., &c., &c.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas by the late success of His Majesty's arms in the reduction of Cape Breton and its dependencies, and also by the demolition and entire destruction of Gaspe, Miramichi, and of Saint Lawrence, and on Saint John's river in the Bay of Fundy, the enemy, who have formerly disturbed and harassed the Province of Nova-Scotia, and much obstructed its progress, have been compelled to retire and take refuge in Canada; a favorable opportunity now presents itself for the peopling and cultivating, as well the lands vacated by the French, as every other part of that valuable Province:

I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of His Majesty's Council, to issue this proclamation, declaring that I shall be ready to receive any proposals that may hereafter be made to me, for effectually settling the said vacated, or any other lands within the Province aforesaid: a description whereof, and of the advantages arising from their peculiar nature and situation, I have ordered to be published with this proclamation.

Given in the Council Chamber at Halifax, this 12th day of October, 1758, and in the thirty-second year of His Majesty's Reign.

By His Excellency's command, } with the advice of His Majesty's } CHARLES LAWRENCE. Council }

GOD SAVE THE KING!

A description of the lands ordered to be published pursuant to the foregoing proclamation, which consist of more than one hundred thousand acres of land, interval and plow lands, producing wheat, rye, barley, oats, hemp, flax, &c. These have been cultivated for more than a hundred years past, and never fail of crops, nor need manuring.

Also, more than one hundred thousand acres of upland, cleared and stocked with English grass, planted with orchards, gardens, &c. These lands, with good husbandry, produce often two loads of hay per acre. The wild and unimproved lands adjoining abound with black birch, ash, oak, pine, fir, &c.

All these lands are so intermixed that every single farmer may have a proportionable quantity of plow land, grass land, and wood land, and are all situated about the Bay of Fundy, upon rivers navigable for ships of burden.

Proposals will be received by Mr. Hancock of Boston, and by Messrs. Delancie & Watts of New-York, to be transmitted to the Governor, or President of the Council at Halifax.

(Copy.)

His Majesty's confirmation of the plan for settling the Province of Nova-Scotia.

At the Court of St. James's, the 16th day of February, 1760,

(Seal) (Present)

The King's Most Excellent Majesty, Lord Keeper, Earl Gower, Lord President, Viscount Barrington, Lord Steward, Lord Deleware, Earl of Hyndford, Mr. Vice Chamberlain.

Whereas there was this day read to the Board, a representation from the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, dated the 30th of December last, containing an account of the proceedings of the Governor in Council of Nova-Scotia, with regard to the settling of the lands evacuated by the removal of the French inhabitants from that Province, as well as other tracts of land in the wild and uncleared part of that country, and also with regard to the terms and conditions upon which the said Governor and Council have agreed to make grants of the said lands: and the said Lords Commissioners being of opinion, that the plan so laid down by the said Governor and Council, will be a means of the speedy settling the vacant lands in that Province, and therefore proper to receive His Majesty's approbation: His Majesty has this day took the said representation into consideration, and is hereby pleased, with the advice of his Privy Council, to declare his royal approbation of the said plan of the said Governor and Council, for the speedy settling the vacant lands in that Province: and also of the terms and conditions agreed upon for that purpose, and doth therefore order that the Governor or Commander-in-Chief of his Province of Nova-Scotia for the time being, do carry the same into execution.

(Signed) W. SHARPE.

Extract of a Letter from His Excellency Governor Lawrence, to the Agent for the Province of Nova-Scotia, at Boston, dated 24th June, 1760.

"I am ready to receive farther proposals, in consequence of His Majesty's approbation of our measures, from any person or persons who will offer themselves to become settlers in this Province; and that all due encouragement shall be given them to the utmost limits of the authority with which His Majesty has been pleased to invest the Governor and Council of this Province.—Nota Bene. Proposals left with Mr. Hancock, will be transmitted to the Governor at Halifax.

"Captain Bragdon informs us, that Captain Fisher in a sloop from Annapolis Royal, bound to Fort Cumberland, was cast away in the Bay of Fundy, on board of which was Lieutenant Tonge, an Engineer, with a considerable sum of money, which was lost, together with the lives of two or three persons on board. Friday last arrived here the Province ship King George, Captain Hallowell, from Louisburg and a cruize. From Louisburg, we learn that the armed vessels lately sent out thence, had been at Pictou, and burnt five or six vessels which the enemy took from us last year, and brought off some plunder; and that the Indians from Saint John, who brought the account of the five French men of war being in the Bay of Chaleur, also informed that they had landed four hundred men, in order to attack Fort Cumberland.

"Arrived here, Colonel Arthithnot, who commanded at Fort Frederick, in Saint John's River, the year past; also several other officers and a number of soldiers belonging to this Province, who have garrisoned His Majesty's forts up the Bay of Fundy, and now discharged, arrived here, being relieved by a number of soldiers lately enlisted in this Province, for that service. We hear that the Indians behave well, and still continue to come into the forts at Nova-Scotia, and carry on trade very peaceably."

