The week of fighting and scouring the woods had cost the North nearly 16,000 men; the South, 20,000. The retreat on July 2 to Harrison's Landing was McClellan's confession of failure, which sorely distressed his superiors in Washington and greatly depressed the spirits of the North. Lee's first essay at war on a large scale had saved the Confederate capital, though at fearful cost, and he was everywhere regarded as a great general. From this time Davis and the Confederate Government gave him the fullest confidence, and the people of the South came to think of him as almost superhuman. Though he was bold in action and even reckless of human life, his soldiers gave him an obedience and a reverence which no other commander in American history has ever received. Jackson, Longstreet, and D. H. and A. P. Hill had also won fame in this baptism of blood. To the average Southerner the outlook was once more exceedingly bright. Richmond breathed freely, and the Government bent its energies to the task of supplying its able officers with men and means.

While the Federal Government was deciding what to do with McClellan and his army, still almost twice as large as Lee's, the Confederate commander sent Jackson with some 20,000 men to the neighborhood of Bull Run, where the commands of McDowell, Banks, and Fremont had been united to make a third army of invasion. General John Pope was brought from successful operations in the West to Washington, where Secretary Edwin M. Stanton, assuming more and more the directing authority of the Government, prepared, with the assistance of Senator Benjamin F. Wade, a proclamation which Pope was to distribute among the troops. "I come from the West, where we have always seen the backs of our enemies," ran this remarkable admonition to Eastern, officers and men. "Let us look before us and not behind." Most of the 50,000 men who were soon to meet Jackson and Lee resented the comparison and the affront. On August 9 a sharp encounter at Cedar Mountain showed how resolute and real was the purpose of Lee to drive this army out of Virginia. When President Lincoln removed McClellan and ordered the Army of the Potomac in part to Washington, in part to Acquia Creek, near Fredericksburg, to support Pope, and gave the command of all the armies of the East to General H. W. Halleck, for whom Grant had won high reputation earlier in the year, Lee hastened northward to defeat Pope before these reinforcements could arrive. The Union forces north of Bull Run amounted now to nearly 75,000 men; Lee had 55,000, but there was no thought of delay. On the 29th and 30th Pope was crushed and routed completely in a series of maneuvers and battles which have been pronounced the most masterly in the whole war. For four days the discouraged and baffled troops and officers of the Union retreated or ran pell-mell across the northern counties of Virginia into Washington, to the dismay of Lincoln and the friends of the Federal cause. It was at this moment, too, that Bragg was advancing, as already described, into Kentucky and threatening to seize Lexington and Louisville. It was a dark hour to the patient and patriotic Lincoln, who had never dreamed that such catastrophes could be the result of his reluctant decision, in early April, 1861, to hold Fort Sumter.

General Halleck proved uncertain and dilatory; the Army of the Potomac was generally dissatisfied and clamoring for the restoration of McClellan, who, like Joseph E. Johnston, of the South, was always popular with his men; the Cabinet, too, was uncertain and hopelessly divided in its counsels. The cause of the Union was exceedingly doubtful in September, 1862, as Lee entered Maryland, publishing abroad his call to the Southern element of that State to rise and join their brethren of the Confederacy. Public opinion in the North was divided and depressed. The abolitionists of the East were pressing every day through Sumner and Chase for a proclamation emancipating the slaves, which might have driven Maryland and Kentucky into the arms of the enemy; the Northwest was in turmoil, for there abolitionism was as unpopular as slavery itself, and leading men declared that it was a war for the Union, for a great common country, not a struggle to overthrow the institutions of the South. There was still no great party, sure of a majority in the coming elections, upon which the President could rely, and the loss of a majority in Congress would have been fatal.

Under these circumstances Lee, Longstreet, and Jackson entered Maryland at a point some fifty miles above Washington, with their army enthusiastic and self-confident because of recent victories. It seemed almost certain that another victory, and this on the soil of the North, would secure Confederate recognition in Europe. Reluctantly Lincoln restored McClellan to the command of the Union army which was moving northwestward to confront Lee. An accident, one of those small things in war which sometimes determines the fate of nations, put into McClellan's hands the orders of Lee for the Maryland campaign. General D. H. Hill dropped his copy of these important and highly confidential instructions upon the ground as he was breaking camp on the morning of the 12th of September. On the same day this tell-tale document was handed to the Federal commander. Almost a third of Lee's army was on its way to Harper's Ferry, many miles to the west, to seize that post, which McClellan thought had already been evacuated. McClellan began to press upon the Confederates as they retired from their advanced position to the valley of Antietam Creek. South Mountain, a spur of the Blue Ridge, lay between the armies. On September 16, McClellan crossed the passes and confronted Lee, who was now on the defensive. A most sanguinary battle followed on the 17th, and the Confederates, having suffered losses of nearly 12,000 men, retired to northern Virginia. The campaign was closed, for McClellan was too cautious to risk a second attack, and Lee retired to a safe position south of the Potomac. The consternation of the North subsided and President Lincoln gave out the announcement that if war continued till January he would emancipate the slaves by executive order in all the States which at that time refused to recognize the Federal authority.

The elections which came in October and November following ran heavily against the Administration. New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Wisconsin, Republican States in 1860, went Democratic. Only in States where the war upon the South, as the ancient enemy, was popular did the Administration receive hearty support. In the moderate States like Pennsylvania and the border States like Kentucky, the Republican party had practically ceased to exist. The Emancipation Proclamation had served to emphasize the almost fatal cleavage in Northern public opinion.

But the fortunes of both sides depended on victory in the field as well as votes in Congress, and all eyes turned again to the movements of Lee. The failure of McClellan to follow Lee and deliver battle led to his second removal from command. Ambrose E. Burnside, a corps commander who had done good work at Antietam, succeeded, and in obedience to the orders of the War Department moved directly upon Richmond by way of Fredericksburg, with an army of 122,000. But Lee confronted him on the south bank of the Rappahannock, and though his forces were only a little more than half as strong, there was no uneasiness at Confederate headquarters. On the 12th of December Burnside crossed the Rappahannock and attacked Lee, who held the formidable hills on the southern bank of that stream. Another bloody battle ensued. After a vain and hopeless sacrifice of 12,000 men, Burnside withdrew to the northern bank of the river. The active fighting of 1862 had come to a close. In northern Mississippi Grant and Sherman were blocked; at Murfreesboro, Tennessee, the armies of Rosecrans and Bragg were about to make their fruitless onsets already mentioned, and in Virginia the Union outlook was quite as dark as it had been after the first unfortunate trial at arms in July, 1861. Lincoln thought of removing Grant because of the failure of the campaign in northern Mississippi, but gave him another opportunity; Burnside resigned a command he had not sought, and Joseph Hooker took up the difficult problem of beating Lee.

At Washington the deepest gloom prevailed. On July 2, 1862, before the news of McClellan's failure to capture Richmond had reached the people, a call for 300,000 three-year men was made. Then came the disaster of Second Manassas and the invasion of Maryland. Recruiting went on drearily during the fall, when most signs pointed to the failure of all the gigantic efforts to maintain the Union. The writ of habeas corpus, so dear to Anglo-Saxons, had been frequently suspended; arbitrary arrests were made in all parts of the North, and many well-known men were held in military and other prisons without warrant or trial. Stanton and Seward with the approval of the President issued orders for the seizure of men at night, and the mysterious disappearances of public men in places where opposition had been shown served to warn people against displeasing their own officers at the capital. The cost of the war had mounted to $2,500,000 a day, while the gross receipts of the Government were not more than $600,000 a day. When the time came to put into force the Emancipation Proclamation, the people were in greater doubt than ever about the wisdom of the move, and Secretary Seward wrote to a friend condemning utterly this effort to raise a servile war in the South. The letter found its way into the newspapers and showed once more the cleavage of Northern public opinion. The radical East approved, the nationalist West disapproved, and business men, bankers, merchants, and manufacturers, whom Seward best represented, went on their indifferent ways, refusing to lend money to the Government save on usurious terms, and at the same time denouncing its policy of paying debts by issuing irredeemable paper. Lincoln had lost the confidence of the public, even of Congress; but, as he himself said, no other man possessed more of that confidence. An honest German merchant wrote home to friends that if the North could only exchange officers with the Confederates, the war would be over in a few weeks. In the midst of the depression the Secretary of the Treasury issued another $100,000,000 of greenbacks to meet pressing needs; and to fill up the ranks of the armies a Federal conscript law was enacted in March, 1863, only a little less drastic than the Confederate measure which was said to "rob both the cradle and the grave."

Under these circumstances Hooker moved half-heartedly upon Lee. The two armies, the Union out-numbering the Confederate more than two to one, met in the dreary and almost impenetrable forest, southwest of Fredericksburg, known as the Wilderness, though the battle which followed bears the name of Chancellorsville. For five days the bloody work went on, with the result that Hooker retired beaten and humiliated before his enemy. Lee and the South had also lost their greatest general, Stonewall Jackson, and the people of the South were feeling to the full the disasters of war. But Lee gathered his forces from Norfolk, Petersburg, and Richmond, every regiment that could be spared, more than 80,000 men, and set his face once more toward western Maryland and Pennsylvania, where he confidently expected to wrest a peace from the stubborn North. The Army of the Potomac moved on interior lines toward Gettysburg, leaving some regiments in Washington against an emergency. The people of Pennsylvania and New York were panic-struck; a second time the evils of war had been transferred from Southern to Northern territory. Great cities have not been famous for self-control and philosophy when their banks and their rich storehouses have been threatened with ruin. Philadelphia and New York were no exceptions to the rule, and if it had been left to them the war would have been brought to a close before Lee crossed the Pennsylvania border.

