It may also be well to note the efficacy of the people's call upon the Government in those early days, and how quickly the response came; not by yielding to gusts of popular whim and caprice; not by conferring benefits upon the few at the expense of the many; but by a quick observation of the fact that the withdrawal of certain rightful privilege by another nation from American settlers had caused them distress, and by a prompt determination to relieve their distress, even if the unwelcome visage of war frowned in opposition.

Another incident which, it seems to me, we may recall to-day with profit and satisfaction, grew out of the conduct of the President when the treaty of 1803 had been formulated and was returned to him for ratification and final completion. He was, as is well known, originally quite firm in his belief that the Constitution as it stood did not authorize such an extension of our limits by purchase as the treaty for the acquisition of the Louisiana Territory contemplated. Holding this opinion, and at the same time confronted with the clear conviction that the treaty, with all its stupendous advantages, could not be allowed to fail without positive peril, if not to our national life, at least to its most vital object and aspirations, his perplexity was increased by the receipt of an authoritative intimation that any delay in final action on the treaty might open the way to a recession on the part of France. In these circumstances, not daring to risk the delay of an amendment to the Constitution prior to such final action, he proposed reconciling consistency with duty by procuring confirmation of the treaty by the Senate and compassing its unquestionable validation by a subsequent constitutional amendment.

In view of the conclusive statement, since that time of this constitutional question by every branch of the Government against Mr. Jefferson's original opinion and in favor of the nation's power to acquire territory, as was done under the treaty of 1803, and considering the fact that we have since that time immensely increased our area by the acquisition, not only of neighboring territory, but of distant islands of the sea, separated by thousands of miles from our home domain, we may be inclined to think lightly of President Jefferson's scruples concerning the acquisition of lands, not only next adjacent to us, but indisputably necessary to our peace and development.

There were wise men near our President in 1803 who differed with him touching the nation's power to acquire new territory under the original provisions of the Constitution; and these men did not fail to make known their dissent. Moreover, in the Senate, to which the treaty was submitted for confirmation, there was an able discussion of its constitutional validity and effectiveness. The judgment of that body on this phase of the subject was emphatically declared, when out of 31 votes 24 were cast in favor of confirmation. An amendment to the Constitution was afterwards presented to Congress, but its first appearance was its last. It does not appear that the President interested himself in its fate, and it died at the moment of introduction.

While in this day and generation we may wonder at the doubts which so perplexed Jefferson in 1803 and at his estimate of the limitation of our fundamental law, and may be startled when we reflect that if they had been allowed to control his action we might have lost the greatest national opportunity which has been presented to our people since the adoption of the Constitution, we can not fail at the same time to be profoundly grateful that these doubts and this estimate were those of a man sincere enough and patriotic enough to listen to wise and able counselors and to give his country the benefit of his admission of the fallibility of his judgment.

Thomas Jefferson never furnished better evidence of his greatness than when, just before the submission of the treaty to the Senate, he wrote to a distinguished Senator who differed with him on this question: "I confess that I think it important in the present case to set an example against broad construction by appealing for new power to the people. If, however, our friends shall think differently, certainly I shall acquiesce with satisfaction, confiding that the good sense of our country will correct the evil of construction when it shall produce ill effects."

A recent writer on American diplomacy, who is not suspected of partiality for Jeffersonian political doctrine, gave in strong and graceful terms a good reason for our gratitude to-day, when, in referring to this subject, he wrote: "It was fortunate for the future of America that we had at the head of affairs a man of such broad views of our country's future. A less able President, with the same views as entertained by Jefferson as to the constitutionality of the measure would have put aside the opportunity. Jefferson put aside his preconceived views as to the fundamental law; or subordinated them to the will of the nation and welcomed the opportunity to open up the continent to the expansion of American democracy and free institutions."

We are glad at this hour that Jefferson was wrong in his adverse construction of the Constitution and glad that he was liberal minded enough to see that he might be wrong. And yet may we not profitably pause here long enough to contrast in our thoughts the careful and reverent manner in which the restrictions of our fundamental law were scrutinized a hundred years ago with the tendency often seen in later times to flippantly attempt the adjustment of our Constitution to the purposes of interest and convenience?

In conclusion, I hope I may be permitted to suggest that our thoughts and surroundings on this occasion should lead us to humble recognition of the providence of God in all that has made us a great nation. From our beginning as a people our course has been marked by concurrences and incidents so striking, so significant and so constant, that only superstitious dullness or intellectual blindness will place them to the credit of luck or chance.

In the midst of our rejoicing to-day it is peculiarly fitting that we recall with soberness and meekness some of the happiness in connection with the great event we celebrate, which impressively illustrate the interposition of Divine Providence in our behalf. We sought from a nation ruled by one whose ambition was boundless and whose scheme for aggrandizement knew neither the obligations of public morality nor the restraints of good faith, the free navigation of the Mississippi River, and such insignificant territory as would make such navigation useful. While our efforts toward the accomplishment of this slight result languished and were fast assuming a hopeless condition, the autocrat of France suddenly commanded one of his ministers to enter into negotiations with our waiting and dispirited representatives and exclaimed: "I renounce Louisiana. It is not only New Orleans I cede. It is the whole colony without reserve."

It was only nineteen days thereafter that the treaty transferring to us the magnificent domain comprised within the Louisiana Purchase was concluded.

This astonishing change in our prospects, which dissipated the fears and apprehensions of our Government and revived the promise of our perpetuity and happy destiny, came at the very moment that Bonaparte was organizing a force to occupy the Louisiana Territory in the prosecution of colonial occupation and development, which, if consummated, would probably have closed the door even to the slight acquisition which we originally sought. The French colony of Santo Domingo was, however, a prime factor in this scheme of occupation, and it was essential to its success that this colony and Louisiana should both be included and should supplement each other. A serious revolt then raging in Santo Domingo delaying proceedings, the occupation of Louisiana was postponed until this revolt should be overcome. The troops sent from France to accomplish this apparently easy task were so stubbornly resisted by hundreds of thousands of freed blacks fighting against their reenslavement, and they suffered so terribly from climatic conditions and deadly fever, that after the sacrifice of 25,000 soldiers, many of whom were intended for the subsequent occupation of Louisiana, Bonaparte's plan for the occupation of both colonies miscarried. The disappointment and the conception of new schemes of war and conquest by the restless dictator of France, and his need of money to carry out these schemes, were controlling circumstances in leading him to throw in our lap the entire Louisiana Territory. None of these circumstances were within our procurement or knowledge; but who shall say that God was not accomplishing His designs in our behalf amid the turmoil and distressing scenes of Santo Domingo's revolt? And how can it be said that there was no Providence in the unexpected unyielding and successful fight for continued freedom on the part of the negroes of Santo Domingo, or in the fatal pestilence that vied with bloody warfare in the destruction of the army of subjugation, or in the fever of war and aggression which heated the blood of Bonaparte, all combining to turn him away from the occupation of the Louisiana Territory? All these things, so remote and so far out of sight, pointed with the coercion that belongs to the decrees of God to a consummation which restored to our people peace and contentment, and secured to our nation extension and development beyond the dreams of our fathers.

Thus we may well recall in these surroundings the wonderful measure of prophecy's fulfillment within the span of a short century, the spirit, the patriotism, and the civic virtue of Americans who lived a hundred years ago, and God's overruling of the wrath of man and His devious ways for the blessing of our nation.

We are all proud of our American citizenship. Let us leave this place with this feeling stimulated by the sentiments born of the occasion. Let us appreciate more keenly than ever how vitally necessary it is to our country's weal that everyone within its citizenship should be clean minded in political aim and aspiration, sincere and honest in his conception of our country's mission, and aroused to higher and more responsive patriotism by the reflection that it is a solemn thing to belong to a people favored of God.

Eighth. "America," with full chorus and band accompaniment.