Extract of a Letter from Colonel Fry, to His Excellency the Governor, dated Fort Cumberland, Chignecto, March 7, 1760.

SIR.—I informed your Excellency in my last of 10th December, of the submission of the French peasants residing at Miramichi, Richibucto, Bucktouche, Peticodiac, and Memramcook, made by their deputies sent here for that purpose. On the 30th of January last, Mr. Manack, a French Priest, who has had the charge of the people at Miramichi, Richibucto, and Bucktouche, and a number of the principal men of those places, arrived here, when they received their submission in a formal manner, by subscribing to articles, (drawn suitable to the case,) whereby among other things, they have obliged themselves and people they represent, to come to Bay Verte with all their effects and shipping as early in the spring as possible, in order to be disposed of as Governor Lawrence shall direct. With the French Priest, came two Indian Chiefs, Paul Lawrence and Augustin Michael; Lawrence tells me he was a prisoner in Boston, and lived with Mr. Henshaw, a blacksmith; he is Chief of a tribe at Richibucto. I have received their submissions, for themselves and for their tribes, to His Britannic Majesty, and sent them to Halifax for the terms by Governor Lawrence. I have likewise received the submission of two other Chiefs, who I dealt with as before mentioned, and was in hopes I had no more treaties to make with savages; but he told me I was mistaken for there would be a great many more upon the same business, as soon as their spring hunting was over: and upon my enquiring how many, he gave a list of fourteen Chiefs, including those already mentioned, (copy of which I have inclosed) most of which he said would come. I was surprised to hear of such a number of Indian Chiefs in this part of America, and Mr. Manack further told me that they were all of one nation, and known by the name of Mickmacks; that they were very numerous, amounting to near three thousand souls; that he had learned their language since he had been among them, and found so much excellence in it, that he was well persuaded if the beauties of it were known in Europe, there would be seminaries erected for the propagation of it. How that might be, is better known to him than to those who know nothing of the language; but I think I may venture to say, that if there be so many of these Indians, as he says there are, I know this Province, as it abounds very plentifully with furs, may reap a vast advantage by them, provided Canada returns not into the hands of the French.

About the time that Mr. Manack arrived here, there came in eight men, one of whom was a New-England man, one Irishman, and the rest Italians and Spaniards; who informed me they deserted from a French frigate that lay froze in at the head of Gaspe harbour. The two former belonged to a vessel commanded by Captain Malcom, of Boston, who was taken by the above frigate, as she was returning from Quebec, where she had been on a trading voyage.

Names of the Indian Chiefs inhabiting the coast of Acadia:

Louis Frances, Chief of Miramichi, Denis Winemowet, do. Tabogimkik, Etienne Abchabo, do. Pohomoosh, Claud Atanaze, do. Gediack, Paul Lawrence, do. La Have, Joseph Algimoure, do. Chignectou, John Newit, do. Pictou, Baptist La Morue, do. Isle of St. John's, Reni, do. Nalkitgoniash, Jeannot Piguidawelwet, do. Keshpugowitk, Batelemy Aungualett, do. Minas, Augustin Michael, do. Richibucto.



A NARRATIVE.

Of the proceedings of the first settlers at the River St. John, under the authority of the Government of Nova-Scotia.

In the year 1761, a number of persons from the county of Essex, province of Massachusetts, presented a petition through their agent to the Government of Nova-Scotia, for a grant of a Township of twelve miles square at the river Saint John, they received a favorable answer and obtained full authority to survey a tract of that dimension wherever it might be found fit for improvement. In consequence many of the applicants, proceeded in the course of the winter and spring following to prepare for exploring the Country, and to survey such Township: they provided a vessel for that purpose, and on the 16th May, 1762, embarked at Newburyport and arrived in three days at the harbour Saint John (the 19th:) The party amounted to near twenty men, exclusive of two families, who took passage in the same vessel, one of whom shipped a small frame for a dwelling, and boards to cover it, with a small stock of cattle; the frame and stock was landed the day of their arrival; on the third day the house was finished and inhabited.