Once more the Union commander was changed. Upon the modest shoulders of General George Gordon Meade fell the heavy responsibility of saving the riches of the Middle States and the cause of the Union, for all felt that a Confederate victory in the heart of the North would bring the tragedy to a close. Lee was so bold and confident that he was hardly more cautious in the disposition of his troops than he had been when fighting on his own soil. Meade secured a strong position on the hills about the since famous village of Gettysburg, and awaited attack; he had somewhat more than 90,000 men, who were, however, still laboring under the delusion that Lee was invincible and that their commanders were unequal to those of the adversary. Without waiting for the return of his cavalry and without trying, like Napoleon at Austerlitz, to entice the Federals away from their fortifications, General Lee pressed forward. On July 1 the Confederates gained some advantage in the fighting; on the second day they held their own; but on the third day they attempted, somewhat after the manner of Burnside at Fredericksburg, the impossible, and the best army the South ever had was hopelessly beaten. About 30,000 of their brave men were dead, wounded, or missing. Meade had not suffered so great a loss, and he had saved the cause of his Government. After a day of waiting the Confederate army took up its march unmolested toward northern Virginia. While the people of the North rejoiced at their deliverance, the news came that Grant had captured Vicksburg and all the 30,000 men who had defended that important point. The Mississippi went on its way "unvexed to the sea," as Lincoln said, for New Orleans had long since fallen and the upper river had been cleared of all resistance. At only one point on the long line from Washington to Vicksburg had the Confederates held their own—Chattanooga, whence Bragg had retreated earlier in the year and where the next great battle was to be fought.

Hastily Davis ordered his available regiments to Bragg, who held the mountain ridges south of Chattanooga. Lee, who felt strong enough to hold Meade in check in northern Virginia, sent away Longstreet with his veterans. September 19, Rosecrans attacked Bragg on his impregnable hills, and after two days of heroic fighting and appalling losses he retired to the city. Bragg had won a victory similar in every respect to that which crowned Meade's efforts at Gettysburg. Though slow, unpopular with officers and men, and unimaginative, he soon seized the strong points on the river above and below the city, and Rosecrans was surrounded, besieged, for the single, almost impassable road to Nashville and the North would not bear the burden of necessary supplies. If Bragg had proved watchful and alert, it would have been only a matter of time when the Federals would have been driven by famine to surrender.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

Mr. Gamaliel Bradford has published some extremely interesting studies of the war-time leaders, of which, Lee, the American (1912) is by far the most important, though his Confederate Portraits (1914) including character sketches of most of the eminent Southern generals, offer a great deal that is suggestive. In volume IV of Mr. Rhodes's History there are two chapters which treat of the life of the people of North and South in the most interesting manner. In addition to the more general works already cited, one may turn to George C. Gorham's Life and Public Services of Edwin M. Stanton (1889); George H. Haynes's Charles Sumner in American Crises biographies; Henry Cleveland's Alexander H. Stephens in Public and in Private (1866); A. B. Hart's Salmon Portland Chase in American Statesmen series; Frederic Bancroft's The Life of William H. Seward (1900); and Carl Schurz's Reminiscences (1907-08); H. A. Wise's Seven Decades of the American Union (1876); and J. W. DuBose's The Life and Times of William L. Yancey (1892).

The diplomatic history of the war will be found in J. M. Callahan's Diplomatic History of the Southern Confederacy (1901); J. W. Foster's A Century of American Diplomacy (1900); Charles Francis Adams's Charles Francis Adams (1900), in American Statesmen series; Charles Francis Adams's Lee at Appomatox (1909); and Transatlantic Solidarity (1913); and Pierce Butler's Judah P. Benjamin, in American Crises biographies.

Of contemporary accounts to be added to those already mentioned are W. T. Sherman's Memoirs of General W. T. Sherman (1875), and especially the Home Letters of General Sherman, edited by M. A. DeWolfe Howe (1909); G. B. McClellan's McClellan's Own Story (1887); E. A. Pollard's A Southern History of the War (1866); Horace Greeley's The American Conflict (1864-67); and Jefferson Davis's Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government (1881).



CHAPTER XVI

THE COLLAPSE OF THE CONFEDERACY

As one looks to-day over the sources of the history of the great Civil War, it seems plain that the responsible spokesmen of the Confederacy should have made overtures to the North for peace on the basis of an indissoluble union of the warring sections in the autumn of 1863. But the Southern leader who proposed reunion at that time would have been regarded as untrue to his cause or unduly timid. Neither Jefferson Davis nor General Lee had any thought of surrender, though from the attitude of representatives of the United States it was plain that an offer to return to the Union would have been met with ample guaranties to the owners of slaves and full amnesty to those who had brought on the war. Alexander Stephens alone foresaw the outcome and began now to ask for a new national convention in which terms of restoration and permanent union should be fixed. Stephens was, however, already out of harmony with President Davis; and the State of Georgia, led by Joseph E. Brown, the Governor, and the Confederate Vice-President himself, was regarded by loyal Southerners as recalcitrant and therefore not authorized to propose solutions of the problem. The cup of Southern defeat and humiliation had not been drained to the bottom.

The Confederacy owed, at the end of the year 1863, $1,221,000,000; the State Governments, the counties and cities, probably owed as much more. Paper money, the only medium of exchange, was fast giving way to barter. One dollar in gold was worth twenty dollars in Confederate currency. The monthly wage of a common soldier was not sufficient to buy a bushel of wheat. People who lived in the cities converted their tiny yards into vegetable gardens; the planters no longer produced cotton and tobacco, but supplies for "their people" and for the armies. The annual export of cotton fell from 2,000,000 bales in 1860 to less than 200,000 in 1863, and most of this came from areas under Federal control. The yearly returns to the planters from foreign markets alone had fallen from the huge returns of 1860 to almost nothing in 1863, and with the disappearance of gold, or international money, from the South, the Governments, Confederate and State, found their systems of taxation breaking down. Early in 1864 taxes were made payable in corn, bacon, or wheat, not in paper money, which every one refused to accept at face value. Planters and farmers great and small were now required to contribute one tenth of their crops to the Government. This would have given to the armies an ample supply, but the railroads were already breaking down, while wagons and country roads were also unable to bear the unparalleled burden. It was a difficult situation. The States made it worse by resisting the authority of the Confederacy; while the Confederacy was unable either to raise money on loans or gather taxes in kind from farmers who preferred always to pay in "lawful money." The Confederacy was getting into debt beyond all chance of redemption, and the States were likewise mortgaged to the utmost limit of their credit before the end of the year 1864.

But the tax law of 1864 was only one of the burdens under which Southerners, who had never accustomed themselves to paying taxes in any large way, groaned. In 1862 General Lee had urged upon Davis a conscript law which would keep his ranks full. Congress grudgingly enacted the required legislation, and later more drastic laws were passed; but the simple people who occupied the remote mountain sections of the South and the small farmers and tenants of the sandy ridges or piney woods responded slowly when confronted by the officers of the law. Thousands positively refused service in the armies and resorted to the dense forests or swamps, where they were fed by friends and neighbors who refused to assist the government recruiting agents. In the mountains of Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee these people were so numerous that the presence of troops was required to keep up the semblance of obedience to law. Local warfare was the result in many places. Unionists who had not been able to join the armies of the United States assisted those who refused to serve in the Confederate ranks. As time went on thousands of deserters joined the recalcitrants in the Southern hills, and during the last year of the war it was a serious problem of State and Confederate authorities what to do with these people, who now numbered quite a hundred thousand men.

Resistance to tax-gatherers and to recruiting officers, and the despondency which followed the disasters of 1863 and the tightening of the Federal blockade, led to dissatisfaction and even resistance in the loyal black belts. In North Carolina a peace movement, led by an able newspaper editor, W. W. Holden, gained the sympathies of Governor Vance, who had never liked Jefferson Davis nor really sympathized with the cause of secession. In Virginia the friends of John B. Floyd, who had been summarily dismissed from the army for his hasty surrender of Fort Donelson in 1862, aided by the followers of John M. Daniel, editor of the Richmond Examiner, did what they could to embarrass the Confederate President. The Rhett influence in South Carolina and the long-standing quarrel of Governor Brown of Georgia with Jefferson Davis still further weakened the arm of Confederate administration. Even William L. Yancey, the most fiery of the secessionist leaders of 1860, devoted all his eloquence and abilities, from 1861 to the time of his death in 1863, to attacking the Government of his own making. And to make matters worse, the supreme courts of North Carolina and Georgia undertook to annul the conscript law and other important acts of the Confederate Congress, and thus inaugurated a war of the judges which seriously undermined the prestige and the morale of the Confederate Government. Confederate officers enrolled men for the army only to have them released by state judges supported by their respective governors. All the influence and abilities of Lee and Davis were required to prevent a break-down in the spring of 1864, when the calls for more troops and additional supplies were so numerous and pressing. West Virginia was gone, Kentucky and Missouri, too, were wholly within the Federal lines; and most of Tennessee, half of Mississippi, and nearly all the region beyond the great river were lost to the Richmond Government. New Orleans and Norfolk were once more parts of the United States, while large strips of territory in eastern North Carolina, South Carolina, and Florida were held in subjection by frowning gunboats.



A little cotton found its way through the beleaguered ports of Mobile, Savannah, Charleston, and Wilmington to Europe, and brought the lucky blockade runners and their owners rich returns. But trade was so small and the dangers of capture were so many that few could look with any real hope for a return of prosperity until the war was over. Europe must intervene if cotton and tobacco and sugar were to regain their kingly state. And this was the warmest wish of the Confederate chieftains. When the battle of Fredericksburg was fought, all the world thought that the desired recognition would come at once. James M. Mason, the commissioner to England, wrote home that a large majority of the House of Commons was willing to vote for acknowledging Southern independence, and Charles Francis Adams, the Minister of the United States, was of the same opinion. Gladstone, then one of the most popular members of the British Cabinet, and a majority of his colleagues favored the South. Palmerston declared, when the Emancipation Proclamation was read to him, that Lincoln abolished slavery where he had no power to do so and protected it where he had power to abolish it. Of the million voters in England at least three fourths seemed ready to vote for Southern recognition, and all the great manufacturers, the powerful merchants, the country gentry, and great nobles were openly contemptuous of the cause and policy of the North. Carlyle ridiculed the "Yankees," and Dickens made fun of Lincoln, Sumner, Chase, and the rest. It was apparently only a matter of weeks before Lord Palmerston would ask Parliament to authorize him to intervene in order to stop the "useless" bloodshed and slaughter of the war between the States.