Ninth. Prayer by Bishop E.R. Hendrix:

Almighty God, our Heavenly Father, we devoutly thank and worship Thee, the Author of our being, and the gracious source of all our blessings. We are because Thou art; and Thou hast made us in Thy image capable of fellowship with Thee and delighting in a fellowship with one another as we resemble Thee. Thou hast given us our reason and the power of cooperation with one another in all worthy ends looking to the well-being of our race. Civilization with its conquests over the material world is possible only with Thy aid. Christianity with its conquests over evil is the work of God and man, as Thou dost call us to be Thy fellow-workers and dost inspire us with courage and faith.

This wonderful achievement of human effort and skill which we dedicate this day is possible only by Thy help and as we have imitated Thy example. Thou art the great Architect and Builder. Thou art the great Mathematician and Engineer. Thou art the great Chemist and Electrician. Thou art the great Thinker and Artist. Our works are but pale and feeble copies of Thine, and are possible only because Thou workest until now and dost bless our works. The uniformity of Thy laws bids us work in confidence, and the unity of nature bids us work intelligently, because we work with Thee. We praise Thee for thy growing confidence in man, as Thou dost place in his hand the keys of every laboratory and dost trust him with the secrets of nature that have been hid from the foundation of the world. Again Thou dost give man dominion, whether in science, or art, or government, nor wilt Thou remove his scepter if he wield it for the betterment of his kind and for Thy glory. As the high priest and interpreter of nature may he prove worthy of his great trust.

We thank Thee for this great exposition, whose stately and noble exterior gives promise of being the home of a mighty spirit of worldwide fellowship of the nations. It is not only another milestone of progress, it is a timekeeper of civilization. We thank Thee for the pioneers and the prophets, the statesmen and the patriots who secured for us this great inheritance, and for their sons who have cultivated and developed it. Help us that we may realize the high ideals of our fathers who sought to establish and maintain good and righteous government, and to reap the harvests of patient industry. May no evil occurrence mar the happiness and good will which we invoke for the council of nations which shall here be held. May the commerce of ideas no less than of products be borne by favoring tides around the globe. To this end we implore Thy blessings upon the rulers of the nations of the earth which may be presented here. Grant peace in our time, O Lord, and may the victories of peace abound.

And now, O Lord, our God, we dedicate to Thee and to the welfare of our common humanity these buildings and grounds which Thy providence has made possible. Bless with Thy presence and favor this great festival of the nations that it may help to make stronger the bonds of human brotherhood in all the world. And all this we ask in the name of Christ, our Lord. Amen.

Tenth. Benediction by Right Rev. Henry C. Potter:

May the blessing of the Lord God Almighty, without whom all our labor is but vain, rest upon this work, and all who are or shall be engaged in it.

May He take these buildings under His gracious keeping and crown this great undertaking with His enduring favor, making it the school of truth and beauty and so a revelation of His infinite mind working and through the mind of man. And to Him be glory and honor and power now and always.

The Lord bless us and keep us; the Lord make His face to shine upon us and be gracious unto us; the Lord lift up the light of His countenance upon us and give to us and to all the people of this land peace, purity, and prosperity, both now and forevermore. Amen.

Eleventh. Centennial salute of 100 guns.

At 8 o'clock p. m. a grand pyrotechnic display took place on the open grounds south of the Administration Building.



PROGRAMME

DIPLOMATIC DAY, MAY 1, 1902.

At 10.30 a. m. the members of the Diplomatic Corps, the representatives of the foreign governments to the exposition, and other official guests assembled at the St. Louis Club, and they were then conducted by military escort to the Liberal Arts Building.

At 12 o'clock m. the assembly was called to order by Mr. Corwin H. Spencer, chairman of the committee on ceremonies of the Exposition Company, and the following programme was carried out:

First. Invocation by Rev. Carl Swenson:

Great God, the God of our fathers and of their children, accept our heartfelt worship and gratitude. We bless Thy holy name for that wonderful providence of bountiful love and inspiring benevolence by which Thou hast made us a great and mighty nation out of an insignificant, struggling, and sorrow-laden beginning.

We render willing and adoring worship to Thee for that divine guidance and wisdom so admirably exhibited in the wide-visioned policy in the nation's most inspired leaders a hundred years ago, and to-day the policy which in one brief century has created an empire of a dozen magnificent Commonwealths of an unknown expanse of uninhabited wilderness and desert.

Vouchsafe ever to us as a people leaders of prophetic understanding, who in an uncertain present fathom the true inwardness of conditions pregnated with the greatest possibilities for a future of ever increasing proportions and realizations.

We thank Thee for the wealth of hope and promise implied in the dedication and completion of this unparalleled congress of peace, good will, and universal fraternity, made possible not only by the enterprise, patriotism, and gratitude of this splendid Commonwealth and our own entire people, but also by the responsive, generous, and helpful cooperation of the nations of the whole world.

We pray for Thy blessing, guidance, and love upon every national life here represented. May, in Thy beneficent providence, the inspiring competitions and tournaments so necessary between one people and another become an ennobling race for a higher culture of the human heart and mind; a more universal usage of the forces of nature for the best interests of man and for the full fruition for each and every one of the unexampled industrial and commercial activities which has taken possession of the civilized world.

We pray Thee that the forces ever jointly employed in producing the advance of a free people may learn better to understand their mutual relationship.

Liberate and save capital from every alleged and real form of a grasping, destructive, and disloyal selfishness, which may turn even the present midday of national prosperity and contentment into the threatening deepening gloom of an advancing cyclone of unavoidable loss and destruction.

Give to the possessors of our fabulous wealth an ever-increasing philanthropy, devoting a surplus of possessions unheard of by our fathers to education, literature, arts, and mercy, thereby making themselves the beloved and blessed favorites of a happy and grateful people.

We pray Thee that labor and toil may ever be held in due honor and respect in our broad land. Help us to realize that labor, be it of hand or brains, is the sinews and backbone alike of our past, present, and future as a free people.

Grant, O God, to the leaders in the world of labor the highest and most patriotic ideals of citizenship—ideals and purposes commending themselves to the intelligence and justice of the entire people.

And as neither capital alone, nor labor alone, could have built this wonderful exposition, grant, O God, that capital and labor all over our glorious land may learn to join hands in fair-minded cooperation for the upbuilding of such conditions of society which will prove an inspiration to ourselves and a worthy example to others, ending all forms of illegal coercion by one party or the other, and calling into permanent existence that truest and greatest America which is ever the dream of loyal and patriotic hearts.

We pray Thee help us to realize and profess, amidst the justifiable joy of a happy people, that Thou art God alone, and that there is salvation only in the name of the Blessed Redeemer. Grant that we may continually see in the cross on Calvary the tested emblem of a new life for time and eternity, a life of insight, energy, and the power of universally recognized leadership ever characterizing the nation whose boon is the Bible and whose master is Christ. Bless and protect the President of our nation, the governor of the State, the mayor of this city, and the president of this exposition, with all their associations. God of our fathers, give unto us all that sincerity of purpose, that rectitude of action so necessary for the preservation of our rights and privileges. Make us the toiling means for promulgating for Thee, and ever more successfully, the divine message of the Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man, and to Thee, the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost, shall be glory now and forevermore. Amen.

Second. The following is a brief outline of the sentiments expressed by Mr. Thurston, president of the day:

We are here to welcome the ambassadors, ministers, and representatives of friendly foreign nations.

Here we gather to commemorate an event which changed the whole history of America, for the acquisition of the Louisiana Purchase extended the boundaries of the young Republic, which up to that time had no seacoast, except that of the Atlantic Ocean on the east, and gave us a continental domain extending from ocean to ocean.

We come here to celebrate, through this magnificent exposition, the centennial anniversary of the Louisiana Purchase. This is not an exposition of a city or of a State, or even of the United States; it is an exposition of and for the world.

Gentlemen, our visitors and our friends, in this temple of peace, dedicated to the progress of man, your presence is significant of the friendliness to us and toward each other of the nations of the world. May we not hope that in the electric splendor of the twentieth century there will come to all peoples a living exemplification of the words of the Master, "Peace on earth, good will toward men."

Third. Greeting to the representatives of foreign governments, from the Universal Exposition of 1904, by Hon. David R. Francis, president of the Exposition Company:

The Universal Exposition of 1904 extends a cordial greeting to the distinguished representatives of foreign countries who favor us with their presence on this memorable occasion.