The exploring and surveying party then proceeded to view the lands round the harbour and bay of Saint John in a whale boat, they brought with them: for they could not travel on the land, on account of the multitude of fallen trees that had been torn up by the roots in a violent gale of wind, nearly four years previous. (The same gale extended as far up the river as the Oromocto, and most of the Country below that place, was equally incumbered with the fallen trees.)—After making all the discoveries that could be made near the harbour, it was the unanimous opinion that all the lands near that part of the Country, were unfit for making any settlements at that time, and in about ten days from their first arrival, they set out to view the country as far as Saint Anns, ninety miles up the river, where they expected to find an extensive body of clear land that had been formerly improved by the French inhabitants. On their way to that place they landed wherever they saw any appearance of improvement: all such small spots, as far up as Milk Creek, were supposed not to exceed one hundred acres, most of which had been very roughly cleared.—On the arrival of the exploring party at Saint Anns, they lost no time in making a shelter for themselves, nearly opposite the river Nashwouk, (as it was then pronounced by the Indians,) but since, with some variation, as there is in the original names of divers other rivers, lakes, and names by which the tribes were distinguished,—and they commenced their survey at the small gravelly point against Government-House, with an intention to survey a Township, to terminate twelve miles below that place, and after surveying the courses of the river about four miles downward, a large company of Indians came down about nine miles from their Priest's residence, with his Interpreter: all having painted faces of divers colours and figures, and dressed in their war habits. The chiefs, with grave countenances, informed the adventurers that they were trespassers on their rights: that the Country belonged to them, and unless they retired immediately, they, (the Indians), would compel them. This gave no small alarm to a few men in the heart of an Indian Country, most of whom had never beheld a wild Indian, but had all their lives heard of their savage cruelties and murders. The reply made to the Chiefs was to this effect; that the adventurers had received authority from the Governor of Halifax to survey and settle any land they should chuse, at the river Saint John—that they had never been informed of the Indians claiming the village of Saint Anns; but as they then declared the land there, to be their property, though it had been inhabited by the French who were considered entitled to it, till its capture by the English, they would retire further down the river.—In answer to this the Chiefs suggested that the whole country belonged to the Indians, they had some time ago, had a conference with Governor LAWRENCE, and had consented that the English should settle the country up as far as the Grimross: from this acknowledgment of the Chiefs, the adventurers were a little relieved from the shock they received at first, and said, they were unwilling to dispute, and would in a few days, remove their camps towards Grimross. This answer did not appear fully to satisfy the Indians, yet they made no reply. The surveying party removed their camp, according to their promise almost as far down as the lower end of the Oromocto Island on the east side of the river, whence they finished the survey, twelve miles below the first mentioned bounds: and returned to Fort Frederick, 20, 8, 15, where there was a vessel bound direct to Halifax, and took passage in her, with an account of all their discoveries, and surveys, and with a plan of their Township, they had laid out into lots: but they were so unfortunate as to arrive at that place just at that time accounts were received, that the French had sent out a large fleet and a body of land forces, and had taken Saint Johns, Newfoundland, and were almost hourly expected to attack Halifax, where at that time was only one man of war, the Northumberland, and very few troops. The militia called out; public offices shut, and nothing to be seen but bustle and preparation for the defence of the town, that being the situation of Government, the agents and surveyors, for the adventurers were obliged to return without giving any account of their proceedings, or obtaining any confirmation of their former order for surveying a township, or any instructions to govern their conduct in carrying on the intended settlements. This disappointment was, in the autumn of the same year, followed by one still greater. Commissioners were sent to Fort Frederick, to inform the former applicants for grants of lands, that the space they had surveyed would not be granted to them. On receiving this distressing information they sent a petition to the King, stating the expence they had been at, in full confidence, that all the promises and encouragements, they had received from Government, would be confirmed. This petition was sent under cover addressed to the then agent for the Province, most earnestly soliciting his influence in obtaining a speedy answer for their petition. He took a lively interest in their cause, and in a short time, obtained an order to the Governor to grant all such shares in the tract they had laid out, as should from time to time be settled; and the same gentleman advanced a considerable sum for the proprietors, to defray the expence of obtaining such order, and the proprietors, as a mark of their gratitude, and esteem of their patron, gave their town his name, with a small addition to it, and grants were made to all the resident proprietors, in or about the year 1765. The Indians had remained peaceable from 1762 to 1765: in this year they assembled together, and gave threats of immediately commencing a new war against the English; and the inhabitants of all the frontiers of the Province were greatly alarmed, and the commander of Fort Frederick doubled his sentries on the occasion. The pretexts of the Indians were well known to be mostly false and frivolous, and the commandant and inhabitants residing near the garrison, took great pains to persuade the Chiefs to lay their complaints before the Governor, at Halifax, before they engaged in a war that would eventually prove ruinous to themselves, which might be prevented by their stating to Government all the grounds of the injuries they complained of: after little consideration they agreed to the proposal, and soon after set out for Halifax, accompanied by one of the inhabitants. Their business on their first arrival, was, without loss of time, made known to the Governor, who appointed a time and place to give the Chiefs a hearing of their complaints. They on examination, could not in any degree, support their heaviest charges, and in the end, they admitted they had been misinformed. So that the result of their complaints, amounted to nothing more than that the inhabitants had frequently killed some Beavers, Moose, and other animals, but not far from their houses, which the Chiefs alleged was their exclusive property; and that it was of the condition of a former treaty that the English settlers should not be allowed to kill any wild game in any part of the wilderness, beyond the limits of their farms and improvements. The Governor informed them in his answer, that all treaties before that time, should be strictly observed, and that if the inhabitants had in any instance, done anything contrary to such treaties, they should be severely reprimanded and restrained from continuing such practices. The Chiefs replied, that it might be out of their power to pacify their young men, unless the damage before done to them should be paid. This brought on an inquiry of the Chiefs, what the alleged damage amounted to. In their answer they highly overrated as the inhabitants made it clearly appear, from their statement of the number of animals that had been killed. The Chiefs finding themselves detected in having alarmed the country without reason and of having thereby put them in distressing fear and to great expence, appeared ashamed of their conduct, and could only repeat that the Indians of their tribe would insist on being paid the damages for the loss of their wild animals. After a full hearing a final answer was given them; as follows.—That although the grievances that they had stated were by no means sufficient to justify their hostile proceedings; yet to do them ample justice, he would order to be sent them a certain amount in clothing and provisions (amount not remembered) provided they would consider it full satisfaction for the injuries done by the settlers, and send orders to restrain them from hunting wild animals in the woods. The Chiefs accepted that offer, and the Indians remained peaceable, till the commencement of the revolt of the thirteen Colonies, when they were called upon to aid in defence of the Province, or at least to remain neuter. They promised to do either one or the other; for which purpose Government gave them large presents in necessary supplies for their families. They were at the same time, equally solicited by the Americans; and as large or larger presents made by them; and they continued to live mostly at the expence of the two parties during that war. In 1779 the Indians again assembled, and threatened to make war against the English; and went down in as great a body as they could collect, to near Fort Howe, where they were met by a messenger from the Commandant, and a Deputy Agent for Indian affairs, who appeased the Indians, with a promise of presents (commonly so called), which they accepted and the purchase of a continuance of peace; and they returned to their head-quarters at Opage. This was the last threat of an Indian war.