In France the ruling class, the bankers, the industrialists, the higher clergy, and many of the party of free trade supported Napoleon III in his well-known friendliness for the South. Moreover, the Emperor was promoting a scheme to build for his Austrian friend, Maximilian, an empire in Mexico, where the perennial war of factions was hotly raging. Davis might aid such a move as a consideration for recognition, and certainly Seward was too busy with his own troubles to intervene on behalf of an "outworn" Monroe Doctrine. Slidell, the shrewd Confederate commissioner to France, led the Emperor to expect Southern support of his scheme, and at the same time borrowed millions of dollars in gold from rich Paris bankers and hurried it off to the famishing Confederacy. No revolutionary power ever had a fairer chance of winning its goal than did that of Davis and Lee in the autumn of 1862 and winter of 1863.

The unexpected often happens. While Charles Francis Adams was being coldly elbowed out of the salons of an unsympathetic English nobility, and when Confederate bonds were selling both in London and Paris at or near par, Secretary Chase sent Robert J. Walker, the former Mississippi repudiator and successful Secretary of the Treasury under Polk, to Europe for the purpose of breaking down Confederate credit and building up that of the United States.

The commissioner of the Treasury Department began the publication of a series of articles on the financial page of the London Times which seemed to show that Davis had been responsible for the repudiation of a large issue of state bonds, many of them held in London, in 1843. All that Mason and Slidell could do did not remove the suspicion that the Confederate President would "repudiate" again. Men who had loaned large sums of money to Mississippi could not be made to understand that Walker himself had been the responsible agent of Mississippi in those days. From the beginning of this unpleasant advertising of former American financiering, in which Northern States had sinned quite as flagrantly as Southern, Confederate credit in Europe declined. Her bonds were soon withdrawn from the market. At the same time Walker succeeded in borrowing $250,000,000 from European bankers, and thus at a critical period he was able to prop the declining fortunes of his country. To say that Walker destroyed the credit of the Confederacy and at the same time restored that of the Union would be an exaggeration. But his services were of incalculable value to the nationalist cause. When, therefore, Napoleon asked England to join him in intervening between the warring parties of the United States there was other reason, besides the strong and vigorous activity of Charles Francis Adams, for the British Ministry to postpone or decline cooeperation.

Thus the bright Confederate outlook of 1862 had become dark in May, 1864, when General Grant, who had been brought from the field of his brilliant operations in the West, took command of the army with which Meade had expelled Lee from Pennsylvania. But conditions were not encouraging in the North. Lincoln's popularity was still in eclipse. Congress was resentful of his failures. Charles Sumner was denouncing him every day in private and opposing him in public. Secretary Chase was using the machinery of his great office to deprive his chief of a renomination. The radicals of the East were still refusing their approval of a policy which compromised with slavery in the border States, and the Unionists of the Northwest were resentful toward a President who was making war upon slavery. The Democrats of the North were apparently stronger than ever, and their criticism of the Government for suspending the writ of habeas corpus and for hundreds of arbitrary arrests gave conservative men pause. To all this must be added the resistance in 1863 to the military drafts, the riots, the extraordinary prosperity of business men which made recruiting, even with the aid of laws almost as drastic as those of the South, almost impossible. The cost in bounties to nation, state, and counties of one enlistment in 1864 was about $1000; and when a regiment was thus made up, a third of the men sometimes deserted within a few months and reenlisted under other names, thus securing a second or a third series of bounties.

Still the success of the Northern cause seemed to depend on the renomination of Lincoln, for any other Republican Unionist would certainly be defeated by the Democrats, who were fast uniting upon General McClellan, exceedingly popular with both War Democrats and those who had opposed the war from the beginning. If the outlook in the South was discouraging, that of the North was almost as depressing.

With public opinion keen, critical, and watchful, the great duel reopened in Virginia and Georgia in May, 1864. Grant attacked with an army of 120,000 men; Lee returned the blow with a force of about 60,000 seasoned and resolute soldiers. From May 3 to June 12 the two great generals fought over the tangled thickets and sandy ridges which extend from the Wilderness to Cold Harbor near Richmond, where McClellan had failed in 1862. Grant failed in every attempt to defeat his foe, and he lost in that short period about 54,000 brave men—an army almost equal in numbers to that which they opposed. The people and the papers of the North were demanding the removal of their last general; United States bonds and paper money were a drug on the stock market; it was reported that Grant was drinking deeply. Lincoln knew that to remove his general would be tantamount to surrender, for B. F. Butler, then on the lower James, would be the only and last resort, and Lee would make short work of that remarkable commander. There was a little encouragement in the fighting of Sherman against Joseph E. Johnston, who was yielding more and more of northern Georgia to his rival. But June and July, 1864, were the darkest hours of the Union cause and of Lincoln, its champion.

Lee now felt himself secure in his position near Malvern Hill, and expected daily to hear of the removal of his antagonist. But Grant, to the surprise of all, performed the greatest feat of his military career by safely placing all his army, still 120,000 strong, on the south side of the James River, where there were no intrenchments and no other obstacles to their marching upon Petersburg, the key to Richmond. This was done with incredible facility, June 16, 17, and 18, while Lee quietly waited for the enemy to attack him once more. While Lee thus rested on his arms, Grant carried his army through the open country east of Petersburg. Too late, June 18, the Confederate commander hastened all his forces to the new scene of war. Grant had played an incomparable ruse, and the Union army entered, with returning faith in its leader, upon the last phase of its great task—the ruin of Lee.

Meanwhile General Sherman, with a force of 80,000, had been driving Joseph E. Johnston, with 50,000 men, from Dalton in northern Georgia toward Atlanta. From May 4 until July 18 the two armies maneuvered and fought—each seeking without success to surprise the other. On the 17th of July Sherman crossed the Chattahoochee some twenty miles north of Atlanta. Georgia and the cotton belt of the lower South were in a panic. Davis, never quite satisfied with Johnston's operations, yielded to the clamors of Senators and Representatives, as well as military men, and removed the general. John B. Hood, the new commander, began at once a series of battles around the doomed city, losing in every encounter. Atlanta fell on September 2. Sherman was left in quiet possession of northern Georgia, while the Confederate army marched toward Nashville in the hope of forcing a retreat and perhaps of regaining Tennessee. With Grant at Petersburg, whose fall would compel the evacuation of Richmond, and Sherman the master of Georgia, for such was the meaning of Hood's movements, the days of the Confederacy seemed to be numbered.

Before these military successes had been gained, the leaders of the Union cause were compelled to nominate a candidate for the Presidency. Sumner, Greeley, William Cullen Bryant, and many other men of great influence opposed Lincoln's renomination. A convention of radical Republicans met at Cleveland during the last days of May. It nominated John C. Fremont for President. But the regular Republican Convention met a week later in Baltimore, formally disavowed its name, and assumed that of the National Union party. Its chairman was Robert J. Breckinridge, a Kentucky preacher and Unionist. Lincoln was renominated without opposition, and, as a bid to the border States, Andrew Johnson, Union Democrat of Tennessee, was nominated for Vice-President. However, the reverses of Grant in Virginia weakened the position of the Administration, and before the 1st of August trusted advisers of the Government telegraphed "The apathy of the public mind is fearful." The price of gold ranged during the summer from 200 to 285, and United States securities sold at less than half their face value. The President was compelled to order a draft of 500,000 men in July; the country met the order with a groan. Congress asked for the appointment of a day of fasting and penance, and Lincoln set the first Thursday in August as a "day of national humiliation and prayer." So portentous was the outlook that before the middle of August most of the eminent men in the Union party had lost all heart. Greeley wrote, "Lincoln is already beaten." A committee waited on the President to ask his formal withdrawal from the canvass.

Late in August, when the Unionist hopes were at their lowest, the Democrats met in Chicago. Governor Seymour, of New York, Representatives Pendleton, of Ohio, Voorhees, of Indiana, and the unpopular Clement L. Vallandigham were in charge of the proceedings. Southern leaders came over from Canada and even representatives of the Sons of Liberty, a group of Northwesterners who were resisting the National Administration, were participants in the convention. Vallandigham, a "peace-at-any-price" man, secured the passage of a resolution which declared the war a failure, but the War Democrats dictated the nomination and made George B. McClellan the candidate of the party. The general, who had fought some of the great battles of the war, repudiated the Vallandigham resolution, but accepted the proffered leadership. On the day the convention adjourned it seemed clear to the thoughtful men of the country that the Democrats would win the election, and that they would in that event bring the war to a close by acknowledging Southern independence.

But before the delegates had reached their homes, the telegraph announced the fall of Atlanta. Commodore Farragut had just taken Mobile after a long and heroic struggle. President Lincoln, a masterful manipulator of popular opinion, now called upon the country to assemble in their churches and give thanks to God for the splendid victories of Sherman and Farragut. Early in September General Phil Sheridan invaded the Shenandoah Valley, made famous by Jackson in the beginning of the war, and won a decisive victory at Winchester. Before the end of the month he had burned thousands of barns, slaughtered many thousands of cattle, and destroyed the newly harvested grain in all that rich region. His terse remark that a crow could not cross the Valley without taking with him his provisions received widespread applause, and showed what a desperate character the war had taken. Sherman, too, took up his march through the rich black belt of Georgia, destroying everything that came within his reach. The people of the North took heart, especially the stiff-backed Republicans who during the two years preceding had found little to approve in the measures of the Government. Sumner, who had called Lincoln the American Louis XVI; Thaddeus Stevens, who had declared that he knew only one Lincoln man in the House of Representatives; Horace Greeley, Secretary Chase, and even Governor Andrew of Massachusetts, all united now to praise the President and urge his cause before the country. The last great crisis of the war in the North had been passed. A decisive victory at the polls was the verdict of the people, and the homely, honest, and kindly Lincoln was commissioned to bring the war to a conclusion and then to reconstruct the Union.