An assembling of envoys of organized governments, however limited in their number and whatever its object may be, is characteristic of a high civilization; but when that convening is as general in its character as this, it indicates marked progress in the establishment of a better understanding between interests and policies long antagonistic and at variance.

And when the object of such a meeting is, as in this case, to establish and cement friendly relations between people who differ in form of government, in religion, and in race, it means a distinct step toward the organization of a parliament, an accomplishment worthy of highest endeavor, because its consummation would result in universal peace.

When the civilized nations of the earth meet in friendly rivalry, their better acquaintance engenders increased respect. The closer commercial relations that follow are conducive to mutual benefit. They efface prejudice, they broaden sympathies, they deepen and widen the foundations of human progress.

The civilization of past ages would have experienced no overthrows if they had been based on intelligence of the masses and had been imbued with broader humanity which distinguishes and ennobles the fraternal spirit of the twentieth century.

The cycle of one hundred years, whose close we have just passed, incomparable as it was in the discovery and the invention and the application of forces and methods in the physical world, and remarkable as it was for an advancement in every line of thought and research, will be surpassed and distanced by the new century upon which we have entered if the material potentialities and the intellectual faculties of mankind can be utilized and trained toward a common end, and that end the uplifting of the human race and the promotion of its happiness.

Concomitant with industrial progress is social development. The policy of engaging in foreign wars in order to prevent or to pacify domestic unrest may have been wise if not humane, but the time for such a policy has passed. That government is strongest whose subjects are intelligent and contented. Contentment follows the employment of intellectual faculties, in the development of natural resources, and in the production of those activities that result in greater comforts of living and higher planes of thought. The bringing together in a Universal Exposition of the best that all civilized countries have produced, opens to all who participate new lines of thought, better methods and better appliances, and, therefore, conduces to the material benefit of every country participating. It promotes universal economy of human endeavor by enabling the countries taking part to determine through a comparison of their exhibits the lines in which they can produce the best results.

The economy of the world for saving time and energy by the adaptation of physical and intellectual forces to pursuits in which they are most effective, is a profitable study for nations, as it is for individuals. Hand in hand, however, with such occupation should go the cultivation of the taste for the beautiful, and an abounding conviction that man is his brother's keeper and has an inalienable obligation to better the condition of his fellows.

The International Exposition whose dedication you honor by your presence, was conceived in an effort to commemorate a great achievement which has proven a potent factor in increasing our wealth and sustaining our institutions and perpetuating our independence.

The interest manifested by the governments and people whom you represent in pledges of participating has been encouraging and helpful in the highest degree, and we are glad of the opportunity to express our deep gratitude. Your coming enables us to show you the scope of the undertaking we have launched. Our plans are ambitious and our hopes high, but we are energetic and untiring, and with your recognition and assistance we expect to carry to a successful consummation an enterprise which will not only assemble the natural resources of the earth and bring together the best products of human skill, but will be the occasion for eliciting the expression of the best thought and for classifying and systematizing all human knowledge.

We hope this exposition will be an epitome of the progress of the world from the beginning of history. The nineteenth century was characterized by unprecedented and almost incomprehensible industrial advancement. The earth was made to reveal its hidden treasures. The unknown forces of nature were harnessed and utilized. Lines of commerce were established which encircle the earth.

Sections of the globe remote and almost unknown to each other were brought into close communication and friendly relation. It would seem that there is little to be done in the field of scientific effort. But every discovery and every advance opens a broader plane for the exercise of human ingenuity.

The problems, however, that seem to confront us most prominently to-day, and that require for their solution not only experience and intelligence, but fraternal sentiment as well, are those of a social character. The aggregation that we call society is bound together by ties of sympathy, strengthened it may be by culture, but often strained by selfishness and pride. The relation of man to nature and her physical forces commands the highest functions of the mind, but the relation of man to his fellows not only enlists the highest intellectual effort, but requires that it be tempered by impulses of human kindness. Those who have as the mainspring of their actions the elevation of their fellows live and move upon a higher plane and are better members of society than those who subordinate sentiment and sympathy to gain and power.

The earth in its fertility and resourcefulness furnishes material sufficient to maintain in comfort all of its sons. If their genius and energy could be devoted to the utilization of that material instead of to a continuous struggle between themselves for occupation and possession, the destiny of the human race would be higher and nobler and nearer in accord with the immortal principles enunciated by Him whose life and teachings have for nearly two thousand years been a rule of conduct for man, while broadening his usefulness and enhancing his happiness.

That this exposition may be a powerful aid in the elevation and advancement of the human race is the prayer of those who organized and have brought it to its present stage of progress. That the countries for which you stand may unite with us in promoting an undertaking fraught with much good to humanity is the earnest wish of the local management and the sincere hope of every right-thinking citizen of the American Republic.

Again, I welcome you as guests whom we delight to honor for your personal worth, as well as for what you represent.

Fourth. Music, United States Marine Band, "Marseillaise Hymn of Liberty."

Fifth. Address by the French ambassador, M. Jean J. Jusserand:

When the treaty signed in Paris one hundred years ago, and by which the area of the United States was to be more than doubled, stood for ratification before Congress, there were, contrary to what we might suppose, protracted discussions and objections of many sorts. Some thought that the title to the new acquisition was not a sufficient one; others were anxious on account of the very magnitude of the new territories, and expressed the fear that the federal tie would be loosened if extended to such remote and partially unknown regions. Many were the criticisms and long the speeches.

Senator Jackson, of Georgia, rose and turning toward one of the hostile parties, said: "In a century, sir, we shall be well populated * * * and instead of the description given of it by the honorable gentleman, instead of howling wilderness where no civilized foot shall ever tread, if we could return at the proper period, we should find it the seat of science and civilization."

Senator Jackson's time has come the very year he named; one century has just elapsed since he spoke. If he could return among us, he would see no howling wilderness, but one of the most brilliant gatherings which this country has ever beheld, including the Chief of the State and a former Chief of the State, representatives of all the powers of the globe, soldiers and sailors, priests, magistrates, savants, artists, tradesmen and agriculturists, workmen and citizens innumerable, all bent upon consecrating by their presence and homage the work done during the hundred years. Good work indeed; nay, stupendous.

Sanguine as he was, Senator Jackson would, I think, scarcely believe his eyes and ears if he saw the matchless sight we presently behold, and the preparation for the pending exhibition of the produce, all the discoveries, all the art of the wide earth.

He would scarcely believe his ears if he heard that we came in twenty-seven hours from the place where he had delivered his prophecy and which had become only two years before the seat of Government. No less would be his surprise, if he learned that the supposed "howling wilderness" had been turned into an immense garden, dotted with wealthy towns; that all the land called in his days Louisiana produces yearly now millions of bushels of various kinds of grain, and that the private belongings of the successors of the scattered settlers of his time are valued in ours at many millions of dollars.

But he would not be surprised if he learned that the federal tie has not been loosened; that the number of States has increased, their wealth, too, the number of their inhabitants, their importance in every respect, and that they consider as more and more sacred the bond which unites them to the older part of the community. Such are the effects of liberty and just laws.

In this triumphal day, amid the shouts of joy, the reports of the guns and ringing of the bells, considering the splendid results, it is only natural that we carry our look backward to the past and have a thought for the lonely pioneers of long ago, who came one by one to this then unknown land, and who tried among incredible difficulties to make it less unknown, to make it more productive and easier to reclaim for you, their distant inheritors. No one, I am sure, will think it amiss that I, a compatriot of theirs and a representative of their country, shall recall at this day their efforts, and express to-day's gratitude for yesterday's work. For they were hardy men, those children of distant France; they were plucky, enterprising, and courageous; they led strenuous lives indeed; all qualities for which you ever had a special regard. To say that they did not fear danger is to slander them; they loved it.