NOTES.—Notwithstanding all the obstacles and discouragements before noticed, the number of families at the river Saint John, including a few settlers on the Islands in Passamaquoddy Bay, amounted to between one hundred and one hundred and fifty families prior to the year 1783.

MEMO.—The French Priest who had been forty years employed by France, as a Missionary to the Indians, was ordered to leave the province in 1763, being suspected of influencing and instructing the Indians to make extravagant demands on Government as commissions of their remaining peaceable, at the same time all the French families, then in scattered settlements on the north side of the bay were ordered to leave the Province. They all obeyed the mandate: but in a few years, many returned, one after another, and became quiet subjects.



REMARKS.

On the state of that part of ancient Nova-Scotia lying north of the Bay of Fundy, now in the Province of New-Brunswick, prior to the year 1754.

The French Government in defiance of former treaties continued to erect forts around the harbour of Saint John, and to send troops for the defence of this part of the country (considering it theirs) and to employ the natives to harass and murder the settlers in the district of Maine, thus for many years preventing the settlement of that part of the British dominions as far west as that district or province extended; and the French more recently built a Fort and named it Beau-Sejour, at the head of the bay: from which place they supplied with arms, &c. the tribes of Indians who inhabited the coasts on the Gulph of Saint Lawrence and the rivers that fall into the same. The Indians were also employed to check and prevent the settlements of the Country called Minas, Cobequis and other parts of the Province on the Peninsula of Acadia or Halifax. To prevent the continuance of such depredations, the British Government sent an expedition in 1754, to take possession of this fort, which was not obtained till after an obstinate resistance from the French, who for some years after it was reduced, continued to fortify their settlements on the banks of the river St. John, at Passamaquoddy, and to employ the natives in the service, to prevent the English from extending their settlements eastward of the river Kennebeck and the inhabitants were continually harassed, and often murdered by savages frequently sent by the French for that purpose at Kennebeck and many miles westward for a long course of time. In the year 1758, an expedition was sent from Halifax or Boston to reduce the only remaining French forts of any considerable strength, north of the Bay of Fundy; situated on the west side of the river, below the falls, within the present limits of the city Saint John. But the French commander, having received notice of this expedition some time before its arrival, removed all the light stores further up the river, sunk all his heavy guns as reported by Frenchmen who were present and demolished the fort. He first made his retreat only about four leagues above the falls, where he had previously erected works, surrounded by a thick wood, in order to be covered by Indian soldiers, who will never fight on open ground, nor suffer themselves to be driven within the walls of a garrison by a beseiging force. The French soon after retired to Saint Anns, and not long afterwards to Canada. The demolished fort was rebuilt on the ground of the old one, and garrisoned the winter following, by a body of provincial troops, and a company of Rangers, sent from Louisburgh.