The South observed movements in the North now with hopeful, now with regretful, scrutiny. As a desperate stroke Davis had sent Jacob Thompson to Canada to assist in the release of Confederate prisoners and to stir up the Sons of Liberty to rise against the Federal Government. In October raiding parties were sent into New England, and an effort was made to set fire to New York City in retaliation for the destruction of Southern property by order of Federal generals. These efforts proved abortive, perhaps adding many votes to the majority with which Lincoln was reelected. And when the Confederate Congress reassembled in November the fortunes of the South were recognized as almost past remedy. Georgia did not rise to overwhelm Sherman; the supplies painfully collected in thousands of depots could not be carried to Lee's army in Petersburg; the railroads were almost useless, and starvation confronted those who lived in the larger towns. Only a great and overwhelming victory over Grant could save the South, and that seemed impossible when thousands of Confederate soldiers had deserted their standards. With 40,000 men it was not likely that Lee could raise the siege of Petersburg or capture any large part of Grant's army of nearly 140,000.

In the hope of filling the thin ranks of the Southern armies, President Davis recommended to Congress the enlistment of the blacks; and to secure foreign recognition, he sent Duncan F. Kenner to Europe to offer emancipation of the slaves. But Congress regarded these moves with ill-concealed contempt and offered counter-solutions. Alexander Stephens, the Vice-President, led a movement to impeach Davis. Powerful influences in Virginia supported Stephens; in North Carolina, opposition to the Confederate authorities had been carried so far that such a proposal was regarded with approval. The Rhett party in South Carolina and the Joseph E. Brown following in Georgia were all ready to follow Stephens. A large section of public opinion had in fact been prepared in all these States for such a plan. A committee of Congress was formed and William C. Rives was sent to General Lee to inquire if he would take charge of the affairs of the Confederacy as sole dictator. Lee declined the dubious honor, and Congress, not knowing what else to do, undertook in early January, 1865, to carry out the recommendations of the President.

By the end of December, 1864, General Sherman had captured Savannah, and was ready to begin his march northward to support Grant. On the suggestion of Montgomery Blair, father of Postmaster-General Blair, a conference was arranged with the Federal authorities, to take place on a United States steamer in Hampton Roads. Lincoln and Seward thus met, on February 3, Alexander Stephens, former United States Judge Campbell, and Senator R. M. T. Hunter, all identified with the Confederate peace party. Satisfactory terms could not be agreed upon and the renewal of the conflict was ordered. As the commissioners passed through the lines, the news of their failure was conveyed to both armies, and these brave soldiers of many campaigns, having long since learned to respect each other, wept aloud. The failure of these negotiations confirmed Davis in his position and he now made one more appeal to the people of the South to save their cause by a popular uprising. Stephens and the rest lent their support to the call; but it was all in vain, for the sands of the Confederacy were almost run. General Sherman with 60,000 men was marching through South Carolina. Columbia was laid in ashes on the night of February 17, and the naked chimneys of the cotton belt from Atlanta to middle South Carolina marked the course of the Federal army. The people of North Carolina trembled at the approach of the victorious enemy. Joseph E. Johnston was finally restored to the command of the remnants of his former army and the local militia which undertook to delay the progress of the Federal forces. Well-to-do families fled to places of refuge; horses and cattle were driven to the best hiding-places that could be found; the silver plate and the little gold that remained among the people were buried under woodpiles or deserted houses. The negroes awaited with stolid curiosity the approach of the "Yankees," who were by this time vaguely recognized as the "deliverers"; while the poor whites were thankful that their poverty for once proved a blessing.

In February the Confederate Congress offered a certain number of slaves their liberty on condition of their fighting for Southern independence; but it was too late for any test of the radical policy. The new commissioner to Europe had hardly reached London before the collapse of his Government was seen to be imminent. The debts of the Confederate, state, and city governments of the South had grown so rapidly that no one knew just what they were; the armies of Lee and Johnston were forced to forage upon the country nearest at hand. Soldiers were barefoot, half-naked, and dispirited. Grant pressed steadily upon Lee at Petersburg, Sheridan approached Lee's rear from Lynchburg, Virginia, and B. F. Butler, with 40,000 men, threatened Richmond from the lower James River. To escape the toils of the enemy, Lee decided to retreat toward the west. Jefferson Davis received the dispatch which told of Lee's new purpose and advised the evacuation of the capital about noon on April 2. It was Sunday, and the people were at church. Rapidly the fateful news spread. An indescribable scene followed. Men, women, and children hastened out of the doomed city with the little clothing they could carry in their hands, or begged the owners of carts and wagons to come to their assistance. Thousands thus sought to escape the avenger, while the high officials of the Government and their families went away on the last train. Documents, private correspondence, stores of all sorts, tobacco, and other property were burned to prevent their falling into the hands of the hated enemy. Early Monday morning the city was deserted save by certain hangers-on, men and women, white and black, who hoped to pick up something from the wreckage of their neighbors' fortunes. The local government ordered the thousands of barrels of whiskey, still in the bar-rooms, emptied into the streets. People drank from the gutters, and drunkenness soon added to the difficulties of the situation. Federal troops entered the city, already in flames, and before nine o'clock the Union colors flew from the flagpole of the ancient capital of Virginia.



Davis and his Cabinet escaped to Danville, Virginia, where they remained until the news of Lee's surrender at Appomattox reached them on April 10, when they retreated toward Charlotte, North Carolina. Lee had seen the inevitable, and on April 9, near the little village of Appomattox, he asked Grant for terms. The Union commander was generous, and allowed the 28,000 heroic Confederates to return to their homes, giving only their word of honor that they would keep the peace in the future. A few days later near Durham, North Carolina, Johnston surrendered to Sherman on similar terms to those which Grant had given Lee. The President and members of the defunct government of the Confederate States of America hastened on to Georgia, where Davis was captured on May 10 and sent to Fortress Monroe as a state prisoner. Other forces of the South, scattered over the wide area of their desolate country, surrendered during the month of May; and most people turned to cultivation of their crops in the hope that a bountiful nature might restore somewhat their broken fortunes. The bitter cup had been drained. The cause of the planters had gone down in irretrievable disaster. For forty years they had contended with their rivals of the North, and having staked all on the wager of battle they had lost. Just four years before they had entered with unsurpassed zeal and enthusiasm upon the gigantic task of winning their independence. They had made the greatest fight in history up to that time, lost the flower of their manhood and wealth untold. They now renewed once and for all time their allegiance to the Union which had up to that time been an experiment, a government of uncertain powers. More than three hundred thousand lives and not less than four billions of dollars had been sacrificed in the fight of the South. The planter culture, the semi-feudalism of the "old South," was annihilated, while the industrial and financial system of the East was triumphant. The cost to the North had been six hundred thousand lives and an expense to the governments, state and national, of at least five billion dollars. But the East was the mistress of the United States, and the social and economic ideals of that section were to be stamped permanently upon the country.

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE

J. K. Hosmer, The Outcome of the Civil War (1900), in American Nation Series; J. A. Woodburn, The Life of Thaddeus Stevens (1913); E. P. Oberholtzer, Jay Cooke, Financier of the Civil War (1907); J. C. Schwab, The Confederate States, A Financial and Industrial History (1901); E. D. Fite, Social and Industrial Conditions in the North During the Civil War (1910), W. F. Fox, Regimental Losses in the American Civil War (1889).

Of special sectional value is W. D. Foulke's The Life of Oliver P. Morton (1899). Henry Wilson's The Rise and Fall of the Slave Power (1872-77); A. H. Stephens's A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States (1868-70) are typical of many others. Some of the best writers on the life and ideals of the old South are Mrs. Roger A. Pryor, Reminiscences of Peace and War (1906), and My Day (1911); Mrs. James Chesnut, A Diary from Dixie (1905); Mrs. Clement C. Clay, A Belle of the Sixties (1904); and Mrs. Myrta L. Avery, Dixie after the War (1906). Mrs. Jefferson Davis's A Memoir of Jefferson Davis (1890) is rather personal and profuse, but always more important than the more pretentious work of her husband, Jefferson Davis, in his Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, already mentioned.

A rare source book for the South is J. B. Jones's A Rebel War Clerk's Diary (1866), and an even more important one for the North is Gideon Welles's Diary (1911). Edward McPherson's Political History of the United States During the Great Rebellion (1865); William McDonald's Select Statutes and Other Documents Illustrative of the History of the United States, 1861-98 (1903); J. D. Richardson's Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Confederacy (1905); and Appleton's Annual Cyclopedia and Register, 1862-1903, give the most important official documents and full accounts of public events as they occurred.



INDEX

Abolitionists, societies started 163; theories and aims, 164; petitions in House, 165; preparing for Republican party, 166; more in politics, 170; and Wilmot Proviso, 170; in 1850, 176.

Adams, Charles Francis, fears English intervention, 314, 315, 316.

Adams, John, 19.

Adams, John Quincy, coalition with Clay, 1, 2, 3, 4; support in 1828, 14, 15, 17; popular and electoral votes, 18; unpopular in Southwest, 21; and Georgia, 21, 39, 55, 56; in House, 66; for Bank, 68, 70, 72, 74, 84; attacking Van Buren, 96-105, 107, 108, 109; and petitions on slavery, 119, 126; for secession, 127, 164, 165; denounces Mexican War, 157; anti-slavery leader, 164; address on taxes, 167, 242, 252.

Agassiz, Alexander, 225.

Agassiz, Louis, naturalist, 225.

Agriculture, methods of, 211.

Alabama, and Indians, 8; immigration to, 13; population (1830, 1840), 13, 90; for Jackson, 72; being filled up, 89, 90; for Van Buren, 111; "Slavery a blessing," 119; and Wilmot Proviso, 171, 264; secession of, 271.

Albany Journal, friendly to Confederacy, 272.

Alcott, Amos Bronson, 225.

Alien and Sedition Laws, 161.

Allen, William, friendly to Calhoun, 120; expansionist, 149.

Allston, sculptor, 54.

Amendments, on presidential term, appointment of members of Congress, limiting Supreme Court, 16.

American Fur Company, 35.

American National Academy of Science, 225.

American party. See Know-Nothing party.

American Revolution, 47, 84; debt paid, 99.

American System, Clay's, 67, 74, 109; to be carried out, 114; laid aside, 145.

Anderson, Major Robert, commanding at Fort Sumter, 273.

Andrew, Governor, of Massachusetts, supports Lincoln, 322.

Antietam, battle of, 302.

Appomattox, Lee surrenders at, 327.

Arkansas, in cotton belt, 12; for Van Buren, 111; for Pacific Railroad, 233; secession of, 275.

Art, American, in 1860, 225.

Ashburton, Lord, Minister to United States, 123; Webster-Ashburton Treaty, 123, 124, 125.

Astor, John Jacob, fur trade, 35.

Atchison, David, expansionist, 150; pro-slavery leader, 238.

Atlantic Monthly, founded, 227.

Austin, Stephen, in Texas, 120.

Bache, Alexander Dallas, scientist, 224.

Baldwin, Joseph G., 227.

Baltimore, Maryland, for Adams, 15, 41, 46, 48; newspapers for Bank, 79; Democratic Convention of 1844, 128; wheat market, 133; sub-treasury at, 151; Democratic Convention of 1848, 172, 187.

Baltimore and Ohio Canal, 46.

Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, 192.

Bancroft, George, in Polk's Cabinet, 149.

Bank, Second National, 45; and Jackson, 60, 65, 66, 67; and Clay, 67; bill for re-charter, 67; Biddle, president, 67; sentiment for re-charter, 68; Jackson's veto, 69; in campaign of 1832, 70; and Jackson, 77; creditor of members of Congress, 78; newspaper support of, 79; government deposits withheld, 79; fighting Jackson and the people, 80; defeated, 82; decline in power, 83; and French claims, 85; out of politics, 91; under Pennsylvania charter, 98; European stockholders, 99, 103, 107.

Banks, in United States, capital, 45; men in control, 47; banking area, 47; state banks and Jackson, 78, 79; expansion of credit, 98; increase of members, 98; panic of 1837, 102; suspend specie payment, 102; New York laws, 105; state, 151; of New York, 189; of Confederacy, 286.

Banks, N. P., 253, 299.

Baptists, in West, 33; in South, 143; and slavery, 143, 163; increase in membership, 145; in South, 218; clergy of high character, 220; members (1860), 220; and slavery, 221; educational institutions, 222.

Barbecues, 209, 212.

Barbour, James, 17.

Baring Brothers of London, and American stocks, 99.

Barry, W. T., Postmaster-General, 58.

Bates, Edward, presidential timber, 257, 262, 263.

Beauregard, General P. G. T., and Fort Sumter, 274, 276, 281; in battle of Bull Run, 285; in battle of Shiloh, 294.

Beecher, Henry Ward, 219.

Bell, John, for President, 261.

Belmont, August, 258.

Benton, Thomas H., against Adams, 16; for preemption law, 16, 60, 65; against Florida Treaty, 16; imperialist, 25; for free homesteads, 27, 30, 32; Foot Resolution, 60; land program defeated, 65, 75, 82, 90, 102, 105, 108, 109; supporting Tyler, 115, 126; Oregon, 127, 129; Texas and Oregon, 132, 147, 149, 150; for commander-in-chief in Mexico, 155; and California, 175; and crisis of 1850, 175, 242.

Berrien, John M., Attorney-General, 58.

Biddle, Nicholas, president of Second National Bank, 67, 70; and Jackson, 77; policy for Bank, 78; control of politicians and newspapers, 78; fighting Jackson and people, 79; defeated, 82; policy changed, 83, 112.

Birney, James G., anti-slavery worker, 119, 161.

Black Hawk, 87.

Black Warrior, trouble with Spain, 234.

Blair, Frank P., 58.

Blair, Montgomery, 324.

Bonds, United States, 291, 293; Confederate in Europe, 293.

Border States, Republican party, 302.

Boston, financial center, 45, 46, 48; shipping and Hayne, 48; Transcendental Club, 52; philosophy and religious reform, 52, 84, 129; alliance with South, 162, 193, 202, 205; clergy and slavery, 222.

Bragg, General Braxton, in battle of Shiloh, 294; in Kentucky, 295, 300; battle of Murfreesboro, 295; withdraws to Chattanooga, 295, 303; reinforced, 307; beats Rosecrans, 307; character, 307.

Branch, John, Secretary of the Navy, 58.

Breckinridge, John C., for Vice-President, 245; for President, 261.

Breese, Sidney, friend of Calhoun, 120.

Brinkerhoff, Jacob, and Wilmot Proviso, 169.

Brooks, Preston, assault on Sumner, 245.

Brown, John, in Kansas, 249; raid into Virginia, 258; capture and execution, 259.

Brown, Governor, Joseph E., of Georgia, distrusted by Confederates, 309; opposed to Davis, 312, 324.

Bryant, William Cullen, and New York Evening Post, 53; against Lincoln, 320.

Buchanan, James, Secretary of State, 148; and Oregon, 149; for all Mexico, 157; Minister to England, 234; Ostend Manifesto, 235; Democratic nominee for President, 245; elected, 246; slights Douglas, 247; Mexico and Cuba, 247; Kansas question, 249; Lecompton Constitution, 253; Douglas opposes, 253; opposes Douglas, 256, 265, 268; and secession, 270.

Buell, Don C., at Louisville, 284; in battle of Shiloh, 294; across Tennessee, 294; opening the Mississippi, 294.

Buena Vista, battle of, 155.

Bull Run, first battle of, 285; second battle of, 300.

Burnside, Ambrose E., given command of the Army of the Potomac, 303; loses at Fredericksburg, 303; resignation, 303.

Business, prosperous in North during Civil War, 292.

Butler, General B. F., 318, 326.

Butler, Pierce, abused by Sumner, 245.

Calhoun, John C., 4, 5; Nationalist, 5; Pennsylvania and, 5; against tariff, 6, 66, 68; alliance with Jackson, 6; strong in Virginia, 11, 16; and Jackson's first Cabinet, 21; true to West, 30; powerless against Jackson, 37, 39, 52, 54, 58, 60, 61, 62; break with Jackson, 63, 64, 67; and Van Buren, 64, 68; defied by Clay, 67; and Bank, 68, 82; Nullification, 71, 72, 75; isolated in 1832, 73; and compromise of 1833, 74; and Force Bill, 74; defeated and isolated, 82, 84, 91; hostile to Jackson, 92; supporting Van Buren, 94, 108, 112; for Independent Treasury, 104; for Texas, 105, 107, 121, 126, 147; supporting Tyler, 115, 116; retirement, 117; and Clay reconciled, 117; candidacy for President, 117; on slavery, 119; character, 119; Secretary of State, 127; and Walker, 129; for Polk, 130; Texas Treaty, 130; Presidency promised to, 131, 132; Unitarian, 143; and sectionalism, 145; and Polk, 148; and Oregon, 149, 150, 152; and all Mexico, 158; and abolition agitation, 165; and compromise of 1850, 176, 178; demands for slavery, 178; death, 180, 242, 243; doctrine of, and Dred Scott case, 248, 263.

California, Tyler for, 125, 131, 132, 152, 154; occupied by United States, 154; gold discovered, 174; Taylor for admitting, 176, 199, 232; for Pacific Railroad, 233; for Buchanan, 246.

Cameron, Simon, 257, 262, 263.

Campbell, Judge, of Alabama, Confederate Commissioner, 324.

Campbellites, Calvinistic, 218, 222.

Canada, revolt and American aid, 105, 120, 122, 153.

Canals, constructed in West, 90; speculation, 91, 92.

Carey and Lea, Philadelphia, publishing activities, 53.

Caroline, the, affair of, with England, 105, 120, 123.

Cartwright, Peter, salary, 31.

Cass, Lewis, 15, 25; Secretary of War, 65; Oregon and Texas, 132; expansionist, 150, 157, 158; for President, 172; Nicholson letter, 172; defeat, 173; and crisis of 1850, 176.

Catholics, 216; and slavery, 221.

Cerro Gordo, battle of, 155.

Chancellorsville, battle of, 305.

Chandler, Zachary, 241; uncompromising, 273.

Channing, William Ellery, 52.

Charleston, S.C., 53, 54; and abolition mail, 165; spring resort, 214; blockade-running from, 313.

Chase, Salmon P., for Wilmot Proviso, 171, 184, 202; against Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 240, 241, 242; and Kansas, 245; and Ohio, 251, 257, 262, 265; uncompromising, 273; Secretary of Treasury, 291; difficulties, 292; for immediate emancipation, 301, 315; working against Lincoln, 316; supports Lincoln, 322.

Cherokees. See Indians.

Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, 46.

Chestnut, Mrs. James, 215, 281.

Chicago, 187, 192, 193, 202; and Douglas, 204; growth, 204; Pacific Railroad idea, 204, 210.

Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railroad, 192.

Chickasaws. See Indians.

Children, in factories, 210.

China, Tyler and, 126.

Choate, Rufus, became Democrat, 246.

Choctaws. See Indians.

Christian Church. See Campbellites.

Churches, support, 50; strictness moderated, 50, 143; and slavery, 143, 146, 163; members and capacity, in 1860, 220; of South, for slavery and war, 278.

Churubusco, battle of, 156.

Cincinnati, pork-packing and manufacturing, 35, 202, 210.

Cities, wretched industrial life, 210.

Civil service, Van Buren and spoils system, 96.