Soldiers, missionaries, governors of cities, explorers came year after year from the time of Louis XIV, attracted by the chances or the beauty of the unknown and the opportunity of increasing their country's dominions, or of becoming famous, or of instructing souls, and of dying, if death was to be met, bravely and honorably. Very French they were, with all the qualities of their race, and something else, perhaps, some of them, than the qualities.

As they went down the great rivers from the regions of the Canadian lakes to the Mexican sea they gave them French names, and the reading of a map of that epoch reminds one of the century of the Sun King. There he is with all his court, figured in lands, cities, lakes, and rivers. Louisiana bears his own name; Lake Pontchartrain the name of his minister for marine; Fort Duquesne, the name of his famous sailor. There were also the rivers Colbert and Seigneley, better known nowadays as Mississippi and Illinois. One of the Great Lakes had been named after the Duke of Orleans; another, the great Conde, the winner of Rocroy; another after his brother, Prince de Conti; but this last inland sea, as indeed most of the others, soon resumed its Indian name, the homely name of Lake Erie, the Lake of the Cat.

Very French they were, those men—this Father Marquette, who, with Joliet, first beheld the magnificent water that washes your walls, the vast existence of which was then unknown, and who explored it down to the country of the Arkansas; this Robert Cavalier Sieur de la Salle, who had, long before our days, our days' notions of the importance of great commercial routes; whose purpose was to open one to China across this continent at the very spot where your northern lines of railways have opened theirs; who called his first house on American soil La China in order that he might never forget his initial purpose. He died in the quest, but not before he had explored the Mississippi down to its mouth; not before he had ascertained that its source was to the West, and that the river therefore could be used as a guiding thread toward the Pacific; not before he had made the first French settlement in this, your country, and given it a name, which has not been replaced by another, and is its present name of Louisiana.

Long is the roll and great were the hardships. To the same region, with the same object of discovering and improving, came that typical cadet De Gascogne, the Chevalier Antoine de la Mothe Cadillac, who, on the 21st of July, 1701, unfurled the French flag at a certain spot where he began the building of a town, now the town of Detroit. He became afterwards governor of Louisiana. Then such men came as Du Tissnet, as the brothers Le Moine de Iberville and Le Moine de Bienville, this last the founder of New Orleans; as Father de Charlevoix, who gave the best account we have of the country, and spoke most wisely about its future; as La Clede, worthier than anyone to be remembered at this day and this place, as he was the founder of your town.

The exploration of the coasts had been comparatively easy, and thousands had attempted it. Settlers from France were the first to try their chance inland; they traveled across a huge continent more unknown then to the civilized world than was in our time the Africa of Livingstone and Stanley. They did it in a cheerful, optimistic spirit that nothing daunted but death. Living as they did in truly "howling wildernesses," there remained yet with them something of the mother country; and that appeared not only in their speech and manners, but in their very attitudes. Charlevoix meets figures of dead men fabricated by Indians. He was glad to find that they were represented with falling arms, from which he concluded that the authors of the trophies had massacred some of their own kin. When Indians killed French people, the figures represented men with their fist on their hip, Versailles fashion.

How could it be otherwise when they lived, some of them, on a settlement owned by a gentleman called d'Artagnan and managed, as was appropriate, by two musketeers. One almost expects the names of those two to have been Porthos and Aramis; but they were d'Artiguidres and De Benac.

And these men recalled their country in more important things than names and attitudes. Cadillac had scarcely given a name to the spot where he meant to create a town than he sent for his wife and younger son. It was to be a town, indeed, with wives and children and family life, and it was so, and it has ever been so since Cadillac willed it. When La Salle was killed in his second journey to the Mississippi in 1687, he had with him his brother and two nephews. The newcomers soon discovered that the region was not the metallic eldorado they had heard of it in Europe, but that it was a matchless agricultural country, and they began cutting the trees and tilling the ground, with none of the modern instruments and helps, no harvesting machines from "Chicago," as the then desert spot was called in their days; no horses, no horned cattle. They led, indeed not in fiction, but in truth—and long before the famous "Mariner of York" was wrecked by the Orinoco River—the life of Robinson Crusoe. Unknown to Europe, far from any neighbors, by the shade of the pathless forest, they tried their best. They died, many of them obscurely, leaving no name to be engraved on the bronze tables of history, but leaving better than a mere name—families, many of which still subsist; better than families—examples of earnestness and endurance, creating a tradition which will never die out, "Rien ne se perd."

The greatness of their difficulties, the scantiness of their means, the wisdom of many of their views are equally striking. More than one did their utmost to teach and improve their Indian neighbor. They forbade at an early date the selling to them of the destructive "fire water." Cadillac did so from the first; the Marquis de Vaudreuil reissued the same orders later. They soon discovered that the northern regions alone could produce wheat enough to feed the whole country, "though it should be quite peopled down to the sea." The question of labor was one of prominent difficulty and importance. Should it be hired labor of freemen or the compulsory labor of the imported negro? On this, one of those early French explorers, Charlevoix, summed up his opinion in the following memorable sentence: "Hired servants should be preferred. When the time of their service is expired they become inhabitants and increase the number of the King's natural subjects, whereas the slaves are always strangers. And who can be assured that by continually increasing in our colonies they will not one day become formidable enemies? Can we depend upon slaves who are only attached to us by fear and for whom the very land where they are born has not the dear name of mother country?"

More striking than all was the observation of a Frenchman who never visited America, except in thought, but saw distinctly its future. When no one yet believed it, that great economist and statesman, Turgot, said: "America one day will be free."

Years went on. The dark shadows and splendid rays of light with which French history is interwoven shone and vanished in their grand and awful alternance. One day the French flag was lowered in Louisiana; that was at the close of the Seven Years War. Another day the same flag was seen on the mast of a small vessel leaving the harbor at Bordeaux and sailing for America. The ship happened to bear the auspicious name of La Victoire, and it bore Lafayette. Then it was the alliance of 1778, and the coming on the same year of the first envoy accredited by any nation to this country, my predecessor, Gerard de Rayneval, a staunch friend of America; then the peace of 1783, when, with the assent of the whole world, to the joy of every French heart, 13 stars shone on the American flag.

France recovered, then, neither Louisiana nor Canada, nor anything. But she never intended it. She won a friend, and such a friend is better than any province.

She was very happy, having exactly fulfilled without change, bargain, or extenuation the task she had mapped out for herself in 1778, when she declared in the alliance treaty that the "direct and essential object of the same was efficaciously to maintain the freedom, sovereignty, and absolute and illimited independence of the United States." The joy was such in Paris at the news of American independence that performances in the theaters were interrupted; the great event was announced, and audiences rose to their feet to cheer the new-born Republic. Festivities were given and colored prints were scattered all over France for the benefit of those who could not be present. Such souvenirs were proudly kept in families. One such came to the remote house of my own parents in the mountains, and it was carefully preserved and I possess it at this day.

France followed her destinies; in 1800 Louisiana was French again; three years later on the spontaneous proposal of the French Republic, not New Orleans alone, not a mere strip of land, but the whole country became forever American.

The treaty signed one hundred years and a day ago had little precedent in history; it dealt with territories larger than the Empire of Alexander; it followed no war; it was preceded by no shedding of human blood; the new possessions got a hundred times more than they even thought of demanding, and the negotiations were so simple, the good faith and mutual friendship so obvious, that all was concluded in a fortnight. The simplest protocol on postal or sanitary questions takes nowadays more time. Each party found its interest in the transaction, but something more than interest led the affair to a speedy conclusion and that was the deep-rooted sympathy of the French and American nations.

The French were simply continuing what they had begun; they had wished America to be free and they were glad to think that she would be great. Money was paid, it is true; had this been the main consideration, Louisiana would have been preserved, for the money was not by far the equivalent of the buildings and lands belonging to the State. Part of the money was employed in satisfying American claims. "Those," says the French negotiator, Marbois, "who knew the importance of a good understanding between these two countries, attached more importance to the $4,000,000 set apart for American claims than to the $12,000,000 offered to France."