The same company of Rangers as a scouting party, in March 1759, marched up the river on the ice as far as Saint Anns. The few inhabitants below that village had either fled before this party appeared, to St. Anns, or into the woods, and no prisoner was taken to give information concerning the situation or strength of the enemy, yet they continued a forced march as far up as Saint Anns, where they found the village deserted. They set fire to every building in it, and returned with great precipitation to the Fort Frederick, expecting to be pursued by the enemy. This company was early this spring ordered to join the expedition against Quebeck, the Fort was garrisoned with a company or more of provincials till the next or second year: when they were relieved by a company of one of the highland Regiments. The Fort afterwards continued to be garrisoned by a company of some British Regiments, under different Commandants until 1770, when the British troops were embarked from every post in the Province, on account of some disorders that had recently been committed in Boston: the Barracks and Stores were by order of Government placed under the care of one of the inhabitants residing near the several Forts, specially authorized by Government for that service. In 1774, a corporal and six privates were sent to reside in the Barracks of Fort Frederick.

In May 1775, a brig was sent from Boston, to procure fresh provisions for the British army then in that town, from the settlement of the river Saint John. The same vessel was laden with stock, poultry, and sundry other articles most brought from Maugerville in small vessels and gondolas: all which had been put on board within about fifteen days after the brig had arrived. While she was waiting for a fair wind and clear weather, an armed sloop of four guns and full of men, from Machias, came into the harbour, took possession of the brig, and two days after, carried her off to Machias; but the first night after her arrival, the enemy made the small party in the Fort prisoners, plundered them of every thing in it, and set fire to all the Barracks: but at that time they did not molest any of the inhabitants, on the opposite side of the river. Early next spring an armed brig from Machias entered the harbour after having taken a vessel from the West-Indies, belonging to Portland, which they immediately sent to Boston. The two armed vessels continued more than a week in the harbour and sent an officer with a boat full of men to Maugerville: They did no material injury to the settlers. In 1776 and 1777 large parties of armed men came into the river Saint John, in whale boats from Machias and passed through the falls in their boats, and took possession of several empty buildings on the west shore of the river against the present settlements called the Indian House, and occupied them for Barracks, whence they came over every day to Portland shore, and marched along the tongue of land, between the harbour and the water above the falls; in order to capture any vessels that might enter the river and to prevent the landing of marines, or seamen from any British ship. In 1777, the Vulture sloop of war, was stationed in the Bay, between Annapolis and Saint John for the protection of these places, and to prevent the enemy from venturing further up the Bay to plunder the Towns of Horton, Cornwallis and other settlements at the water side in different places, but it was soon found that these towns could not be secured from depredations, as the enemy would pass by all large ships of war in the night and in fogs.

Early in the summer of 1777 the Vulture came into the harbour of Saint John while the Machias party were at their Head-Quarters, above the falls.



SOME NOTES REGARDING

PETER FISHER

THE FIRST HISTORIAN OF NEW-BRUNSWICK.

BY REV. W. O. RAYMOND, LL.D.

Peter Fisher's claim to be the first of our historians rests upon two little books, both printed by a well known publishing firm in Market Square, in the City of St. John, in the early years of the last century. The first of these books appeared in 1825. It comprises 110 pages, written in excellent literary style and, considering Mr. Fisher's limited sources of information, is remarkably accurate. In the preface he observes: "This work, however imperfect, must be useful, as giving the first general outline of the Province, and interesting to every person who possesses a feeling for his own fireside."

The other book, "Notitia of New-Brunswick," comprises 136 pages, and was printed in 1838. In the advertisement at the beginning, the author states that "circumstances have compelled him to relinquish in part his original plan, and to contract the scope of the publication, since the times do not warrant any great outlay on works of this description."

The two books are really pamphlets in yellow paper covers, and are now so rare as to be much sought for by collectors of "Canadiana." Both books are written under the nom de plume of "An Inhabitant," and the motto that follows is the same in each, namely:—

"Whatever concerns my country, interests me; I follow nature, with truth my guide."

Before proceeding to consider the personality of our first historian and to speak further of his writings, it will be of interest to speak of his antecedents. His father, Lewis Fisher, served in the war of the American Revolution, on the side of the crown, in the New Jersey Volunteers, a brigade commanded by Brigadier General Cortlandt Skinner, the last Royal Attorney-General of New Jersey. The corps was sometimes known as "Skinner's Greens." It was numerically the largest organization of British Americans in Howe's army. Officers and men were mostly natives of New Jersey, New-York and Pennsylvania. One of the original six battalions was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Abraham Van Buskirk and it contained a large Dutch element. Among the officers were Major Van Cortlandt, Captains William Van Allen, Peter Ruttan, Samuel Ryerson, Jacob Van Buskirk and Waldron Blaan; Lieutenants Martin Ryerson, John Van Norden, John Heslop, John Simonson and Joost (or Justus) Earle; Ensigns Colin McVean, Xenophon Jouett, Malcolm Wilmot, William Sorrell and Frederick Handroff.