Clay, Henry, coalition with Adams, 2; Secretary of State, 3, 14, 15, 16, 17, 21; barely reelected to the Senate in 1831, 22; fast life, 22; duelist, 32, 33; Mechanic's Library, 35; powerless against Jackson, 37, 55, 56, 62, 63, 64, 76; defies South, 66; and Bank, 67, 70, 79; for Presidency, 67, 69; and Jackson's Bank Veto, 70; and Kentucky, 70, 71; and Compromise of 1833, 73, 74, 75; alliance with Calhoun, 74; debtor of Bank, 79, 80; fight to restore deposits, 81, 82, 84, 91; for distribution of surplus, 92, 93; attacking Van Buren, 96, 107; and Texas, 105, 127; Eastern tour, 108, 109; not nominated, 101, 112; program, 114; and Tyler, 115; retirement in 1841, 117; reconciled to Calhoun, 117; candidacy for Presidency, 117; Raleigh letter, 128; and Polk, 130, 145, 147, 152; on Mexican Treaty, 157, 167; snubbed, 171, 172; in Senate, 176; Compromise of 1850, 176; death, 181, 242.

Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 173.

Cobb, Howell, adviser of Buchanan, 247.

Colleges, in West, 34.

Colorado, 199.

Columbia Valley, immigration to, 127.

Confederacy, Southern organized, 271; agents to Europe, 276; enthusiasm, 276; preparations for war, 276; aristocracy united, 279; Richmond capital, 280; expects foreign intervention, 282; currency and finances, 286; need of European market, 286; regular government, 286; dissension, 287; bonds in Europe, 294; European recognition, imminent, 301; not ready for reunion, 309; debt and currency in 1864, 310; taxation, 310; internal dissension, 310; resistance to conscript laws, 311; area controlled in 1854, 313; credit ruined in Europe, 315; collapse, 324-28.

Congregational Church, in Massachusetts, 15; members in 1860, 220; and abolition, 222; Yale, a center, 222.

Connecticut, suffrage extended, Church and State separated, 14; population, 39; cotton and wool manufacturing, 42, 54.

Conscription, Federal and Confederate, 305; resistance to Confederate, 311; opposition to Federal, 317.

Constitution of the United States, amendments to limit term of Presidents, appointment of members of Congress, and powers of Supreme Court, 16; States and bills of credit, 99.

Cooper, General A. S., 281.

Cooper, James Fenimore, 53.

Cooper, Thomas, resignation, 142.

Cotton, and politics in South Carolina, 4; planters against tariff, 5, 66, 75; expansion and politics, 11; decline in price, 12; great wealth of planters, 13; in Southwest, 13; exports, 29, 36, 42, 313; New Orleans market, 36; manufacture in New England, 42, 46, 132, 133, 134, 137, 138; prices, 186, 194.

Courts, for vested interests, 51; national, power of, 51; county in old South, 38; planters in federal, 138.

Crawford, Thomas, sculptor, 225.

Crawford, William H., Jackson and Seminole affair, 2, 4, 8, 64.

Creeks. See Indians.

Crittenden, John J., 171, 255, 273.

Crockett, David, 79.

Cuba, 198; purchase proposed, 232, 233; Ostend Manifesto, 234, 247.

Currency. See Money, Paper money.

Cushing, Caleb, 50, 150; Attorney-General, 231.

Dallas, George M., for Vice-President, 130; elected, 131.

Dana, R. H., secession, 253.

Daniel, John M., opposed to Davis, 312.

Davis, Jefferson, Oregon, Texas, 132; expansionist, 150, 157, 176; retired after 1850, 181, 214; Secretary of War, 231; and Pacific Railroad, 233, 234, 236; for Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 239; Senate leader, 247; and Douglas, 254, 258; against secession, 269; President of Confederacy, 271; and Fort Sumter, 274; advice to plant food crops, 282; "second Washington," 282, 285; reelected, 286; and J. E. Johnston, 287; trust in Lee, 298; unyielding, 309; opposition to, 312, 315, 322; recommends negro enlistment, 323; opposed by Congress, 323; impeachment threatened, 323; offers Europe emancipation, 323; last appeal to South, 324; escape to Danville, 327; captured and imprisoned, 328.

Declaration of Independence, and Jacksonians, 24; and New England, 24; in Democratic platform of 1840, 110; abolitionists and, 162, 262.

Delaware, for Adams, 14, 18.

Democracy, decline, 3; doomed in Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, 11; retarded by cotton expansion, 11; Whigs and Democrats, 109; flooded in South, 214; in New England, 215.

Democratic party, 67; defied by Clay, 66; first national convention, 68; and Van Buren, 104, 107, 109, 110; Baltimore Convention of 1844, 129; for Texas, 147, 161; convention of 1848, 172, 182; Franklin Pierce, 182; compromise a finality, 182; lose Northwest, 242; Southern, and pro-slavery, 243; Convention of 1856, 245; Buchanan and Breckinridge, 205; and Douglas, 257, 258; Charleston Convention of 1860, 260; split, 261; wins seven Republican States, 302; strong in North, 317; Convention of 1864, 321.

Derby Bank, of Connecticut, robs depositors, 44.

De Veaux, James, painter, 54.

Dew, Thomas R., on slavery, 118, 145.

Dickinson, Daniel S., Lincoln leader, 290.

District of Columbia, petitions on slavery in, 165; to abolish slave-trading, 178.

Dix, John A., 150, 157.

Doak, Samuel, 33.

Dobbin, James C., Secretary of Navy, 232.

Donaldson, Fort, Grant captures, 293.

Douglas, Stephen A., Oregon and Texas, 132; expansionists, 150, 172; and crisis of 1850, 176, 206; understood West, 202; land for railroads, 203; and Chicago, 203; ambitious, 205; wife, 214; slighted by Pierce, 232; Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 236; attacked, 240; Southern Whigs defend, 240; abused by Sumner, 245; for Buchanan, 246; Greeley suggests for President, 251; revolt on Kansas, 253; read out of Democratic party, 254; campaigning in Illinois, 254; popularity, 255; and Republicans, 255; debate with Lincoln, 256; Freeport doctrine, 256; reelected, 257; and Democrats, 258; and Charleston Convention, 260; nominated by faction, 261; strength in Northwest, 264; against secession, 264; popular and electoral vote, 265; for peace, 273; supports Lincoln, 282, 289; death, 289.

Douglass, Frederick, ex-slave and abolitionist, 166.

Draper and Moss, photographers, 224.

Dred Scott decision, 247, 257.

Duane, William J., Secretary of the Treasury, 78; dismissed, 79.

East, 4; and democracy, 37, 39; emigration to West, 40; population, 40, 47, 185; lands, 41; product and return on capital, 42; factory life, 43; capitalists, 44, 46, 47, 48, 54; banks and circulation, 45, 46; factories in, 47; clergy and lawyers, 50; judges for property interests, 51; life in, being reconstructed, 54, 55; for protection, 59, 60; and public land questions, 61; antagonistic to South, 61; and West, 61; defeats Benton's land program, 65; and Clay, 67; Jackson and Bank, 69; and Union, 75; distrusts Van Buren, 96; and panic of 1837, 102, 108, 130, 161; and Texas, 167; cities of, for Compromise of 1850, 181; foreign element in, 185; population in 1830, in 1850, in 1860, 185; industrial area, 187; shipping tonnage, 187; capital concentrated in, 188; capital and income, 194; trade with West and South, 205; religious life, 218; school children, 223; college students, 224; and Northwest, 247, 263; motives of, in the Civil War, 289; for emancipation, 304; radicals of, hostile to Lincoln, 317; in control after war, 328.

Eaton, John H., Secretary of War, 58; wife and Washington Society, 59, 64.

Education, in United States, 1850-60, 213.

Eleventh Amendment, and repudiation of state debts, 106.

Emancipation Proclamation, promised, 302; opinion on, divided, 304; East for, West against, 304.

Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 52, 226; on John Brown, 259.

England, Oregon, 25, 27, 122, 152; United States and West Indian trade, 84; mediates between France and United States, 87; capital for United States, 99, 100; call for payment, 101; Mexico and Lower California, 122; strained relations with United States, 122; the Webster-Ashburton treaty, 123; slave trade and right of search, 123; Northwestern boundary, 124; Oregon, 124, 132, 147, 149; free-trade movement, 151; Oregon trade, 153; compensated owners for emancipation of slaves, 164; Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 173, 205; possibility of intervention by, in Civil War, 314.

English, in United States, 185; attitude toward Confederacy, 314.

Episcopalians, and slavery, 145, 216, 240.

Erie Canal, exports of grain, 29, 32, 35, 46, 90, 97; and European capital, 99.

Erie Railroad, 192.

Everett, Edward, 50; Minister to England, 126; Massachusetts spokesman, 184; becomes Democrat, 246; for Vice-President, 261.

Exports, cotton and other, 12; cotton from Confederacy, 313.

Factory system, introduced, 43; long hours and poor pay, 219.

Fair Oaks, battle of, 296.

Farm laborers, 210.

Farm life, 211; methods, 211.

Federalists, in South Carolina, 5; of New York and Pennsylvania, 14; shipping interests, 41.

Fillmore, Millard, President, 180; Know-Nothing candidate, 243; popular vote, 243.

Florida, 120; secession of, 271, 313.

Floyd, John, 70.

Floyd, John B., dismissed from army, 312.

Food, of Americans in 1860, 208.

Foot, Samuel A., 30; resolution on public lands, 60.

Foote, Commodore, on Mississippi River, 293.

Foote, Henry S., for "all of Mexico," 158; Compromise of 1850, 178.

Forbes, John M., railroad builder, 192.

Force Bill, 73, 77.

Forsyth, John, Jackson leader in the Senate, 82.

France, claims against, 85; threatens war, 86; and tariff, 151, 201; and South, 315; and Mexico, 315.

Fredericksburg, battle of, 303; and English intervention, 314.

Free negroes, in South, 138.

Freeport doctrine, 256.

Free-Soil party, 173; supports Pierce, 182, 184, 241.

Fremont, John C., in Mexican War, 154; Senator, 175; for President, 246; commander at St. Louis, 284; removed from command, 290, 299; for President, 320.