An impending war in Europe, the possibilities of an occupation of Louisiana by a foreign power was not, either, the main motive. In the council held at the Tuileries on Easter day, 1803, the Marshal and Prince of Wagram, Berthier, whose first war had been the war of American independence, said, as to this: "If Louisiana is taken from us by our rivals what does it matter? Other possessions would soon be in our hands, and by means of an exchange, we should quickly obtain a restitution." He concluded, "No navy without colonies, no colonies without a navy."

Add again that the value of Louisiana was much better understood than it had been before. "I know the worth of what I give up," said Bonaparte; and the French Government knew it indeed. They acted with open eyes, for they had taken care from the year 1800 to gather all available information. One of the memoirs with which they enlightened themselves had been asked of Louis Vilemont, former captain in the regiment of Louisiana. It is still unpublished; and it informed the Government that "from various reports of Canadian and Indian hunters it is possible to walk from Missouri to the sea in less than two months and a half."

An access to the Pacific was not so easy as now, but yet an access was practicable, and the wealth of the country was extraordinary. Warming at the souvenir of what he knew, the retired officer exclaimed, "What sources of wealth can we not expect to find in those parts! At each step made from east to west all produce, all things increase tenfold. It seems as if nature had made this corner of the globe the most favored one of our immense empire. The samples of all reigns have more beauty and majesty than anywhere else. The men born there look more like the descendants of Alcides than the kinsmen of the tribes who worship Manitou."

The main motive power, without which all the others would have been of no avail, was, indeed, mutual sympathy. When the treaty was signed the three negotiators, Barbe-Marbois, Monroe, and Livingston, who had known each other in America at the time of the war of Independence, rose, and, what is rare on such occasions, one of them was able to express in a single sentence the intimate feelings of the three. "The treaty which we have just signed," said Livingston, "will cause no tears; they prepare centuries of happiness to innumerable generations of human beings; from this day the United States take their place among the powers of the first rank."

I do not think that there is another example in the history of the world of a cession of such vast territories thus obtained by the representatives of one of the parties to the applause and with the heartfelt consent of the representatives of the other.

The treaty giving away in full possession and forever Louisiana to the United States, allowing them to spread without meeting any foreign neighbors from one ocean to the other, adding fourteen States to the original thirteen, was signed one hundred years ago, "au nom du peuple Francais" in the year XI of the French Republic. The results have passed the most sanguine hopes, but they have not gone beyond the extent of our friendly wishes for the sister Republic of America. The representative of France comes to this spot that was French in former times with a feeling of admiration for what you have done, and no feeling of regret. He sees splendid development, arts, sciences, trade, and agriculture equally prosperous; he applauds your success, and expresses from his heart his good wishes for your grand exhibition of next year.

As for his own country, if she no longer holds those immense domains, she has, on the other hand, found other territories for the peaceful employment of her inexhaustible energy, with results which will forever redound to the praise of the Government of the Republic. And as for Louisiana itself, France rests satisfied with remembering that she could not have more friendly nor more sympathetic intentions. She remembers also, not without pride, that her sons first discovered and tilled the soil, first described it, and first drew a map of it; that one of her most famous writers first revealed to the world the springs of poetry that lay concealed as much under the fir trees of the Mississippi Valley as under the plane trees of Tempe; the diplomat and literary artist who made all those who had a mind and heart weep for the fate of Atala.

Seeing the results, my countrymen have never ceased to approve of the treaty signed a hundred years ago "au nom de peuple Francais." Eighteen hundred and three is the third memorable date in the relations between France and America. In giving the United States, according to the words of your negotiator, its place among the greatest powers in the world, 1803 did nothing but perfect what had been gloriously begun in 1778 and 1783.

Sixth. Music by the Marine Band, playing the Spanish "Himno de Riego."

Seventh. Address by the Spanish minister, Senor de Ojeda:

MR. PRESIDENT, LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: I greatly regret my inability to respond to the very flattering recognition of the part played by Spain in the early history of this territory. I wish I were endowed with the same eloquence displayed by previous orators, which it has been our privilege to listen to and admire. Still, had not the national glories of Spain been so brilliantly alluded to, were I able to recall them now with colors as glowing as the warmth their memory brings to my Spanish heart, I feel I could not raise to them a loftier or more eloquent monument than has been raised by those immortal works of Washington Irving, Prescott, Lowell, and Ticknor, which have made of Spanish tradition a familiar household patrimony of this nation.

I am sure you will agree with me in thinking that I could do no better, that I could not pay a higher nor more honorable nor lasting tribute to our share in the history of this continent than by invoking the testimony of your own literary genius and by referring now to that grateful recognition which moved the founders of this Republic to associate the revered memory of Isabella, the soul-stirring deeds of Pizarro, Cortez, and Ojeda, with the temple of your nationality.

If ever the engrossing conclusions of your wonderful actual prosperity, the intensity of your life, made one of your strenuous citizens forget what your present owes to your past, let him ascend the steps of your national capitol, let him pause before its majestic gates, and there he will behold, carved in bronze on the threshold of your proudest monument, the effigies and the names of those Spanish heroes who discovered, conquered, and pointed to you the way in which path you have so successfully followed.

As a guest, sitting now for the first time at the hearth of the American nation, I feel bound to respond to that high tribute made to Spain by publicly acknowledging here the enviable kindness shown by all classes of your people since I landed on your shores.

As the representative of the nation whose ancient and honored flag was the first to be reflected in the majestic course of the father of American rivers, I am happy to feel that my first official appearance before an American audience is associated in both your minds and mine with the commemoration of an event which, although involving far-reaching issues in the respective histories of three great nations, has not and never was darkened by the rankling memories which war and international strife always leave in their wake.

For, Mr. President, Spain, exclusively devoted to-day to the task of developing her immense resources, is happy to be associated with you in this peaceful celebration of a peaceful event. Believe me, Mr. President, the Spanish people will enter into this noble competition for the prizes of progress and civilization with that same stubbornness with which during seven centuries they maintained the heroic struggle which saved Europe and the Christian world from the baneful invasion of African hordes.

Spain will apply to the arts of peace, to the conquests of progress, that same and indomitable spirit which enabled her to enrich the Old World with a new one, over whose brilliant destinies she watches and ever will watch with intense and undying interest.

Spain hails with pleasure an opportunity like your future exposition will afford of showing her peaceful conquests in the domains of labor, and is especially bent on attracting toward her the benefits to be derived from this growing tendency of her people to an everlasting commercial, agricultural, and industrial interchange. She, more than over anxious to cultivate and strengthen her friendly relations with the world, could not but welcome with sympathy the announcement of this vast enterprise as a right step toward that blending of her material and moral interests with those of other nations, to that better understanding among them which she will indefatigably strive to attain.

You can therefore rest assured, Mr. President, that my country will contribute to the World's Fair and enhance with its varied exhibits its universal and historical features. I am, in fact, authorized to inform you that His Majesty's Government has decided to ask for the requisite appropriation as soon as Parliament assembles. Spain will appear before you, if not in all the splendor that the requirements of her wise, economical programme now forbid, at least in the manly garb of a nation meaning to show you and to show the world that her gloriously checkered career, instead of impairing our vitality, has retempered the ever-elastic steel of our national fiber and concentrated and directed all its latent energies toward the modern conquests of progress, labor, and civilization to which the city of St. Louis is now erecting a temple worthy of the city itself and of the auspicious event we are now commemorating.

And now, Mr. President, in wishing success to your noble undertaking, in thanking you and this city for its cordial hospitality, I beg to acknowledge also my gratitude for the numerous tokens and expressions of good will toward Spain which have been uttered during this solemn celebration and which I so fully appreciate.

I beg to salute reverently in that new-born flag of your exhibition and august emblem of peace and labor, a touching appeal to fraternity among nations. In that flag are blended the past and the present with the glorious colors of the three nations representative of St. Louis's early and contemporary history. Let us welcome its appealing and eloquent symbolism like the herald of an ever-cloudless future.

Eighth. "Hallelujah Chorus" from The Messiah.