Among the men in the ranks—many of whom came to New Brunswick and settled near Fredericton—we find such names as VanHorne, Vanderbeck, Ackerman, Fisher, Burkstaff, Swim, Ridner, VanWoert, Woolley, etc. By the settlement of so many men of this corps in New-Brunswick, the same thrifty "Knickerbocker" element that figured in the development of New-York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania was planted in this province.

Lewis Fisher joined the New Jersey Volunteers on December 7, 1776. He was taken prisoner a few weeks later, together with his brother Peter and fifteen others. After an absence of a year and nine months he effected his escape and returned to his duty on October 2, 1778. He was thenceforth stationed chiefly at Staten Island, where his three oldest children—Eliza, Henry and Peter—were born. When the war closed the New Jersey Volunteers were quartered at Newtown, three miles east of Brooklyn, on Long Island, N.Y.

In the earlier muster rolls we find Fisher's name entered as Lodewick Fischer, but later he adopted the English form Lewis Fisher. His wife, Mary, was probably of English parentage. She was the mother of a very large family and a woman of resolute spirit, which she transmitted to her descendants.

The New Jersey Volunteers never numbered more than 1,500, of all ranks. They, however, rendered essential service in New Jersey and in the defence of Staten Island. One of the battalions under Lieut.-Col. Isaac Allen, was conspicuous for its gallantry in the campaigns in Georgia and South Carolina. At the close of the war the original six battalions had been consolidated into three, under command of Lieut.-Col. Stephen deLancey, Lieut.-Col. Isaac Allen and Lieut.-Col. Abraham VanBuskirk.

The war may be said to have ended with the surrender of the army under Lord Cornwallis, at Yorktown, on October 19, 1781, and little attempt at recruiting was made subsequently; consequently the regiments continued to dwindle until, at the evacuation of New-York, two years later, they were not more than one-third of their original strength. The New Jersey Volunteers, a year after their arrival in New-Brunswick, were mustered by Thomas Knox, under the supervision of Col. Edward Winslow. The return is dated at Fort Howe, September 25, 1784, and the number of those then on their lands, and for whom the Royal bounty of provisions was furnished, was as follows:—

Men Women Children Servants Total Over 10 Under 10 1st New Jersey Vols. 158 57 57 39 9 320 2nd " " 132 45 44 38 14 273 3rd " " 173 64 47 42 6 332 —- —- —- —- —- —- Total 463 166 148 119 29 925

The commander of the 3rd Battalion, Lieut.-Col. VanBuskirk, did not come with his men to the River St. John but settled in Shelburne, where he was the first mayor of the town. The troops for St. John sailed in charge of Lieut.-Col. Richard Hewlett as senior officer, with Lieut.-Col. Gabriel DeVeber second in command. They left New-York on September 15, 1783, and arrived safely in St. John harbour on the 26th, with the exception of the transports "Martha" and "Esther." The former was wrecked near Yarmouth and more than half of her passengers were lost. The "Esther," in which VanBuskirk's battalion had embarked, got off her course in the fog and narrowly escaped destruction, arriving a day or two behind her sister ships.

As Peter Fisher was born on Staten Island, on June 9, 1782, he was a very young Loyalist indeed at the time of his arrival in Blue-nose Land, being, in point of fact, less than sixteen months old.

Sir Guy Carleton's orders were that the several corps should proceed at once to the places allotted for their settlement, directions having been given to Captain John Colville, assistant agent of all small craft at the St. John River, to afford every assistance in his power to the corps in getting to their destinations. Three days after their arrival the troops disembarked and encamped above the Falls, near the Indian House. Hewlett wrote Sir Guy Carleton that he feared the want of small craft would greatly delay their progress. He writes again on the 13th October, 1783, that the troops had been disbanded and were getting up the river as fast as the scarcity of small craft for conveying them would admit.

I shall pause here to relate an incident, which will indicate the source from which Peter Fisher derived the information he gives us concerning the arrival of the Loyalists at St. Ann's and their subsequent hardships.

About twenty-five years ago William, the youngest son of Peter Fisher, read to me in his apartments in the old Park Hotel, in St. John, a manuscript which contained the recollections of one of his sisters of her various conversations with her old grandmother, Mary Fisher, concerning the coming to New-Brunswick and the subsequent experience of her family at St. Ann's. Mr. Fisher did not entrust the manuscript to my hands but allowed me to make full notes, and afterwards at my request re-read the whole, in order that I might make sure of my facts. The story which now follows is, of course, not quoted from the lips of the first narrator, but is based upon the notes made by her granddaughter in which are embodied the recollections of the conversations she had with her grandmother.

THE GRANDMOTHER'S STORY.

We sailed from New-York in the ship "Esther" with the fleet for Nova-Scotia. Some of our ships were bound for Halifax, some for Shelburne and Rome for St. John's river. Our ship going the wrong track was nearly lost. When we got to St. John we found the place all in confusion; some were living in log houses, some building huts, and many of the soldiers living in their tents at the Lower Cove. Soon after we landed we joined a party bound up the river in a schooner to St. Ann's. It was eight days before we got to Oromocto. There the Captain put us ashore being unwilling on account of the lateness of the season, or for some other reason, to go further. He charged us each four dollars for the passage. We spent the night on shore and the next day the women and children proceeded in Indian canoes to St. Ann's with some of the party; the rest came on foot.