Friends. See Quakers.

Fugitive Slave Law, strengthened in 1850, 178; opposition to, 184; nullified by Northern States, 252.

Fuller, Margaret, 226.

Fur trade, St. Louis a center, 35; American Fur Company, 35.

Gadsden, James, United States agent to Mexico, 232.

Gallatin, Albert, turned against Bank, 83.

Garrison, William Lloyd, abolitionist, 161; Liberator, 161; abolition societies, 162; for unconditional abolition, 164.

Georgia, 3; university of, 7; trouble over Indians, 7, 8, 21, 72, 87; immigration to, 13, 21, 28; Cherokee Nation against, 88, 121; illiterates, 213; convicts, 213; Know-Nothings defeated in, 243; secession of, 271; Union areas, 279; distrusted by Confederacy, 309; conscript laws annulled, 312, 323.

Germans, immigration to Mississippi Valley, 91; elect Lincoln, 264.

Germany, and tariff, 151.

Giddings, J. R., anti-slavery leader, 163, 262.

Gilmore, Thomas W., 121, 132.

Gladstone, W. E., favors South, 314.

Graft, in Van Buren's administration, 96.

Grain, exported by West, 29, 35; machinery invented, 199; railroads and, 199.

Grant, U. S., campaign in Tennessee, 293; wins battle of Shiloh, 294; made Halleck famous, 300; blocked in Mississippi, 303; commander in East, 316; Wilderness campaign, 317; failure and criticism of, 318; crosses the James, 318; invests Petersburg, 318, 326; liberal terms to Lee, 327.

Great Britain, and American shipping, 187.

Greeley, Horace, 171; proposes Douglas for President, 251; and Chicago Convention, 262, 263; against Lincoln, 320; supports Lincoln, 322.

Green, Duff, editor of the Telegraph, 17; attacks Adams, 17.

Greenbacks, issued, 292, 293; unpopular, 304; more issued, 305.

Grimes, J. W., 241.

Grimke, the Misses, abolitionists, 166.

Guadalupe-Hidalgo, Treaty of, 174.

Gulf States, immigration to, 13; value of exports, 29, 141; Union areas, 278.

Guthrie, James, Secretary of the Treasury, 232.

Habeas corpus, writ of, suspended, 304.

Halleck, General H. W., Grant makes famous, 300; command in East, 300.

Hamilton, Alexander, 44.

Hamilton, James, 71.

Hammond, James H., on slavery, 146.

Hampton, Wade, 214.

Hannegan, and Calhoun, 120; for taking Canada, 158.

Harper's Ferry, John Brown, 259, 301.

Harper's Magazine, 228.

Harris, Townsend, consul to Japan, 235.

Harrison, William Henry, Whig candidate, 93, 110; elected, 111; and Clay, 114; death, 115.

Hart, Joel T., sculptor, 54.

Harvard, Unitarian center, 52; confers degree of LL.D. on Jackson, 58; Southern students at, 224.

Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 182; struggling, 226.

Hayne, Paul Hamilton, 227.

Hayne, Robert Y., 5, 6, 30, 48, 52; debate with Webster, 61, 63, 64; nullification, 71.

Henry, Fort, Grant captures, 293.

Hill, General A. P., 299.

Hill, General D. H., 299; loses orders, 301.

Hodge, Dr. Charles, president of Princeton, 222.

Hoe, Richard M., inventor, 224.

Holden, W. W., leads peace movement, 312.

Holmes, Oliver Wendell, 226.

Homesteads, free, in Republican platform, 262.

Hood, General John B., defeated by Sherman, 319; to Nashville, 319.

Hooker, General Joseph, given command of the Army of the Potomac, 303; loses at Chancellorsville, 305.

Horseshoe Bend, battle of, 21.

Houston, Samuel, in Texas, 120; Governor of Texas, 126.

Howe, Elias, inventor of sewing machine, 224.

Hunter, R. M. T., 324.

Hunt, William Morris, 225.

Illinois, 3; for Jackson, 22; population, 28, 87, 89, 90; internal improvements, 90; Germans in, 91; capital from New York and London, 91; debt and income, 98; for Van Buren, 111, 113; Oregon and Texas, 122, 131; Indians removed, 199, 201, 205; convicts in 1860, 213; educational reform, 223; for opening Nebraska, 238; North for Republicans, 241; for Buchanan, 246, 262, 263; Democratic, 302.

Illinois Central Railroad, built, 204.

Immigration, 40, 212.

Independent Treasury, proposed, 103; contested, 104; established, 104, 107, 108, 109; law repealed, 115; reenacted, 149.

Indian Territory, 89.

Indiana, for Jackson, 22; population, 90; internal improvements, 90; capital from New York and London, 91, 113; Indians removed, 199, 201; illiterates, 213; educational reform, 223; for opening Nebraska, 238; North for Republicans, 241; for Buchanan, 246, 262; Democratic, 302.

Indians, Creeks, 1, 2, 26; removal desired, 29; and Georgia, 72; removal by Jackson, 87, 88; Cherokee Nation against Georgia, 88; Seminole War, 104.

Ingham, Samuel D., 14, 17; Secretary of the Treasury, 58.

Internal improvements, West for, 28, 59; Carey and Lea pamphlets, 53, 55; Maysville veto, 63, 65; and Whigs, 110, 130; extending slavery, 141, 150, 152; and Wilmot Proviso, 170.

Inventions, 199, 212, 224.

Iowa, 87, 89, 90, 106; made State, 198; Indians removed, 199, 201, 205; for opening Nebraska, 238, 264.

Irish, in United States, 185.

Irving, Washington, 52.

Jackson, Andrew, early life, 1; candidate for President, 2, 4; tariff views, 6; and Calhoun, 6; and Indians, 8, 18; and North Carolina, 9; and Virginia, 11, 14; campaign managers, 16, 17, 18; skillful politician, 18; inauguration, 20, 21; supplants Clay in West, 21, 22; planters distrust, 23, 24, 25, 27, 28; duelist, 32; "Old Hickory," 36, 37; Western opposition, 37; "King Andrew I," 37; Eastern distrust, 39; first Cabinet, 56, 58; degree of LL.D. from Harvard, 58; party divided, 58, 59; Cabinets, 58; "Kitchen Cabinet," 58; removals by, 58; appointments by, 58, 59; Eaton affair, 59; and tariff, 59; and Foot Resolution, 60; and Bank, 60, 65, 66, 67, 68, 77, 80; for second term, 62; Van Buren and Calhoun, 62; Union toast, 62; Maysville veto, 63; break with Calhoun, 64; Cabinet changed, 64; platform unfulfilled, 65; and South Carolina, 69, 71, 72, 73; Bank veto, 69; campaign of 1832, 70, 71, 72; Georgia and the Indians, 72; Nullification Proclamation and Force Bill, 73; Verplanck Tariff Bill, 73; messages, 76; defeated on tariff, 79; Bank war on, 80; Bank defeated, 82, 84; diplomatic relations, West Indian trade, 84; French spoliation claims, 85; Senate opposition, 86; House support, 86; war threatened, 86; peaceful settlement, 87; removal of Indians, 87, 89, 90; successes, 91, 92; Distribution Bill vetoed, 92; deposit with States, 92; railroads, 92; Specie Circular, 92; revolts against, 92, 93; triumphant retirement, 94; and Van Buren, 96, 97, 98, 100, 103; and Texas, 105, 107, 108, 109, 111; repudiated in 1840, 112, 117, 120, 127, 144; and abolition mail, 165, 187, 242, 265; denounces secession, 268.

Jackson, Thomas J. ("Stonewall"), at Bull Run, 285; Valley campaign, 296; reinforces Lee, 297; failures in Peninsula campaign, 297, 299; sent against Pope, 299; Cedar Mountain, 299, 301; death, 305.

Japan, trade relations with, 235.

Jay Treaty, 84.

Jefferson, Thomas, Jackson-like, 3, 36; sale of Monticello, 13, 19, 23, 50, 54, 62, 142, 167; and public education, 223; Lincoln-like, 265.

Jeffersonian party, getting aristocratic, 3, 5, 17, 30, 109, 167.

Johnson, Andrew, for Vice-President, 320.

Johnson, Richard M., rival of Clay, 22.

Johnston, Albert Sidney, made general, 276; battle of Shiloh, 293; killed, 294.

Johnston, Joseph E., made general, 276, 281; at Bull Run, 285; quarrel with Davis, 287; Peninsula campaign, 297; wounded, 296; in Georgia, 318, 319; removed from command, 319; restored to command, 325; surrenders to Sherman, 327.

Jones, Commodore, 125.

Judd, Norman B., Republican leader, 255.

Kansas, 89, 199; organized as Territory, 241; popular sovereignty, 243; Topeka Convention, 244; two governments, 244; deadlock in Congress over, 244; war in, 248; Walker, Governor, 249; Lecompton Constitution, 249.

Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 172, 198, 235, 236; and Pacific Railway 238; provisions, 239; angry debate on, 240; passed, 240; resulting campaign, 241.

Kearny, Colonel S. W., campaign in New Mexico, 154.

Kendall, Amos, 58, 62.

Kennedy, John P., 53.

Kenner, Duncan F., Confederate agent to Europe, 323.

Kent, Chancellor, against universal suffrage, 14, 51.

Kentucky, 13; and Clay, 15, 21, 22; and R. M. Johnson, 22; population, 28, 32; and Jackson, 37, 40, 63, 70; Germans in, 91; "slavery a blessing," 119, 121; live stock to South, 141; Presbyterians in, 143; and slavery, 161; for Scott, 182; and Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 238, 246; secession of, prevented, 275; occupied by Federals, 293; against emancipation, 301; Republican party in 1862, 302; held by Federals, 313.

Know-Nothing party, 242; defeated in Virginia and Georgia, 243; in 1856, 243, 261, 264.

Labor unions, beginning, 209.

Laborers, conditions poor, 209.

Larkin, Thomas O., seizure of California, 154.

Lawyers, support capitalists, 50, 51; in South, allied with planters, 139.

Lecompton Constitution, of Kansas, 249.

Lee, Robert E., 214, 259; made general, 276; drills Virginia troops, 281; expected success, 282; home seized, 283; sent to West Virginia, 286; loses West Virginia, 296; in chief command, 296; Peninsula command, 297; loses at Mechanicsville, 297; wins at Gaines's Mills, 297; pursues McClellan, 297; loses at Malvern Hill, 297, 298; second Bull Run, 300; into Maryland, 300, 301; Antietam, 302; retires into Virginia, 302; wins at Fredericksburg, 303; wins at Chancellorsville, 305; second invasion of North, 305; Gettysburg, 306; retreat to Virginia, 307; uncompromising, 309; urges conscription, 311, 312; checks Grant, 318; Grant outwits, 318; facing Grant at Petersburg, 323; refuses dictatorship, 324; army in want, 325; odds against, 326; retreat to west, 326; surrender, 327.

Legare, Hugh S., Secretary of State, 126.

Lewis, William B., 58, 62, 64.

Lexington, Kentucky, 34; Mechanics' Library, 35, 63.

Liberator, abolition weekly, 162.

Liberty party, nominates Van Buren, 173.

Lincoln, Abraham, 32, 36; in Republican party, 241, 242; against Douglas, 255; debate with Douglas, 256; "house-divided-against-itself," 256; Presidential timber, 257; Chicago Convention of 1860, 261; nominated for President, 263; character, 263, 265; election of, and South, 268; conciliatory, 269; inaugural, 272; yields to radicals, 273; saves Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, 275; calls for volunteers, 282; war to preserve Union, 289; Douglas supports, 289; calls for more men, 290, 320; and finance, 292; dark hours, 300; promises emancipation, 302; arbitrary arrests, 304; opposition to, 304, 316; hope in Grant, 317; nominated for President by National Unionists, 320; asked to withdraw, 321; appoints day of thanksgiving, 321; strongly supported, 322, 324.

Literature, flower of American culture, 226.

Live stock, exported by West, 29; to cotton belt, 141.

Liverpool, capital of, invested in United States, 100, 205.

Livingston, Edward, Secretary of State, 65; Minister to France, 78; for Bank, 78; and French claims, 85.

Loco-focos, 108.

London, capital loaned to West, 91; in United States, 100, 205.

Longfellow, Henry W., 226.

Longstreet, A. B., 227.

Longstreet, General James, 299, 301; sent to Bragg, 307.

Lopez, Narcisco, 198.

Louisiana, 8; in cotton belt, 12, 86; "slavery a blessing," 119; secession of, 271.

Lovejoy, Elijah P., anti-slavery leader, 164; murdered, 166.

Lowell, James Russell, 227.

Lowndes, William, 5.

Macon, Nathaniel, in Senate, 16.

McClellan, George B., at Cincinnati, 283; drilling army, 293; Peninsula campaign, 296; failure, 298; army withdrawn, 299; removed from command, 299; popular with army, 300; restored to command, 301; Antietam, 302; again removed, 303; mentioned for President, 317; nominated by Democrats, 321.

McClelland, Robert, Secretary of the Interior, 232.

McCormick, Cyrus, 199, 202.

McCreary, James, 34.

McDowell, General Irvin, commanding in Virginia, 283; Bull Run, 285, 299.

McDuffie, George, 6; for Bank, 68; debtor of Bank, 79, 82.

McLane, Louis, Secretary of the Treasury, 65; Secretary of State, 78; for Bank, 78.

McLeod, Alexander, trial in New York, 123.

Madison, James, in Virginia Convention of 1829, 10.

Maine, 14; population, 39, 41, 48; Democratic, 55, 105; northeastern boundary settled, 124; "Aroostook War," 124, 187, 264.

Malvern Hill, battle of, 298.

Manassas, battles of. See Bull Run.

Mann, Horace, and public schools, 223.

Manufacturing, Cincinnati a center, 35; growth in East, 1820-30, 41; cotton and woolen, 42; product and return on capital, 42; factory life, 43; men in control, 47; industrial area, 47, 49; transition from agriculture, 50; political power, 54, 55; eastern area, 187, 205.

Marcy, William L., in Polk's Cabinet, 147; Secretary of State, 231, 234.

Marshall, John, 10, 22, 32, 51, 99.

Marshall, Thomas, 33.

Maryland, 14, 18, 23, 40, 50; banking laws, 106, 133; internal improvements, 133; and slavery, 161; and Know-Nothings, 243, 265; secession prevented, 275; Lee in, 300; against emancipation, 301.

Mason, James M., 150, 215; commissioner to Europe, 286, 314.

Mason, John Y., in Polk's Cabinet, 149, 215; Minister to France, 234; Ostend Manifesto, 235.

Massachusetts, 3; conservative, 15; population, 39; cotton and wool manufacture, 42; bank capital and circulation, 45; tax valuation, 46; particularism and free trade to nationalism and protection, 54; banking laws, 106; for Scott, 182, 184; manufacturing, 187; shipping, 187; illiterates, 213; convicts, 213; and Sumner, 245; nullifies Fugitive Slave Law, 252.

Matamoras, battle of, 154.

Maysville Bill, 63, 64, 67.

Meade, George Gordon, given command of the Army of the Potomac, 306; wins at Gettysburg, 306.

Mechanics' Library of Lexington, Ky., fostered by Clay, 35.

Mechanicsville, battle of, 297.

Medill, Joseph, Republican leader, 255.

Methodists, in West, 33; in South, 143; and slavery, 143, 144, 161, 165, 221; increase of membership, 145; in South, 218; strength of clergy, 220; members, 222; educational institutions, 222, 223.

Mexican War, 135, 154.

Mexico, West and, 25, 27; and England, 122, 126, 132, 135; Texas boundary, 148; Slidell's mission to, 153; war with, 154; desire for all, 157, 161, 247.

Michigan, 22, 87; population, 90; Dutch repudiated, 106; Oregon and Texas, 132; made State, 198; Indians removed, 199; Republican party organized, 241.

Michigan Central Railroad, 192.

Middle States, 6, 13, 14; and Jackson, 17, 18, 22; labor scarce in, 30, 40; banks, 45; literature, 52, 53, 54, 55, 68, 74, 83, 84, 93; poor wheat crop, 101; Texas and Oregon, 127; abolition societies in, 162.

Minnesota, 87, 89; made State, 198; Indians removed, 199.

Mississippi, and Indians, 8, 87; and Jackson, 72; population, 89, 90; debt and income, 98; internal improvements, 98; debts of, repudiated, 106; "slavery a blessing," 119; Van Buren and Texas, 128; California and slavery, 175; secession of, 271, 313.

Mississippi River, 87; canal feeders, 90; Commodore Foote on, 293; held by Federals, 307.

Mississippi Valley, 2, 11, 21; for Texas and Oregon, 25; value of exports, 29, 36; immigration to, 90; Germans in, 91; cotton belt, 135, 198; growth and power, 199.

Missouri, and Clay, 21, 22; the bank, tariff, and internal improvements, 22; horse-racing, 32, 37, 40; Germans in, 91; for Van Buren, 111; emigration from, to Oregon, 127, 131; Pacific Railroad, 238; and Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 238; and Kansas, 245, 265; secession of, prevented, 275; held by Federals, 313.

Missouri Compromise, repealed, 239; Dred Scott decision, 247.

Missouri Valley, in plantation belt, 138.

Mobile, Ala., blockade-running from, 313; taken by Farragut, 321.

Mobile and Ohio Railroad, 204.

Monroe, James, in Virginia Convention of 1829, 10, 28, 89, 105.

Monroe Doctrine, France and Mexico and, 315.

Monterey, battle of, 154.

Monticello, sale of, 13.

Mormons, 176.

Morse, S. F. B., 224.

Motley, John L., 215, 228.

Murfreesboro, battle of, 295.

Napoleon III, favors South, 314, 316.

Nashville, Tenn., Federals capture, 293.

Nat Turner, slave insurrection, 118.

National Bank, 114; Tyler's views, 115; bills vetoed, 116, 130.

National debt, paid, 92.

National road, 90.

Nebraska, 199; organized as Territory, 241.

New England, for Adams, 14, 18; suffrage and Democracy in, 15, 23, 24, 28; hostile to West, 29, 39; population, 39, 40; growth of manufactures, 41; banks, 45; trade with South, 46; literature, 52, 53, 54; painting and sculpture, 54; industrial control, 55, 56; and tariff, 66, 67; and South Carolina, 72, 84; against Jackson, 93; for Harrison and Tyler, 111, 112, 125, 126; Oregon and Texas, 131, 140, 149; abolition societies, 163; against Fugitive Slave Law, 184; aristocratic life, 215; decline of Puritanism in, 216, 222; and Buchanan, 246; for nullification and secession, 252, 253; for Seward, 257; threats of secession, 268, 269; Confederate raids into, 323.

New Hampshire, 14; population, 39.

New Jersey, 14, 18, 302.

New Mexico, 152, 154; Territory of, organized, 176, 179.

New Orleans, battle of, 2, 21, 32; commerce, 35, 36; and Jackson, 37; failures, 101; sub-treasury at, 151, 193; winter resort, 214; held by Federals, 213.

New York, constitutional reform, 14; for Jackson, 14, 15, 18, 71; Western element, 28, 32, 39; population, 40; manufacturing, 42; banking capital and circulation, 42, 83; banking laws, 105, 149; manufacturing, 187; shipping, 187, 195, 200; Democratic, 302; panic at Lee's invasion, 305.

New York Central Railroad, 192.

New York City, manufacturing, 41; financial center, 45; land value, 46, 48; literary seat, 52; newspaper for Bank, 79; high interest, 83, 84; capital to West, 91, 96; failures, 101; for Walker program, 129; sub-treasury at, 151, 187; financial center, 189, 193, 194, 195, 202, 205, 209, 222; and Buchanan, 246, 305; Confederates try to burn, 323.