Ninth. Benediction by Rev. Samuel J. Niccolls:

Almighty God, Heavenly Father, whose all-wise Providence did lead our fathers across the seas to this land, and Who hath given their children a goodly heritage, let Thy blessing rest upon their children. Let Thy blessings rest upon all the nations represented here to-day and upon the representatives. May we continue in the bonds of peace for all time. May the grace of God, mercy, and peace be with us. Amen.

Tenth. Centennial salute of 100 guns.



PROGRAMME

STATE DAY, MAY 2, 1903.

The civic parade assembled at 10.30 a.m. under direction of Col. Eugene J. Spencer, marshal of the day, and moved from the junction of Grand avenue and Lindell boulevard through Forest Park to the exposition grounds, where the parade was reviewed by the governors of the States.

At 1.30 p. m. the audience assembled in the Liberal Arts Building. The assembly was called to order by Mr. William H. Thompson, chairman of the committee on grounds and buildings, and the following programme was carried out:

First. Invocation by Rev. William R. Harper:

Our Father which art in Heaven, whose work for man no man knows, whose heart is full of wisdom, to Thee be our prayers directed. Hallowed be Thy name. Thou art the pure and the very great. May Thy peace be manifested to us in all Thy work.

Give us this day our daily bread, and for the following day. Forgive us our sins, as well as forgive them that sin against us. Take away all hatred and strife and whatever prejudice may hinder us from union and concord. Let us be under one bond of faith and peace.

Show us Thy kindness and so fill us with Thy goodness that our souls may be filled with the manifold delights of charity and good will. Let nations abide under Thy law, for Thine is the kingdom, the power, and the glory. Amen.

Second. Address by Mr. William Lindsay, of the National Commission, president of the day, as follows:

MR. PRESIDENT AND LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: This is the last day of the interesting and memorable ceremonies with which the great exposition has been inaugurated. We have had with us the chief representative of the people. The next day we had with us the diplomats, the representatives of foreign climes. To-day we have with us the toilers. We have had the governors of the sovereign States which make up this great Union. When I beheld the great cavalcade I felt that the time had almost come when the industries will solely be confined to working for peace and divorced from devotion to the implements of war.

It is not merely a question of a fair profit upon money that is uppermost before the people to-day. It is not the question of a fair return for labor. But it is the question of equitable distribution of the products of labor and of the surplus of capital. This is the great question; that is what involves the happiness of mankind, and the man who solves that question will rise in greatness to such a point that other statesmen, or even Presidents, will pale into insignificance.

This is labor day, and as such we should honor it.

And the governors. We had governors before ever we had a President. Each State represents yet a great residuum of power. In the hands of State are the life and liberty of the people. We must remember that the governors, representing the unit of the national power, have the first place in national precedence.

There is on the right of me the governor of the great Empire State of the Atlantic. There is on the left of me the governor of the great Empire State of the Louisiana Purchase. I need not introduce to you the governor of Missouri, but it is upon the programme, and hence I will say the words—I beg to introduce Governor A.M. Dockery, who will now address you.

Third. Address of welcome by Hon. A.M. Dockery, governor of Missouri, as follows:

The pleasing duty devolves upon me of extending a cordial greeting in behalf of the people of Missouri to you as the chief magistrates and representatives of sister States, who come with kindly messages and substantial evidence of the nation's interest in our stupendous undertaking. The work already completed and yet to be done could only be accomplished by a people known and respected as the incarnation of intelligent, ennobling enterprise.

The occasion which will bring us together is the precursor of the most marvelous exhibition the world has ever seen. The wealth, the ingenuity, the forethought, and the ability of all nations will contribute to this magnificent result. The masterful statesmanship of Thomas Jefferson builded better than even he could know when he purchased from the Emperor Napoleon this vast domain—the connecting link between the fair country skirting the Atlantic coast, which had only been recently emancipated from despotic rule, and the rich possession on our west, extending to the Pacific Ocean.

The Mississippi River marks the eastern limit of this priceless acquisition. Sweeping away to the west, the south, and the north, its area of 14 States and Territories embraces great cities, beautiful towns and villages, farms and gardens, mighty waterways, vast railway systems, and a wealth of gold, silver, and other resources which a wise Providence provided for His people. Can the mind of man conceive a more resplendent territory? And when it is remembered that the Louisiana Purchase States are only a part of the still more glorious whole, is it any wonder that the American people are proud of their country and true to their Government?

Nature, with regal prodigality, has lavished gifts on this fair land, and its people are especially endowed with those qualifications which can not fail to produce the greatest excellence in everything.

But to return to the coming exposition. Everywhere during this pageant of entertainment have we seen evidences of the progress of this enterprise so mighty in its conception as to be astounding. Sites have been assigned to each State and foreign country, and the result already accomplished is spread out before you in brilliant panorama. There is no longer any question about anything but the magnitude of the success of the undertaking. This has been made possible only by the intelligent cooperation of all the people, and to you, as representatives of sister States, I extend most grateful acknowledgment.

The selection of our own metropolitan city as the proper place in which to hold this exposition seems peculiarly fitting. Its very name breathes the spirit of its French ancestry to whom we are so greatly indebted, and its geographical situation is preeminently satisfactory.

To guard our shores, to make impregnable our southern border against foreign assault, and to enlarge the scope of our commerce and liberty was the controlling thought of Thomas Jefferson and his compatriots when the "Purchase Territory" was added to the American Union. Fifteen millions of dollars represented the purchase price, and by a happy coincidence which may not have been altogether accidental, $15,000,000 represented the basic sum by which this exposition first became possible—$5,000,000 contributed by the city of St. Louis, $5,000,000 raised by popular subscription, and $5,000,000 given by the National Government. Missouri has since appropriated $1,000,000, that her resources may be fittingly exploited, while your States have in turn liberally set apart amounts which will lend the magnificence of their products to the scene.

To-day closes the celebration incident to the dedicatory exercises of the exposition, and in the hour of greeting we are reminded that soon we must part for a time. The panoply of war in the execution of our regular and citizen soldiery has joined with the pomp and pageantry of civil life. Their commingling is further proof of the pride of the people in all the institutions of our country. Civilian and soldier have given the weight of their influence to make more impressive the scenes attendant on this display, and will be equally enthusiastic when the gates of the great exhibition are formally opened. Months will pass before that event, but in the meantime an army of the employed will perfect the scheme which, in its full fruition, will herald abroad the triumph of this wonderful exposition.

In conclusion, permit me to say, the welcome of every true Missourian is yours, and in parting a cordial adieu is wafted with the hope expressed for a safe return to your homes and to your people.

Fourth. Music by the Marine Band.

Fifth. Response by Hon. Benj. B. Odell, jr., governor of New York, as follows:

The past, with all of its achievements, with all its successes, is to us but an incentive and guide for the future progress of our country. America still beckons to the oppressed of all lands and holds out the gifts of freedom, and we at this time and upon this occasion should renew our adherence to those policies which have made us a great nation. The future is before us, and the patriotism and self-sacrifice of those who made the country's history so glorious should be an Inspiration to us for all higher ideals of citizenship. Through the golden gates of commerce pours an unceasing stream of immigration which must be amalgamated with American ideas and American principles.

The battles of the past have been for freedom and liberty, and the struggle of the future will be for their preservation, not, however, by force of arms, but through the peaceful methods which come through the education of our people. The declaration which brought our Republic into existence has insured and guaranteed that liberty of conscience and that freedom of action which does not interfere, with the prerogatives or privileges of a man's neighbors.

Capital and labor are the two great elements upon which the prosperity and happiness of our people rest, and when, therefore, aggregations of the one are met by combinations of the other, it should be the aim of all to prevent the clashing of these great interests. The products of toil are worthless unless there be some means by which they can be substituted or transferred for that which labor requires. The concrete form in which these transactions are conducted is the money power or the capital of the land.

Without work all of these fertile fields, these teeming towns, would have been impossible; and without a desire to benefit and elevate humanity, its onward progress would have been useless. To work, to labor, is man's bounden duty, and in the performance of the tasks which have been placed upon him he should be encouraged, and his greatest incentive should be the knowledge that he may transmit to his children and his children's children a higher civilization and greater advantages than he himself possessed.