We reached our destination on the 8th day of October, tired out with our long journey, and pitched our tents at the place now called Salamanca, near the shore. The next day we explored for a place to encamp, for the winter was near and we had no time to lose.

The season was wet and cold, and we were much discouraged at the gloomy prospect before us. Those who had arrived a little earlier had made better preparations for the winter; some had built small log huts. This we could not do because of the lateness of our arrival. Snow fell on the 2nd day of November to the depth of six inches. We pitched our tents in the shelter of the woods and tried to cover them with spruce boughs. We used stones for fireplaces. Our tent had no floor but the ground. The winter was very cold, with deep snow, which we tried to keep from drifting in by putting a large rug at the door. The snow, which lay six feet around us, helped greatly in keeping out the cold. How we lived through that awful winter I hardly know. There were mothers, that had been reared in a pleasant country enjoying all the comforts of life, with helpless children in their arms. They clasped their infants to their bosoms and tried by the warmth of their own bodies to protect them from the bitter cold. Sometimes a part of the family had to remain up during the night to keep the fires burning, so as to keep the rest from freezing. Some destitute people made use of boards, which the older ones kept heating before the fire and applied by turns to the smaller children to keep them warm.

Many women and children, and some of the men, died from cold and exposure. Graves were dug with axes and shovels near the spot where our party had landed, and there in stormy winter weather our loved ones were buried. We had no minister, so we had to bury them without any religious service, besides our own prayers. The first burial ground continued to be used for some years until it was nearly filled. We called it "The Loyalist Provincials Burial Ground."

The site of this old grave-yard, is on the Ketchum place at Salamanca, just below Fredericton, near the shore. Some rude headstones may perhaps yet be found there. The late Adolphus G. Beckwith told me that he remembered when a boy to have seen a number of pine "head-boards," much decayed, but still standing in this old cemetery. The painted epitaphs, or inscriptions, were in some cases fairly well preserved. He remembered, he said, that many of the names seemed to be German (or Dutch), a statement which I hardly credited at the time, but which is entirely in harmony with the old grandmother's story. Continuing her narrative, she says:

Among those who came with us to St. Ann's, or who were there when we arrived were Messrs. Swim, Burkstaff, McComesky, three named Ridner, Wooley, Bass, Paine, Ryerse, Acker, Lownsberry, Ingraham, Buchanan, Ackerman, Donley, Vanderbeck, Smith, Essington and some few others.

Here again the grandmother's story is confirmed by the Muster Rolls of the New Jersey Volunteers, lately placed by our Historical Society in the Dominion Archives at Ottawa for safe-keeping. Nearly all the names she mentions are to be found there. In Captain Waldron Blaan's Company, we find John Swim, Vincent Swim, Moses McComesky, David Burkstaff, Frederick Burkstaff. In Col. VanBuskirk's Company we find Abraham Vanderbeck, Conrad Ridner, Abraham Ackerman, Morris Ackerman and Marmaduke Ackerman. In Captain Edward Earle's Company, Lodewick Fisher, Peter Ridnor and Peter Smith. In Captain Samuel Ryerson's Company, Samuel Buchanan. In Captain Jacob Buskirk's Company, James Ackerman.

Benjamin Ingraham, mentioned above, was a sergeant in the King's American Regiment; he served in the Carolinas, where he nearly died of yellow fever, and was severely wounded in the battle of Camden. He arrived at St. Ann's in a row-boat in October, 1783, and built a small log house in the woods into which he moved on the 6th of November, at which time there was six inches of snow on the ground.

The story now continues:

When the Loyalists arrived there were only three houses standing on the old St. Ann's plain. Two of them were old frame houses, the other a log house (which stood near the old Fisher place). There were said to have been two bodies of people murdered here. It could not have been long before the arrival of the Loyalists that this happened.

Many of the Loyalists who came in the spring had gone further up the river, but they were little better off for provisions than we were at St. Ann's. Supplies expected before the close of navigation did not come, and at one time starvation stared us in the face. It was a dreary contrast to our former conditions. Some of our men had to go down the river with hand-sleds or toboggans to get food for their famishing families. A full supply of provisions was looked for in the Spring, but the people were betrayed by those they depended upon to supply them. All the settlers were reduced to great straits and had to live after the Indian fashion. A party of Loyalists who came before us late in the spring, had gone up the river further, but they were no better off than those at St. Ann's. The men caught fish and hunted moose when they could. In the spring we made maple sugar. We ate fiddle heads, grapes and even the leaves of trees to allay the pangs of hunger. On one occasion some poisonous weeds were eaten along with the fiddle heads; one or two died, and Dr. Earle had all he could do to save my life.

As soon as the snow was off the ground we began to build log houses, but were obliged to desist for want of food. Your grandfather went up the river to Captain McKay's for provisions, and found no one at home but an old colored slave woman, who said her master and his man had gone out to see if they could obtain some potatoes or meal, having in the house only half a box of biscuits. Some of the people at St. Ann's, who had planted a few potatoes, were obliged to dig them up and eat them.

Again a few comments will show the reliability of the old lady's narrative. The three houses she mentions on the site of Fredericton were those of Benjamin Atherton, built about 1767 at the upper end of the town, near the site of the old Government House; Philip Weade's, which stood on the river bank in front of the Cathedral, and Olivier Thibodeau's, an Acadian, whose log house was at the lower end of town. The tradition regarding the massacre of some of the first settlers at St. Ann's refers doubtless to the destruction of the French settlement there by McCurdy's New England Rangers in February, 1759, as is described at page 242 in Dr. Raymond's "St. John River History." The party of Loyalists, who had gone further up the river in the late Spring of 1783, were the King's American Dragoons, who settled in Prince William. Resuming once more the narrative, the grandmother says:

In our distress we were gladdened by the discovery of some large patches of pure white beans, marked with a black cross. They had probably been originally planted by the French, but were, now growing wild. In our joy at the discovery we called them at first the "Royal Provincials' bread," but afterwards "The staff of life and hope of the starving." I planted some of these beans with my own hands, and the seed was preserved in our family for many years. There was great rejoicing when the first schooner arrived with corn-meal and rye. In those days the best passages up and down the river took from three to five days. Sometimes the schooners were a week or ten days on the way. It was not during the first year alone that we suffered from want of food, other years were nearly as bad.

The first summer after our arrival all hands united in building their log houses. Dr. Earle's was the first that was finished. Our people had but few tools and those of the rudest sort. They had neither bricks or lime, and chimneys and fireplaces were built of stone laid in yellow clay. They covered the roofs of the houses with bark bound over with small poles. The windows had only four small panes of glass.

The first store was kept by a man named Cairns, who lived in an old house on the bank of the river near the gate of the first Church built in Fredericton [in front of the present Cathedral]. He used to sell fish at one penny each and butternuts at two for a penny. He also sold tea at $2.00 per lb. which was to us a great boon. We greatly missed our tea. Sometimes we used an article called Labrador, and sometimes steeped spruce or hemlock bark for drinking, but I despised it.

There were no domestic animals in our settlement at first except one black and white cat, which was a great pet. Some wicked fellows, who came from the States, killed, roasted and ate the cat, to our great indignation. A man named Conley owned the first cow. Poor Conley afterwards hanged himself, the reason for which was never known.

For years there were no teams, and our people had to work hard to get their provisions. Potatoes were planted among the black stumps and turned out well. Pigeons used to come in great numbers and were shot or caught by the score in nets. We found in their crops some small round beans, which we planted; they grew very well and made excellent green beans, which we ate during the summer. In the winter time our people had sometimes to haul their provisions by hand fifty or a hundred miles over the ice or through the woods. In summer they came in slow sailing vessels. On one occasion Dr. Earle and others went up the river to Canada on snowshoes with hand sleds, returning with bags of flour and biscuits. It was a hard and dangerous journey, and they were gone a long time.

For several years we lived in dread of the Indians, who were sometimes very bold. I have heard that the Indians from Canada once tried to murder the people on the St. John River. Coming down the river they captured an Indian woman of the St. John tribe, and the chief said they would spare her if she would be their guide. They had eleven canoes in all, and they were tied together and the canoe of the guide attached to the hindermost. As they drew near the Grand Falls, most of the party were asleep; and the rest were deceived by the woman, who told them that the roaring they heard was caused by a fall at the mouth of the stream which here joined the main river. At the critical moment the Indian woman cut the cord which fastened her canoe to the others and escaped to the shore, while the Canada Indians went over the fall and were lost.[1]

[1] It is of interest to know that this legend was told by the Indians to the English settlers shortly after their arrival. The name of the Indian heroine is given as Malobianah, or Malabeam.

In the early days of the settlement at St. Ann's, some fellows that had come from the States used to disturb the other settlers. They procured liquor at Vanhorne's tavern and drank heavily. They lived in a log cabin which soon became a resort for bad characters. They formed a plot to go up the river and plunder the settlers—provisions being their chief object. They agreed that if any of their party were killed in the expedition they should prevent discovery of their identity by putting him into a hole cut in the ice. While they were endeavoring to effect an entrance into a settler's house, a shot, fired out of a window, wounded a young man in the leg. The others then desisted from their attempt, but cut a hole in the ice and thrust the poor fellow in, who had been shot, although he begged to be allowed to die in the woods, and promised, if found alive not to betray them, but they would not trust him.