Trade conditions which would permit to the toiler but a bare sustenance, the bare means of a livelihood, would be a hindrance to human progress, a hindrance not to be removed by all of the maxims of the philosopher or the theories of the doctrinaire.

Promise without fulfillment is barren, but when you can place before the mechanic the assured fact that the performance of his duty means success in life, and that his nonperformance means failure; when you can show him that this law is immutable, you have made of him a useful citizen and have instilled into his mind a firm belief that the freedom and liberty of which we boast is not an inchoate substance to be dreamed of and not enjoyed.

But this desired result can not be secured if combinations of capital, which produce the necessaries of life cheaper and better, are assailed as the enemies of mankind. There is always a mean between those who seek only a fair recompense and return for that which they produce and those who seek undue advantages for the few at the expense of the many. The laws which have been enacted, if properly executed, are sufficient in their force and effort to encourage the one and to punish the other, but in our condemnation let us not forget that with the expansion that has come to our country an expansion of our business relations is also necessary.

This growth has brought us into intimate contact with the markets of the world, and in the struggle that is always before us the competition of trade, if we are to hold our own among the world's producers, we should encourage, not hinder, those who, by their energy, their capital, and their labor, have banded together for the purpose of meeting these new conditions—problems which our individual efforts alone can not solve, but which require the concentrated force and genius of both capital and labor.

Incentive for good citizenship would indeed be lacking if these were taken from us—the opportunities for development, the opportunities for the young man to follow in the footsteps of those who have written their names in the history of our country as the great captains of industry.

Success will always follow perseverance and genius. Every heresy, every doctrine which would teach the young man of this country differently, is an insult to the intelligence of our people, and is in the direction of building up a dangerous element in American society which in time would threaten not only the peace and prosperity we enjoy, but our very institutions themselves.

When you have placed before the young man all of his possibilities, you have made it impossible to make of our Republic a plutocracy controlled by the few at the expense of the many. The individual should count for as much as the aggregation of individuals, because an injury to the one will lead to the destruction of the many.

The question of adjusting and harmonizing the relations of capital and labor is the problem before us to-day, and is one which will become more urgent in the future. Its solution must be along those lines of constitutional right which every citizen has been guaranteed.

Every man is entitled, in the prosecution of his work, to the broadest possible liberty of action and the protection of law—of that law which is the outgrowth of necessity and which seeks to encourage and not to oppress. Such recognition can always be secured if there is a determination upon the part of those charged with the responsibility of government to have it. And who is not?

Every man possessed of a ballot is responsible and has the power not only to formulate, but to criticise and punish as well. If the right be properly exercised, an honest and efficient administration of our affairs can always be secured.

The greatest solvent for political heresies, for doctrines which are antagonistic to popular government, is education. To the educated mind there comes a conception of duty which is not possible to the ignorant.

Sixth. Grand chorus.

Seventh. Benediction by Rabbi Leon Harrison:

Unto Thee, Almighty God, the God of Moses, the God of Jesus, the God of Mohammed, and the God of every living creature, God of the church, of the mosque, and of the synagogue, unto Thee we bring homage and praise.

We worship Thee in this temple of labor, reared by faithful hands, and implore Thy benediction on the work, for, unless the Lord blesses the house, the labor is in vain. May it be dedicated to the enlightenment of humanity that brotherhood may be increased and patriotism deepened.

Bless this august assembly. Bless this great cause, its tireless leaders, and faithful workers, and above all bless our beloved country, the haven of the oppressed and the home of liberty. Bless its rulers and its people.

May it go on as from the beginning, from strength to strength, that the nation and the Government may increase in power and in the end be a union of all mankind, all races, all nations, proclaiming one God, one law of righteousness, one humanity, and saying Thy God shall reign from generation to generation. Amen.

Eighth. Centennial salute of 100 guns.

A grand display of daylight fireworks took place at the conclusion of the exercises in the building.

Immediately after the close of the ceremonies in the Liberal Arts Building, the governors present proceeded to the building sites selected for their respective States, where corner stones were laid and State colors were raised with appropriate ceremonies.

The lady managers of the exposition were conducted by military escort in advance of the parade each day to the reviewing stand. They were accompanied by the wives of the members of the Diplomatic Corps, members of the Supreme Court of the United States, members of the Cabinet, members of the Joint Committee of Congress, the Admiral of the Navy, the Lieutenant-General of the Army, the grand marshal, the governors of the States, the officiating clergymen, and members of the National Commission.

Receptions were held each day by the board of lady managers during the progress of the dedication ceremonies.

The magnificence of the spectacle will live long in the memories of the hundreds of thousands of people who witnessed the ceremonies.

All the nations were present by their diplomatic and accredited representatives.

The presence of Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States, and of Grover Cleveland, his only living predecessor in office, intensified the interest of the vast concourse of people at the dedication ceremonies. Their addresses were listened to by 80,000 persons assembled in the Liberal Arts Building.

The committees appointed by the respective Houses of Congress to attend the dedication ceremonies consisted of the following Senators and Representatives:

Committee of the Senate.—Messrs. Burnham, New Hampshire; Depew, New York; Penrose, Pennsylvania; Dolliver, Iowa; Hansbrough, North Dakota; Mitchell, Oregon; Teller, Colorado; Berry, Arkansas; Martin, Virginia; Foster, Louisiana.

Committee of the House of Representatives.—Messrs. Jas. A. Tawney, Jas. S. Sherman, Thad. M. Mahon, Richard Bartholdt, H. C. Van Voorhis, Richard W. Parker, Jesse Overstreet, Jas. R. Mann, Walter I. Smith, Jas. M. Miller, E.J. Burkett, S.M. Robertson, C.L. Bartlett, John F. Shafroth, Jas. Hay.

Special rules and regulations providing for an international jury and governing the system of awards, which had been in course of preparation by the Commission and the Exposition Company for some time, were finally drafted and sent to the Commission for approval on May 2, 1902. As approved by the Commission and subsequently promulgated the rules read as follows:

UNIVERSAL EXPOSITION, ST. LOUIS, 1904, COMMEMORATING THE ACQUISITION OF LOUISIANA TERRITORY.

1. The total number of jurors in the international jury of awards shall be approximately 2 per cent of the total number of exhibitors, but not in excess of that number, and each nation having 50 exhibitors or more shall be entitled to representation on the jury. The number of jurors from each art or industry and for each nationality represented shall, as far as practicable, be proportional to the number of exhibitors and the importance of the exhibits.

Of this selected body of international jurors three graded juries will be constituted: One, the general organization of group juries; two, department juries; three, a superior jury.

2. Each group jury shall be composed of jurors and alternates.

The number of alternates shall in no case exceed one-fourth of the number of jurors, and they shall have a deliberative voice and vote only when occupying the places of absent jurors.

3. The United States jurors and alternates of the group juries shall be nominated by the chiefs of departments to which the respective groups belong. The jurors and alternates of the group juries representing foreign countries and the United States insular possessions shall be nominated by the commissioners of such countries.

The Louisiana Purchase Exposition Company shall certify to the board of lady managers the number of groups in which the exhibits have been produced in whole or in part by female labor; to each of the groups so certified the board of lady managers may appoint one juror and one alternate to that juror; such appointees, when confirmed, shall have the privileges and be amenable to the regulations provided for other jurors and alternates.

All the above nominations shall be made not later than August 1, 1904, except that nominations made to fill vacancies may be made at any subsequent time.

Jury nominations made by commissioners of foreign countries shall be forwarded to the president of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Company.

Nominations made by chiefs of departments and by the board of lady managers shall be submitted to the director of exhibits, and when approved he shall transmit them to the president of the Exposition Company.

The nomination of group jurors and alternates, when approved by the president of the exposition, shall be transmitted to the president of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Commission for the approval of that body.

These nominations having been considered and confirmed by the authorities, as provided by section 6 of the act of Congress relating to the approval of the awarding of premiums, the appointments to the international jury shall be made in accordance with section 6 of Article XXII of the official rules and regulations of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Company.

4. Each group jury shall choose its own officers, consisting of a chairman, a vice-chairman, and a secretary.

Of the two first-named officers one shall be a citizen of the United States and the other shall be from a foreign country represented in the division of exhibits.

5. The chief of each department shall have general charge of the organization and direction of the group of juries in his department for the purpose of securing the proper examinations of all exhibits and to see that the work laid out for the juries is conducted strictly in accordance with the official rules and regulations.

He shall be admitted to all sessions of these juries for the purpose of directing their attention to matters relating to the judging of exhibits.

6. The work of the group juries shall begin September 1, 1904, and shall be completed not later than twenty days thereafter.

Examinations or other work not completed in the time specified herein will be transferred to the department jury.

7. Group juries may, on the recommendation of the chiefs of their respective departments, and with the approval of the director of exhibits, have authority to appoint, as associates or experts, one or more persons especially skilled in matters submitted for examination. These experts shall participate only in such special work as they are selected to perform and shall have no vote on the question of the merit of the exhibit under consideration.

8. Each group jury shall carefully examine all exhibits pertaining to the group to which it has been assigned. It shall also consider and pass upon the merits of the collaborators whose work may be conspicuous in the design, development, or construction of the exhibits.

The jury shall prepare separate lists presenting the names of such exhibitors as are out of competition, awards recommended to exhibitors in order of merit, awards recommended to collaborators in order of merit, a report giving an account of the most important objects exhibited, and a general account of the group as a whole.

These papers shall be certified to the chief of the department to which the group belongs, and the chief of the department shall certify the same, with such recommendations as he may deem advisable, to the department jury.

9. In order to expedite their work group juries may be divided into committees for the examination of exhibits.

These committees shall be governed by paragraphs 1, 2, and 3 of rule 8, just cited; when they have completed the work assigned them they shall report to the full jury, which shall review the findings after an inspection of all the exhibits in the group.

10. When the exigencies of the work require such procedure, and when recommended by a chief of a department and approved by the director of exhibits, two or more group juries may be combined.

11. In the case of temporary exhibits and such other exhibits as are developed through a considerable period of time, or which for other reasons can not be governed by the time limits prescribed, the juries of such groups may continue in service throughout the entire period of the exposition. Special juries may be formed when urgently needed for special occasions.

At the close of each temporary exhibit or competition the jury having the same in charge shall prepare a list of awards proposed in order of merit and shall certify the same to the chief of the department to which the exhibit pertains.

Special awards for such temporary exhibits or competitions may be provided by the chief of the department to which the exhibits belong, on the approval of the director of exhibits and the president of the Exposition Company.

12. Each department jury shall be composed of the chairman and vice-chairman of the group juries of the respective departments, with one member of the directory of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Company, to be named by the president of the company, and one person appointed by the board of lady managers.

The department juries shall choose their own officers, consisting of a chairman, three vice-chairmen, and a secretary.

The chairman and first vice-chairman shall be, one a citizen of the United States, and the other a citizen of a foreign country.

The secretary may be selected by the members of the jury from a list of persons recommended by the director of exhibits.

13. Each department jury shall complete its organization and begin its work on September 20, 1904.

The duties of these juries shall be to consider carefully and review the reports of the group juries; to harmonize any differences that may exist between the recommendations of the several group juries as to awards, and to adjust all awards recommended so that they will be consistent with the rules and regulations.

No more than ten days may be devoted to this work, and when the awards recommended by the group juries have been adjusted, the department juries shall, through the chiefs of their respective departments, submit their findings to the director of exhibits, who shall, within five days after the receipt thereof, certify the same to the superior jury, including such work as may have been left incomplete by the department jury.

14. The officers and members of the superior jury shall be as follows: President, the president of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Company; first vice-president, the director of exhibits; second vice-president, a citizen of the United States to be named by the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Commission. The members of the jury shall further consist of the commissioners-general of the nine foreign countries occupying with exhibits the largest amounts of space in the exhibit palaces; the chairman and first vice-chairman of the department juries; the chiefs of the exhibit departments, and one person appointed by the board of lady managers.

Two additional vice-presidents and such other officers as may be required shall be elected by the superior jury from the members herein provided for.

No chief of a department shall represent more than a single department. The president of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Company shall appoint from the United States membership of the department juries such other members as may be necessary to give to each exhibit department of the exposition a representative on the superior jury.

There shall also be a secretary of the superior jury, who may be selected by the members of the jury from a list of persons recommended by the president of the jury.

15. The superior jury shall determine finally and fully the awards to be made to exhibitors and collaborators in all cases that are formally presented for its consideration.

Formal notification of the awards shall, in each case, be sent by the president of the jury to the exhibitors at the place of their respective exhibits.

If, for any reason, an award is not satisfactory to an exhibitor, he may file written notice to that effect with the president of the jury within three days after the date of the official notification of the award; and this notice shall be followed, within seven days after said date, by a written statement setting forth at length his views as to wherein the award is inconsistent or unjust.

In the adjustment of differences and in considering the recommendations of the department juries, the superior jury may provide for hearings of members of the department jury and of exhibitors, but in no case shall it be required to consider matters which have not been regularly presented as heretofore provided.

16. The work of the superior jury shall be completed on October 15, 1904, and, as soon as practicable thereafter, formal public announcement of the awards shall be made. A final complete list of awards shall be published by the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Company, in accordance with the provisions of section 6 of the act of Congress, and section 6, Article XXII, of the rules and regulations.

17. A committee, consisting of the president and the four vice-presidents of the superior jury, shall continue the work of the superior jury as long as may be found necessary after that jury has disbanded.

This committee shall have charge of the preparation, collection, and publication of the official list of awards and shall make the necessary provisions for the proper distribution of the awards.

18. The deliberations of all juries shall be strictly secret.

The president of the Exposition Company, the director of exhibits, and the chiefs of departments shall have the privilege of attending any sessions of the several juries.

A majority of any jury shall, in all cases, render and confirm a decision.

19. The exhibits of persons serving as jurors or alternates over groups embracing their exhibits shall be classed as noncompetitive and shall not be examined by the juries. This rule applies to managers, agents, or others representing a company or corporation which is entered as an exhibitor. It does not, however, apply to the officers or representatives of governments which are entered as exhibitors.

20. Each regular exhibitor may receive an award, although his exhibit be joined with that of others in a single installation.

Only one award shall be given to a collective exhibit, but the names of all the contributors to such collective exhibit may be entered on the diplomas awarded, and each participant shall receive a copy.

If so desired by a group of exhibitors, a single award may be made to an individual representing such group.

21. An exhibit shall receive only one award in any group.

The same object, shown in several groups and adjudged by more than one jury, shall be entitled only to the highest award accorded to it.

An exhibitor who has different objects entered as exhibits in different groups may be given an award in each group.

22. Exhibitors who desire to have their exhibits excluded from competition shall notify the chief of department as to their wishes when making application for space, giving their reasons at length for their request and objections to a competitive exhibit; and these papers shall be transmitted through the directory of exhibits to the president of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition Company with such recommendations as may be deemed necessary. Exhibits thus exempted from competition shall not be examined by the juries, and shall not be entitled to official recognition in connection with the system of awards.

23. In addition to the awards prescribed for exhibitors, an award may also be made to the inventor, designer, or artisan, who, as collaborator, has, in the judgment of the jury, shown more than ordinary skill in connection with an exhibit. A collaborator is a person who has distinguished himself as the designer or producer of remarkable objects shown at the exposition. He is not a person who has merely aided in the arrangement or installation of exhibits.

In order that this may be equitably accomplished, each exhibitor who has received an award may furnish the chief of his respective department, for transmission to the proper jury, a list of the names of his collaborators, arranged in order of merit, based on skill, ability, magnitude and value of work, and length of service. It will then remain for the jury of awards to determine whether the assistance rendered by the persons named in the manner described has been sufficient to entitle them, or any of them, to the rank of collaborator, and to name the award which may be conferred therefor.

24. Whenever it is applicable, a decimal scale system shall be used in judging the merits of exhibits, 100 representing perfection; and as a suggestion to juries, for instance, in commercial exhibits, the following is offered: