The monetary unit, the gold peso, does not form a part of the actual coinage. The gold coins authorized by this law are the condor of 20 pesos, the medio condor, or doblon, of 10 pesos, and the escudo of 5 pesos. The silver coins are the peso of 100 centavos and its fractional parts of 20, 10 and 5 centavos. The bronze coins are of 21/2, 2, 1, and 1/2 centavos.

The metric system of weights and measures is the legal standard in Chile, but the old Spanish standards are still widely used, especially in handling mining and farm produce. Nitrate of soda is estimated in Chilean quintals (101.41 lb) in the field, and metric quintals (220.46 lb) at the port of shipment. In silver and copper mining the marc (8 oz.) is commonly used in describing the richness of the ores. Farm produce is generally sold by the arroba or fanega; the vara is used in lineal measurement, and the cuadra is used by country people in land measurement. (A. J. L.)

HISTORY.

Inca conquest.

Chile was the recognized name of the country from the beginning of its known history. The land was originally inhabited by tribes of Indians, who, though not mere savages, were far below the level of civilization distinguishing the races of Mexico and Peru. When the country first became known to the Spaniards in the 16th century the northern tribes were found to be more civilized and much more submissive than those of the south. The difference was no doubt due to the invasion and conquest of northern Chile in the 15th century by Yupanqui, Inca of Peru, grandfather of Atahualpa, ruler of Peru at the time of its conquest by Pizarro. The dominion of the Incas in Chile was probably bounded by the Rapel river (lat. 34 deg. 10' S.), and, though their control of the country was slight, the Peruvian influence led to the introduction of a higher civilization, and, by weakening the power of the tribes, paved the way for the invasion of the Spaniards. Beyond the limits of the Inca conquest the Indians of Chile were distinguished by fierce independence of character and by their warlike qualities. Rude and ignorant as they were, they possessed a rough military organization; each community was led by its ulmen (chief), and in war the tribes fought together under an elected leader (toqui). The name of the Araucanians, the most powerful of the tribes, came to be applied to the whole confederation of Indians living south of the Bio-bio river.

Spanish invasions.

The first Spanish invasion of Chile took place in 1535, when Diego de Almagro, the companion and rival of Pizarro in the conquest of Peru, marched into Chile in search of gold. Disappointed in his quest, and meeting with obstinate resistance from the southern tribes, he returned to Peru with his whole force in 1538. In 1540 Pizarro sent Pedro de Valdivia to make a regular conquest and settlement of Chile. Valdivia founded Santiago, the present capital of Chile, in February 1541, and proceeded to build the towns of La Serena, Conception, Villarica, Imperial, Valdivia and Angol, in order to secure his hold on the country. But the Indians fought desperately for their independence, and in 1553 a general rising of the tribes ended in the defeat and death of Valdivia and in the destruction of most of his settlements. This was the beginning of nearly a century of continuous warfare. As there was no gold in the country the number of settlers was small, the loose tribal organization of the natives made it impossible to inflict a vital defeat on them, and the mountainous and thickly wooded country lent itself admirably to a warfare of surprises and ambuscades. General after general and army after army were despatched from Spain and Peru; Chile was given a government independent of the viceroy of Lima; attack after attack was made on the Indians, their lands were laid waste, and the struggle was conducted with merciless ferocity: all in vain. Settlements and forts were never free from assault and were taken and retaken; if one Indian army was destroyed another took its place, if one toqui was killed another was chosen; when defeated, the Indians retired to their forests, marshes and hills, recruited their forces, and fell on the pursuing Spaniards. In 1612 an attempt was made by a Jesuit missionary to negotiate a peace, but not till 1640 was the desperate struggle ended by the treaty of Quillin, which left the Indians all the land south of the Bio-bio river. Up to 1800 the peace was broken by three wars, in 1655, in 1723 and in 1766, the last ended by a treaty which actually gave the Araucanians the right to have a minister at Santiago.

Colonial system.

It was this constant warfare with the Indians and the necessity for hard continuous work, owing to the lack of precious metals in Chile, that no doubt helped to produce in the settlers the strength and hardihood of character that distinguishes the Chileans among South American races. But not unnaturally the material condition of the country was the reverse of prosperous. The expenditure far exceeded the revenue. The Indian warfare occupied nearly the whole attention of the governors and much of the time of the settlers. By the Spanish colonial system the development of manufactures was prohibited and the trade of the colony was limited not only to Spain but to the one port of Cadiz. Till the 18th century ships were not allowed to sail round Cape Horn, so that the Chileans had to trade indirectly through Peru and the Argentine. Agriculture was the one resource of the colony, and wheat was grown for export to Peru, but the land was concentrated in the hands of a few big landowners, and the cultivation of the vine and olive was forbidden. At the end of the 17th century Santiago was a town of poor one-storeyed houses and had only 8000 inhabitants; the other towns, Valparaiso, Concepcion, La Serena, were only large villages. Books were not allowed to be imported, and education was limited to such as was given here and there by priests and monks. The Indians within the limits of the Spanish colony were treated like slaves, and horribly mutilated to prevent their escape; but at the same time a gradual fusion of races was taking place, and the Chilean peasant (peon) of to-day is as much of Indian as of Spanish descent. The Araucanians, however, continued to preserve their independence; they jealously resented the introduction of Spanish influence, and the missionary efforts of the Jesuits met with little success.

During the 18th century the condition of the colony was improved in many ways. The Bourbon kings of Spain were more liberal in their colonial policy. Merchant-ships were allowed to sail direct to Chile, trade with France was sometimes permitted, and a large batch of hardy emigrants was sent out from the Biscay provinces of Spain. Freed from the preoccupation of the Indian wars, the governors gave more attention to the general welfare of the country: a university was started in Santiago in 1747, many towns were built about the same time, agriculture and industries were promoted and a coasting trade grew up. In 1778 Charles III. threw open all the ports of Spain to the colonies and allowed freedom of trade with France. But in general the administration of the colony was burdensome, oppressive and inefficient. The people had no voice in the government. Ruling with the help of the Royal Audience, the governor was absolute master of the country, and regulated the smallest details of life. Such time as the officials could spare from the main object of enriching themselves by extortion and corruption was given up to endless official and religious ceremonies and to petty disputes of etiquette and precedence. All the high posts and offices were filled by men sent from Spain, with the result that bitter jealousy reigned between them and the native-born colonists (criollos). The criollos as a rule filled the posts in the municipalities (cabildos), disposed of by sale, so that when the revolution broke out the cabildos naturally became the centres of the movement. As in all Spanish colonies, so in Chile, the Church played a large part in the public life. Chile was divided into the two bishoprics of Santiago and Concepcion, and the Church managed to accumulate most of the wealth of the country. At the same time the monks and Jesuits did useful work in teaching industrial and agricultural arts, and in giving the people a certain degree of education; but the influence of the Church was used to bolster up the traditional narrow colonial system, and the constant quarrels between the clergy and the secular powers often threw the country into confusion.

At the opening of the 19th century Chile was a colony whose resources had hardly been touched, with a population of about 500,000 persons, of Spanish and mixed Spanish and Indian blood: a people endowed with the vigour of character bred by a mountainous country and a bracing climate and by a hard struggle for existence, but ignorant through lack of education, shut out by a narrow-minded commercial system from knowledge of the outside world, and destitute of the character-training that free institutions afford.

Struggle for independence.

The national independence of Chile dates from the second decade of the 19th century. The revolt of England's North American colonies, and the events of the French Revolution naturally suggested the idea of a struggle for independence to the Spanish colonists, and the deposition of Ferdinand VII. by Napoleon, and the ensuing disorganization of Spain, supplied the desired opportunity. In 1809 risings took place in Venezuela, in Ecuador, in Upper Peru and in the Argentine; the revolutionary fever spread to Chile, and on the 18th of September 1810 the cabildo of Santiago secured the resignation of the governor and vested his powers in an elected Junta (board) of seven members. This event was the beginning of the independence of Chile. But it was some time before independence was fully attained. The mass of the people were ignorant, intercourse between them was slight, and there was a strong section attached to the old regime. The party determined on independence was at first small, and compelled to conceal its aims till the ground had been prepared for open decisive action. Further, there were divisions between the patriots of Santiago and those of Concepcion, and bitter jealousies between the leaders, the chief of whom were Juan Martinez de Rozas, Jose Miguel Carrera and Bernardo O'Higgins. Owing to the apathy of the people and the enmities existing among the leaders, the Spanish forces, sent by the viceroy of Peru to crush the revolutionary movement, succeeded after two years' indecisive fighting in completely defeating the patriots at Rancagua in 1814. For three years the Spaniards maintained their hold on Chile, ruling the country with tyrannical harshness, but in the spring of 1817 a patriot force which had been organized at Mendoza in the Argentine by Jose de San Martin, an Argentine officer, and by O'Higgins, crossed the Andes and overwhelmed the royalists at the battle of Chacabuco. O'Higgins was named director-general of Chile, while San Martin, realizing that the independence of each colony depended on the Spanish being expelled from the whole of South America, set about preparing an invasion of Peru. The viceroy of Lima made one more effort to uphold the power of Spain in Chile, but the army he despatched under Mariano Osorio, the victor of Rancagua, was decisively defeated at the river Maipo on the 3rd of April 1818. By this battle the independence of Chile, formally proclaimed by O'Higgins in the previous February, was finally secured.

The republic.

The next few years witnessed the expulsion of the royalists from the south of Chile, the equipment of a small fleet, placed under the command of Manuel Blanco Encalada and Lord Cochrane (earl of Dundonald), and the invasion of Peru by San Martin with the help of the fleet, ending in the proclamation of Peruvian independence in 1821; though the Spanish power was not finally broken until Bolivar's victory at Ayacucho in 1824. Relieved from all fear of Spanish attacks from the north, the new republic of Chile entered upon a period of internal confusion and dissension bordering upon anarchy. As soon as the necessity for establishing a stable government arose the lack of training in self-government among the Chileans became painfully obvious. O'Higgins as director-general, rightly perhaps, considered that firm orderly government was more important than the concession of liberal institutions, but his administration roused strong hostility, and in 1823 he was compelled to resign. From that date up to 1830 there were no less than ten governments, while three different constitutions were proclaimed. The nation was divided into small mutually hostile parties; there were ecclesiastical troubles owing to the hostility of the Church to the new republic; there were Indian risings in the south and royalist revolts in the island of Chiloe; the expenditure exceeded the revenue, and the employment of the old Spanish financial expedients naturally increased the general discontent. Up to 1830 the Liberal party, which favoured a free democratic regime, held the upper hand, but in that year the Conservatives, backed by a military rising led by General Joaquin Prieto, placed themselves in power after a sanguinary battle at Lircay. Prieto was elected president in 1831, and a new constitution was drafted and promulgated in 1833, which, with some modifications, remains the constitution of Chile at the present time. This constitution invested the executive with almost dictatorial powers, and the Conservatives entered upon a long term of office.

The aim of the Conservative policy was to secure above all a strong administration; power was concentrated in the hands of a small circle; public liberties were restricted and all opposition crushed by force. Inaugurated under General Prieto's administration (1831-1841) by his able minister Diego Portales, this policy was continued by his successors General Manuel Bulnes (1841-1851) and Manuel Montt (1851-1861), each of whom like Prieto was elected to a double term of office. In spite of the discontent of the Liberals, the Conservative ascendancy secured a long period of firm stable government, which was essential to put an end to the confusion in public life and to give time for the people to awake to a fuller realization of the duties and responsibilities of national independence. The internal peace of the country was only disturbed three times, by Liberal risings in 1835, in 1851 and in 1859, all of which were crushed, but not without severe fighting. In 1836 Chile also became involved in a war with a confederation of Peru and Bolivia, which ended in the victory of Chile and the dissolution of the confederation.

While refusing to allow the people any share in, or control over, the government, the Conservative leaders devoted themselves to improving the condition of the people and of the country, and under their firm rule Chile advanced rapidly in prosperity. The government established a department for education, a training college for teachers, and numerous schools and libraries; literary magazines were started and a school of art and an academy of music founded. By the consolidation of the foreign debt, by the regular payment of interest, by the establishment of several banks, and by the negotiation of commercial treaties, the financial position of the country was improved. Internal development was promoted by the working of the silver mines of Copiapo and the coal mines of Lota, by the building of railways and erection of telegraphs, and by the colonization of the rich Valdivia province with German settlers.

The Straits of Magellan were occupied; under an American engineer, William Wheelwright, a line of steamers was started on the coast, and, by a wise measure allowing merchandise to be landed free of duty for re-exportation, Valparaiso became a busy port and trading centre; while the demand for food-stuffs in California and Australia, following upon the rush for gold, gave a strong impetus to agriculture. A code of law was drawn up and promulgated, and the ecclesiastical system was organized under an archbishop appointed by the pope. To Montt, as minister under Bulnes and afterwards as president, must be given the main credit for the far-seeing policy which laid the foundations of the prosperity of Chile; and though the administration was in many ways harsh and narrow, firm government, rather than liberty that would have tended to anarchy, was essential for the success of the young republic.

After 1861, however, a Liberal reaction set in, aided by divisions in the Conservative party arising mainly over church questions. Montt's successors, Jose Joaquin Perez (1861-1871), Federico Errazuriz (1871-1876) and Anibal Pinto (1876-1881), abandoned the repressive policy of their predecessors, invited the co-operation of the Liberals, and allowed discontent to vent itself freely in popular agitation. Some democratic changes were made in the constitution, notably a law forbidding the re-election of a president, and the gradual and peaceful transition to a Liberal policy was a proof of the progress which the nation had made in political training. Outside the movement for constitutional reform, the most important internal question was the successful Liberal attack on the privileged position and narrow views of the Church, which led to the birth of a strong ultra-montane party among the clergy. The government continued to be animated by a progressive spirit: schools, railways, telegraphs were rapidly extended; a steamship mail service to Europe was subsidized, and the stability of the government enabled it to raise new foreign loans in order to extinguish the old high interest-bearing loans and to meet the expenses of public works. In 1877 a financial crisis occurred, met by the emission of paper money, but the depression was only temporary, and the country soon rallied from the effects.

During this period there was desultory fighting with the Indians; there was a long boundary dispute with the Argentine, settled in 1880; and in 1865 Chilean sympathy with Peru in a quarrel with Spain led to a foolish war with Spain. The blockade of their ports and the bombardment of Valparaiso by a Spanish squadron impressed the Chileans with the necessity of possessing an adequate fleet to defend their long coast-line; and it was under President Errazuriz that the ships were obtained and the officers trained that did such good service in the great war with Peru. With a population of over two millions, a rapidly increasing revenue, ruled by a government that was firm and progressive and that enjoyed the confidence of all classes, Chile was well equipped for the struggle with Peru that began in 1879.

Close of the war with Peru.

The war of 1879-82 between Chile and Peru is the subject of a separate article (see CHILE-PERUVIAN WAR). By the beginning of 1881 the war had reached a stage when the final struggle was close at hand. On the 13th of January of that year the Chilean forces under command of General Baquedano attacked the entrenched positions of the Peruvians at daybreak in the vicinity of Chorillos, a village some few miles from Lima, and forming the outer line of defence for the capital. After a stubborn fight the day ended in victory for the attacking forces; but the losses on both sides were great, and on the following day negotiations for peace were attempted by the representatives of the foreign powers in Lima, the object being to avoid, if possible, any further bloodshed. This attempt to end the conflict proved, however, abortive, and on the 15th of January at 2 P.M. hostilities recommenced in the neighbourhood of Miraflores. After severe fighting for some four hours the Chileans again proved victorious, and drove the Peruvians from the second line of defence back upon the city of Lima. Lima was now at the mercy of the Chileans, and on the 17th of January a division of 4000 men of all arms, under the command of General Cornelio Saavedra, was sent forward to occupy the Peruvian capital and restore order within the town limits. A portion of the Chilean forces was shortly afterwards withdrawn from Peru, and the army of occupation remaining in the conquered country was in charge of Admiral Patricio Lynch, an officer who had been specially promoted for distinguished services during the war. President Anibal Pinto of Chile now set about to find means to conclude a treaty of peace with Peru, but his efforts in this direction were frustrated by the armed resistance offered in the country districts to the Chilean authorities by the remainder of the Peruvian forces under command of General Caceres. So matters continued—the Chileans administering on the seaboard and in the principal towns, the Peruvians maintaining a guerilla warfare in the mountainous districts of the interior. In September 1881 the term of office of president Pinto expired, and he was succeeded in the post of chief executive of Chile by President Domingo Santa Maria. Ex-President Pinto died three years later in Valparaiso, leaving a memory respected and admired by all political parties in his country. The name of Pinto will always occupy a prominent place in the annals of Chilean history, not only because the war with Peru took place during his term of office, but also on account of the fact that it was largely due to the intelligent direction of all details by the president during the struggle that the Chilean arms proved so absolutely successful by land and sea.

President Santa Maria.

Senor Domingo Santa Maria, who now acceded to the presidency of Chile, was a Liberal in politics, and had previously held various important posts under the government. Under the rule of President Montt he had been an active member of the opposition and involved in various revolutionary conspiracies; for his participation in these plots he was at one time exiled from the country, but returned and received official employment under President Perez. The principal task confronting President Santa Maria on assuming the presidency was to negotiate a treaty of peace with Peru and provide for the evacuation of the Chilean army of occupation. The presence of the Peruvian general Caceres and his forces in the interior of Peru prevented for some two years the formation of any Peruvian national administration in Lima with which the Chilean authorities could deal. In August of 1883 the Peruvians were defeated by the forces commanded by Admiral Lynch, and a government was then organized under the leadership of General Iglesias. A provisional treaty of peace was then drawn up and signed by General Iglesias and the Chilean representative, and this was finally ratified by the Chilean and Peruvian congresses respectively in April 1884. By the terms of this treaty Peru ceded to Chile unconditionally the province of Tarapaca, and the provinces of Tacna and Arica were placed under Chilean authority for the term of ten years, the inhabitants having then to decide by a general vote whether they remained a part of Chile or elected to belong once more to Peru. In the event of the decision being favourable to Peru a sum of 10,000,000 dollars was to be paid by Peru to Chile. On the ratification of this treaty the Chilean forces were immediately withdrawn from Lima and other points of occupation in Peruvian territory. The government of Bolivia also attempted to negotiate a treaty of peace with Chile in 1884, and for this purpose sent representatives to Santiago. No satisfactory terms, however, could be arranged, and the negotiations ended in only an armistice being agreed to, by which Chile remained in occupation of the Bolivian seaboard pending a definite settlement at some future period.

The administration of President Santa Maria met with violent opposition from the Conservatives, who included the Clerical party in their ranks, and also from a certain section of the Liberals. The dislike of the Conservatives to President Santa Maria was occasioned by his introduction of the law of civil marriage, the civil registration of births and deaths, and the freeing of the cemeteries. Hitherto no marriage was legal unless celebrated according to the rites of the Roman Catholic religion, and all registers of births and deaths were kept by the parish priests. Civil employees were now appointed under the new laws to attend to this work. Formerly the cemeteries were entirely under the control of the Church, and, with the exception of a few places specially created for the purpose, were reserved solely for the burial of Roman Catholics. Under the new regime these cemeteries were made common to the dead of all religions. Under President Perez, in 1865, a clause in the law of constitution had been introduced permitting the exercise of all creeds of religion, and this was now put into practice, all restrictions being removed. On several occasions, notably in 1882 and 1885, President Santa Maria used his influence in the elections of senators and deputies to congress for the purpose of creating a substantial majority in his favour. He was induced to take this course in consequence of the violent opposition raised in the chambers by the liberal policy he pursued in connexion with Church matters. This intervention caused great irritation amongst the Conservatives and dissentient Liberals, and the political situation on more than one occasion became so strained as to bring the country to the verge of armed revolution. No outbreak, however, took place, and in 1886 the five years of office for which President Santa Maria had been elected came to an end, and another Liberal, Senor Jose Manuel Balmaceda, then succeeded to power.

Balmaceda elected president.

Revolution of 1891.

The election of Balmaceda was bitterly opposed by the Conservatives and dissentient Liberals, but was finally successfully carried by the official influence exercised by President Santa Maria. On assuming office President Balmaceda endeavoured to bring about a reconciliation of all sections of the Liberal party in congress and so form a solid majority to support the administration, and to this end he nominated as ministers representatives of the different political groups. Six months later the cabinet was reorganized, and two most bitter opponents to the recent election of President Balmaceda were accorded portfolios. Believing that he had now secured the support of the majority in congress on behalf of any measures he decided to put forward, the new president initiated a policy of heavy expenditure on public works, the building of schools, and the strengthening of the naval and military forces of the republic. Contracts were given out to the value of L6,000,000 for the construction of railways in the southern districts; some 10,000,000 dollars were expended in the erection of schools and colleges; three cruisers and two sea-going torpedo boats were added to the squadron; the construction of the naval port at Talcahuano was actively pushed forward; new armament was purchased for the infantry and artillery branches of the army, and heavy guns were acquired for the purpose of permanently and strongly fortifying the neighbourhoods of Valparaiso, Talcahuano and Iquique. In itself this policy was not unreasonable, and in many ways extremely beneficial for the country. Unfortunately corruption crept into the expenditure of the large sums necessary to carry out this programme. Contracts were given by favour and not by merit, and the progress made in the construction of the new public works was far from satisfactory. The opposition in congress to President Balmaceda began to increase rapidly towards the close of 1887, and further gained ground in 1888. In order to ensure a majority favourable to his views, the president threw the whole weight of his official influence into the elections for senators and deputies in 1888; but many of the members returned to the chambers through this official influence joined the opposition shortly after taking their seats. In 1889 congress became distinctly hostile to the administration of President Balmaceda, and the political situation became grave, and at times threatened to involve the country in civil war. According to usage and custom in Chile, a ministry does not remain in office unless supported by a majority in the chambers. Balmaceda now found himself in the impossible position of being unable to appoint any ministry that could control a majority in the senate and chamber of deputies and at the same time be in accordance with his own views of the administration of public affairs. At this juncture the president assumed that the constitution gave him the power of nominating and maintaining in office any ministers he might consider fitting persons for the purpose, and that congress had no right of interference in the matter. The chambers were now only waiting for a suitable opportunity to assert their authority. In 1890 it was stated that President Balmaceda had determined to nominate and cause to be elected as his successor at the expiration of his term of office in 1891 one of his own personal friends. This question of the election of another president brought matters to a head, and congress refused to vote supplies to carry on the government. To avoid trouble Balmaceda entered into a compromise with congress, and agreed to nominate a ministry to their liking on condition that the supplies for 1890 were voted. This cabinet, however, was of short duration, and resigned when the ministers understood the full amount of friction between the president and congress. Balmaceda then nominated a ministry not in accord with the views of congress under Senor Claudio Vicuna, whom it was no secret that Balmaceda intended to be his successor in the presidential chair, and, to prevent any expression of opinion upon his conduct in the matter, he refrained from summoning an extraordinary session of the legislature for the discussion of the estimates of revenue and expenditure for 1891. When the 1st of January 1891 arrived, the president published a decree in the Diario Oficial to the effect that the budget of 1890 would be considered the official budget for 1891. This act was illegal and beyond the attributes of the executive power. As a protest against the action of President Balmaceda, the vice-president of the senate, Senor Waldo Silva, and the president of the chamber of deputies, Senor Ramon Barros Luco, issued a proclamation appointing Captain Jorje Montt in command of the squadron, and stating that the navy could not recognize the authority of Balmaceda so long as he did not administer public affairs in accordance with the constitutional law of Chile. The majority of the members of the chambers sided with this movement, and on the 7th of January Senores Waldo Silva, Barros Luco and a number of senators and deputies embarked on board the Chilean warship "Blanco Encalada," accompanied by the "Esmeralda" and "O'Higgins" and other vessels, sailing out of Valparaiso harbour and proceeding northwards to Tarapaca to organize armed resistance against the president (see CHILEAN CIVIL WAR). It was not alone this action of Balmaceda in connexion with congress that brought about the revolution. He had alienated the sympathy of the aristocratic classes of Chile by his personal vanity and ambition. The oligarchy composed of the great landowners have always been an important factor in the political life of the republic; when President Balmaceda found that he was not a persona grata to this circle he determined to endeavour to govern without their support, and to bring into the administration a set of men who had no traditions and with whom his personality would be all-powerful. The Clerical influence was also thrown against him in consequence of his radical ideas in respect of Church matters.

Immediately on the outbreak of the revolution President Balmaceda published a decree declaring Montt and his companions to be traitors, and without delay organized an army of some 40,000 men for the suppression of the insurrectionary movement. While both sides were preparing for extremities, Balmaceda administered the government under dictatorial powers with a congress of his own nomination. In June 1891 he ordered the presidential election to be held, and Senor Claudio Vicuna was duly declared chosen as president of the republic for the term commencing in September 1891. The resources of Balmaceda were running short on account of the heavy military expenses, and he determined to dispose of the reserve of silver bullion accumulated in the vaults of the Casa de Moneda in accordance with the terms of the law for the conversion of the note issue. The silver was conveyed abroad in a British man-of-war, and disposed of partly for the purchase of a fast steamer to be fitted as an auxiliary cruiser and partly in payment for other kinds of war material.

The organization of the revolutionary forces went on slowly. Much difficulty was experienced in obtaining the necessary arms and ammunition. A supply of rifles was bought in the United States, and embarked on board the "Itata," a Chilean vessel in the service of the rebels. The United States authorities refused to allow this steamer to leave San Diego, and a guard was stationed on the ship. The "Itata," however, slipped away and made for the Chilean coast, carrying with her the representatives of the United States. A fast cruiser was immediately sent in pursuit, but only succeeded in overhauling the rebel ship after she was at her destination. The "Itata" was then forced to return to San Diego without landing her cargo for the insurgents. The necessary arms and ammunition were arranged for in Europe; they were shipped in a British vessel, and transferred to a Chilean steamer at Fortune Bay, in Tierra del Fuego, close to the Straits of Magellan and the Falkland Islands, and thence carried to Iquique, where they were safely disembarked early in July 1891. A force of 10,000 men was now raised by the junta of the revolution, and preparations were rapidly pushed forward for a move to the south with the object of attacking Valparaiso and Santiago. Early in April a portion of the revolutionary squadron, comprising the "Blanco Encalada" and other ships, was sent to the southward for reconnoitring purposes and put into the port of Caldera. During the night of the 23rd of April, and whilst the "Blanco Encalada" was lying quietly at anchor, a torpedo boat called the "Almirante Lynch," belonging to the Balmaceda faction, steamed into the bay of Caldera and discharged a torpedo at the rebel ship. The "Blanco Encalada" sank in a few minutes and 300 of her crew perished.

Defeat and suicide of Balmaceda.

In the middle of August 1891 the rebel forces were embarked at Iquique (where a provisional government under Captain Jorje Montt had been set up), numbering in all about 9000 men, and sailed for the south. On the 20th of August the congressist army was disembarked at Quinteros, about 20 m. north of Valparaiso, and marched to Concon, where the Balmacedists were entrenched. A severe fight ensued, in which the troops of President Balmaceda were defeated with heavy loss. This reverse roused the worst passions of the president, and he ordered the arrest and imprisonment of all persons suspected of sympathy with the revolutionary cause. The population generally were, however, distinctly antagonistic to Balmaceda; and this feeling had become accentuated since the 17th of August 1891, on which date he had ordered the execution of a number of youths belonging to the military college at San Lorenzo on a charge of seditious practices. The shooting of these boys created a feeling of horror throughout the country, and a sensation of uncertainty as to what measures of severity might not be practised in the future if Balmaceda won the day. After the victory at Concon the insurgent army, under command of General Campos, marched in a southerly direction towards Vina del Mar, and thence to Placilla, where the final struggle in the conflict took place. Balmaceda's generals Barbosa and Alcerrica had here massed their troops in a strong position. The battle, on the 28th of August, resulted in victory for the rebels. Both the Balmacedist generals were killed and Valparaiso was at once occupied. Three days later the victorious insurgents entered Santiago and assumed the government of the republic. After the batile of Placilla it was clear to President Balmaceda that he could no longer hope to find a sufficient strength amongst his adherents to maintain himself in power, and in view of the rapid approach of the rebel army he abandoned his official duties to seek an asylum in the Argentine legation. The president remained concealed in this retreat until the 18th of September. On the evening of that date, when the term for which he had been elected president of the republic terminated, he committed suicide by shooting himself. The excuse for this act, put forward in letters written shortly before his end, was that he did not believe the conquerors would give him an impartial trial. The death of Balmaceda finished all cause of contention in Chile, and was the closing act of the most severe and bloodiest struggle that country had ever witnessed. In the various engagements throughout the conflict more than 10,000 lives were lost, and the joint expenditure of the two governments on military preparations and the purchase of war material exceeded L10,000,000 sterling.

An unfortunate occurrence soon after the close of the revolution brought strained relations for a short period between the governments of the United States and Chile. A number of men of the U.S.S. "Baltimore" having been given liberty on shore, an argument arose between some of them and a group of Chilean sailors in a drinking den in Valparaiso. Words led to blows. The Americans were badly handled, one of their number being killed and others severely hurt. The United States government characterized the affair as an outrage, demanding an indemnity as satisfaction. The Chilean authorities demurred at this attitude, and attempted to argue the matter. James G. Elaine, then secretary of state, refused peremptorily to listen to any explanations. In the end Chile paid an indemnity of $75,000 as asked, but the affair left bad feeling in its train.

President Jorje Montt.

The close of the revolution against Balmaceda left the government of Chile in the hands of the junta under whose guidance the military and naval operations had been organized. Admiral Jorje Montt had been the head of this revolutionary committee, and he acted as president of the provisional government when the administration of the country changed hands after the victory of the Congressional party. An election was now immediately ordered for the choice of a president of the republic and for representatives in the senate and chamber of deputies. Admiral Montt, as head of the executive power, stanchly refused to allow official influence to be brought to bear in any way in the presidential campaign. The great majority of the voters, however, required no pressure to decide who was in their opinion the man most fitted to administer the affairs of the republic. For the first time in the history of Chile a perfectly free election was held, and Admiral Montt was duly chosen by a nearly unanimous vote to be chief magistrate for the constitutional term of five years. The senate and chamber of deputies were formally constituted in due course, and the government of the republic resumed normal conditions of existence. The new president showed admirable tact in dealing with the difficult problem he was called upon to face. Party feeling still ran high between the partisans of the two sides of the recent conflict. Admiral Montt took the view that it was politic and just to let bygones be bygones, and he acted conscientiously by this principle in all administrative measures in connexion with the supporters of the late President Balmaceda. Early in 1892 an amnesty was granted to the officers of the Balmaceda regime, and they were freely permitted to return to Chile without any attempt being made to molest them. The first political act of national importance of the new government was the grant of control to the municipalities, which hitherto had possessed little power to direct local affairs, and were not even permitted to dispose of the municipal revenues to any important amount without first obtaining the consent of the central government. Almost absolute power was now given these corporations to manage their own concerns, and the organization of the police was placed in their hands; at a later period, however, it was found necessary to modify this latter condition.

President Montt next turned his attention towards the question of how best to repair the damage occasioned to the country by eight months of civil warfare. The plan of public works authorized in 1887 was reconsidered, and the construction of portions of the various undertakings recommenced. The army and navy were reorganized. Additional instructors were brought from Germany, and all arms of the military service were placed on a thoroughly efficient footing in matters of drill and discipline. Several new and powerful cruisers were added to the navy, and the internal economy of this branch of the national defence was thoroughly inspected and many defects were remedied. President Montt then took in hand the question of a reform of the currency, the abolition of inconvertible paper money, and the re-establishment of a gold basis as the monetary standard of the republic. This reform of the currency became the keynote of the president's policy during the remainder of his term of office. Great opposition was raised by the representatives of the debtor class in congress to the suppression of the inconvertible paper money, but in the end President Montt carried the day, and on the 11th of February 1895 a measure finally became law establishing a gold currency as the only legal tender in Chile. In July 1896 the Conversion Act was put in force, a dollar of 18d. being the monetary unit adopted. In 1895 relations with the neighbouring republic of Argentina began to become somewhat strained in regard to the interpretation of the treaty concerning the boundary between the two countries. The treaties of 1881, 1893 and 1895 left doubts in the minds of both Chileans and Argentines as to the position of the frontier line. On the 17th of April 1896 another protocol was drawn up, by which the contending parties agreed to submit any differences to the arbitration of Great Britain, at the instance of one or both governments. President Montt had now fulfilled his term of office, and on the 18th of September 1896 he handed over the presidential power to his successor, Senor Federico Errazuriz, who had been duly elected in the month of June previously.

President Errazuriz.

Crisis with Argentina.

The election for the position of president of the republic was closely contested in 1896 between Senor Errazuriz and Senor Reyes, and ended in the triumph of the former candidate by the narrow majority of one vote. The father of the new president had been chief magistrate of Chile from 1871 to 1876, and his administration had been one of the best the country had ever enjoyed; his son had therefore traditions to uphold in the post he was now called upon to fill. At the beginning of 1897 the public attention was absorbed by foreign political questions. The problems to be solved were the frontier difficulty with Argentina, the question of the possession of Tacna and Arica with Peru, and the necessity of fulfilling the obligation contracted with Bolivia to give that country a seaport on the Pacific coast. The treaty made in 1896 with the Argentine government, referring to the arbitration of disputed points concerning the boundary, became practically for the moment a dead letter, and both Argentines and Chileans began to talk openly of an appeal to arms to settle the matter once for all. The governments of both countries began to purchase large supplies of war material, and generally to make preparations for a possible conflict. In these circumstances no final settlement with Peru and Bolivia was possible, the authorities of those republics holding back to see the issue of the Chile-Argentine dispute, and Chile being in no position at the time to insist on any terms being arranged. So matters drifted until the beginning of 1898. In July of that year the crisis reached an acute stage. Both Chile and Argentina put forward certain pretensions to territory in the Atacama district to the north, and also to a section of Patagonia in the south. Neither side would give way, nor was any disposition exhibited to refer the matter to arbitration under the protocol of 1896. The cry of an acute financial crisis emanating from the fear of war with Argentina was now raised in Chile. The president was advised that the only way of averting the financial ruin of the banking institutions of the republic was to suspend the conversion law and lend from the national treasury inconvertible notes to the banks. Senor Errazuriz weakly gave way, and a decree was promulgated placing the currency once more on an inconvertible paper money basis until 1902. In August of 1898 the Chilean government determined to insist upon the terms of the protocol of 1896 being acted upon, and intimated to Argentina that they demanded the fulfilment of the clause relating to arbitration on disputed points. This was practically an ultimatum, and a refusal on the part of the Argentine government to comply with the terms of the 1896 agreement meant a declaration of war by Chile. For a few days the issue hung in the balance, and then the Argentine government accepted the provisions made in 1896 for arbitration. The dispute concerning the Atacama district was submitted to an arbitration tribunal, consisting of the representative of the United States in Argentina, assisted by one Argentine and one Chilean commissioner. This tribunal, after due investigation, gave their decision in April 1899, and the verdict was accepted unreservedly by both governments. The dispute regarding the Patagonian territory was submitted to the arbitration of Great Britain, and a commission—consisting of Lord Macnaghten, Sir John Ardagh and Sir T.H. Holdich—was appointed in 1899 to hear the case.

The Argentine difficulty was ended, but Chile still had to find a settlement with Peru and Bolivia. The treaty made with the former country in 1893 was not ratified, as it was thought to concede too much to Peru, and the subsequent ad referendum treaty was rejected on account of Peru claiming that only Peruvians, and not all residents, should have the right to vote in the plebiscite to be taken by the terms of the treaty of 1883 for the possession of Tacna and Arica. By the terms of the armistice of 1883 between Chile and Bolivia, a three years' notice had to be given by either government wishing to denounce that agreement. By the protocol of 1895 Chile agreed to give to Bolivia the port of Arica, or some other suitable position on the seaboard. On these lines a settlement was proposed. Vitor, a landing-place a little to the south of Arica, was offered by the Chilean government to Bolivia, but refused as not complying with the conditions stated in the protocol of 1895; the Bolivians furthermore preferred to wait and see if Arica was finally ceded by Peru to Chile, and if so to claim the fulfilment of the terms of the protocol.

After the accession to office of President Errazuriz there was no stability of any ministry. Political parties in congress were so evenly balanced and so subdivided into groups that a vote against the ministry was easy to obtain, and the resignation of the cabinet immediately followed in accordance with the so-called parliamentary system in vogue in Chile. The president of the republic has no power to dissolve the chambers, to endeavour to remedy the evil by one or another political party obtaining a substantial working majority, but must wait to see the results of the triennial elections. As a consequence of these conditions Conservative, Liberal and coalition ministries held office at short intervals. These unsettled political circumstances checked any continuity of policy, and tended to block the passage of all useful legislation to help forward the economic development of the country and inhabitants; on the other hand, the financial situation was better by the end of 1899 than in the previous year, since all proposals for a fresh paper issue had been vetoed; and the elections for congress and municipal office at the opening of 1900 returned a majority favourable to a stable currency policy.

In September 1900 a fresh outburst of hostile feeling against Chile was created in Argentina by a note addressed by the Chilean government to Bolivia, intimating that Chile was no longer inclined to hand over the port of Arica or any other port on the Pacific, but considered the time ripe for a final settlement of the questions connected with the Chilean occupation of Bolivian territory, which had now been outstanding for sixteen years. The foreign policy of Chile, as indicated by this note, was considered by Argentina to be grasping and unconciliatory, and there were rumours of an anti-Chilean South American federation. Chile disclaimed any aggressive intentions; but in December the Bolivian congress declined to relinquish their claim to a port, and refused to conclude a definite treaty of peace. The year closed with a frontier incident between Chile and Argentina in the disputed territory of Ultima Esperanza, where some Argentine colonists were ejected by Chilean police; but both governments signed protocols agreeing not to take aggressive action in consequence.

President Riesco.

At the opening of 1901 the country was chiefly interested in the forthcoming presidential election, for which the candidates were Don Pedro Montt (Conservative and Clerical) and Senor German Riesco (Liberal). The relations between President Errazuriz and congress became rather strained, owing to the former's inclination to retain in office a ministry on which congress had passed a vote of censure; but Errazuriz had been in ill-health for more than a year, and on the 1st of May he resigned, and died in July. At the ensuing election Riesco was elected president. The attitude of Chile towards the Pan-American Congress at Mexico became a matter of interest in the autumn, particularly in connexion with the proposal for compulsory arbitration between all American governments. The Chilean government made it quite clear that they would withdraw from the congress if this proposal was meant to be retroactive; and their unyielding attitude testified to the apprehensions felt by Chile concerning United States interference. In October the Chilean government announced that the contemplated conversion scheme, for which gold had been accumulated, would be postponed for two years (till October 1903), the gold being held as a reserve fund pending the result of the arbitration over the Argentine frontier. This was generally considered to be a reasonable and statesmanlike course. Unfortunately, a recrudescence of the excitement over the boundary dispute was occasioned by the irritation created in Argentina by the fact that, pending a decision, Chile was constructing roads in the disputed territory. During December 1901 relations were exceedingly strained, and troops were called out on both sides. But at the end of the month it was agreed to leave the question to the British arbitrators, and the latter decided to send one of their number, Sir T.H. Holdich, to examine the territory.

Argentine boundary award.

The survey occupied some eight months, and it was not until the autumn that Sir T.H. Holdich returned to England to make his report. The difficulty of ascertaining the true line watershed had been very great, but the result was eminently successful. The award of King Edward was signed on the 20th of November 1902, and both parties to the litigation were satisfied. In order that future disputes might be amicably settled, a treaty was signed by which it was agreed that any question that might arise should be submitted to the arbitration of Great Britain or in default of that power to the Swiss Confederation. The removal of this source of irritation and the restoration of friendly relations between the two republics was a great relief to the finance of Chile. Had it not been for the political instability of the country, the effects of the diminution of expenditure on military and naval preparations would have effected a rapid improvement in its financial position. The constant change of ministry (there being no stable majority in the congress) prevented during 1903 any settled policy, or that confidence in the government which is the basis of commercial prosperity. In 1904, however, both trade and revenue showed signs of improvement, and the sale of the warships "Esmeralda" and "Chambuco" for L1,000,000 furnished a surplus, which was devoted to the improvement of the port of Valparaiso. This was the beginning of a period of steady industrial growth and development. The settlement of the long outstanding dispute with Bolivia in a treaty of peace signed on the 17th of October 1905 was very advantageous to both countries. By this treaty Bolivia ceded all claims to a seaport and strip of the coast, on condition that Chile constructed at her own charges a railway to Lapaz from the port of Arica, giving at the same time to Bolivia free transit across Chilean territory to the sea. A cash indemnity of L300,000 was also paid, and certain stipulations were made with regard to the construction of other railways giving access from Chile to the Bolivian interior.

Valparaiso earthquake

The prosperity of Chile was to suffer a rude shock. On the 17th of August 1906 a terrible earthquake visited Valparaiso and the surrounding district. The town of Valparaiso was almost entirely destroyed, while Santiago and other towns were severely shaken and suffered much damage. It was estimated that about 3000 persons were killed, a still larger number injured, and at least 100,000 rendered homeless. The loss of property was enormous. The fire which broke out after the earthquake shock had subsided added to the horror of the catastrophe. Measures were, however, promptly taken for succouring the people, who had been driven from their homes, and the task of restoration was vigorously taken in hand. Before the end of the year the rebuilding of the city was rapidly progressing.

President Pedro Montt.

In 1906 Senor Pedro Montt was elected president and entered upon his office on the 17th of September. The personality of the president, however, had become of much less importance in modern Chile than in earlier days. Up to 1870 the government was in the hands of a small oligarchy of Santiago families, but the president enjoyed large powers of initiative. Nowadays the congress has virtually absorbed the executive power, with the result that the cabinet is often changed many times in one year. This prevents indeed any continuity of policy, for the majority in congress is perpetually fluctuating, and ministerial crises rapidly follow one another. Chile, however, except in the Balmacedist civil war, is happily distinguished by its freedom from revolution and serious political unrest. Its history in this respect is in marked contrast to that of the neighbouring South American states. The completion of the Trans-Andean railway between Valparaiso and Buenos Aires was bound to be of immense commercial and industrial value; and eventually the making of a longitudinal railway route uniting the nitrate province of the north with Santiago, and Santiago with Puerto Montt in the distant south, opened up further important prospects. Such a line of through communication, binding together the different provinces forming the long narrow strip of territory stretching along more than 2000 m. of the Pacific littoral, could only be looked forward to, both politically and economically, as an inestimable benefit to the country.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.—General History.—The most valuable authority is D. Barros Arana's Historia jeneral de Chile (15 vols., Santiago, 1884), from the earliest days up to 1830. Smaller handbooks covering the whole period are: A.U. Hancock, a History of Chile (Chicago, 1893), the only general history in English, and containing a bibliography; Gaspar Toro, Compendio de la historia de Chile (Santiago, 1879), a good clear abstract of Chilean history; and F. Valdes Vergara, Historia de Chile (Valparaiso, 1898), written primarily for schools, but containing useful sketches of leading figures in Chilean history.

Works on Special Periods.—Colonial Period: M.L. Amunatequi, Descubri miento y conquista de Chile (Santiago, 1885), a valuable detailed account of the Spanish conquest; by same author, Los Precursores de la independencia de Chile (Santiago, 1870), a clear useful description of the evils of the Spanish colonial system; Horacio Lara, Cronica de la Araucania (Santiago, 1889), a history of the Araucanian Indians right up to recent dates; Abbe Eyzaguirre, Histoire du Chili (Lille, 1855), mainly dealing with the position of the Church during the colonial period. Perez Garcia's Historia del reino de Chile (Santiago, 1900), an old history by a Spanish officer written about 1780, and Molina's History of Chili in the English translation (London, 1809), will also be found useful. Useful material for research exists in J.T. Medina's Coleccion de documentos para la historia de Chile (Santiago, 1888), a collection of despatches and official documents; his Cosas de la colonia (Santiago, 1889), an accumulation of undigested information about life in the colonial period; and Historiadores de Chile (21 vols., Santiago, 1861), a collection of ancient chronicles and official documents up to the early part of the 17th century.

Revolutionary Period.—A. Roldan, Las Primeras Asambleas nacionales (Santiago, 1890), an account of the struggles in the first national assemblies; A. Valdes, Revolucion Chilena y campanas de la independencia (Santiago, 1888), an account of the early fighting and rivalry of the revolutionary leaders; W. Pilling, Emancipation of South America (London, 1893), a translation of B. Mitre's life of San Martin, describing the fighting in the wars of independence; Lord Cochrane, Narrative of Services in Chile, Peru and Brazil (London, 1859), an autobiography describing the naval exploits that helped to secure the expulsion of the Spaniards; B. Vicuna Machenna, Vida de O'Higgins (Santiago, 1882), giving a useful account of the revolutionary struggle and the main actors; and the same author's Historia jeneral de la republica de Chile, a collection of essays on the early republican history by various writers.

Later History.—R. Sotomayor Valdes, Historia de Chili, 1831-1871, a detailed account of the period (Santiago, 1875); the same author's Campana del ejercito Chileno en 1837 (Santiago, 1896), describing the fighting of the first Peruvian War; B. Vicuna Machenna, D. Diego Portales (Valparaiso, 1863), a good account of the life and time of Portales, the famous minister of the Conservative party; P.B. Fiqueroa, Historia de la revolution constituyente 1858-59 (Santiago, 1889), an account of the revolution at the end of Montt's presidency; F. Fonch, Chile in der Gegenwart (Berlin, 1870), a description of Chile at the time; Statement on Behalf of Chile (in the Chilean-Argentine Boundary Arbitration) (6 vols., London, 1901-1902); Sir Thomas Holdich, Countries of the King's Award (1904); Beltran y Rospido, Los Pueblos hispano-americanos en el siglo XX. (Madrid, 1904); P.F. Martin, Through Five Republics of South America (London, 1906); Wright, The Republic of Chile (London, 1905); G.F. Scott Elliot, Chile (London, 1907); Sir W.M. Conway, Aconcagua and Tierra del Fuego (London, 1902); "Chile-Argentine Arbitration" in the Geog. Journal (January 1903); C.M. Pepper, Panama to Patagonia (London, 1907); C.E. Akers, History of South America, 1854-1904 (London, 1904); M. Hume, Lecture on the Republic of Chile (London, 1902). (E. G. J. M.; C. E. A.; G. E.)

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See A. Pissis, "Sur la constitution geologique de la chaine des Andes entre le 16 deg. et le 55 deg. degre de latitude sud," Ann. des mines, ser. 7, vol. iii. (Mem.), 1873, pp. 402-426, pils. ix., x.; R.A. Philippi, Die tertiaeren und quartaeren Versteinerungen Chiles (Leipzig, 1887), (includes also descriptions of some Cretaceous fossils), and Los Fosiles secondarios de Chile (Santiago, 1899); Karl Burckhardt, "Profils geologiques transversaux de la Cordillere argentino-chilienne. Stratigraphie et tectonique," Anales Mus. La Plata, 1900, and "Beitraege zur Kenntnis der Jura- und Kreide-formation der Cordillere," Palaeontographica, vol. 1. (1903-1904) pp. 1-144, pls. i.-xvi.; see also a series of papers on South American geology by G. Steinmann and his collaborators in Neues Jahrb, fuer Min. Beil.-band viii. et seq.

[2] Notes of a Naturalist in South America, p. 134.

[3] Also classified as Nothofagus (Mirb.).

[4] A. Gallenga, South America (London, 1880), p. 181.

[5] The expenditures of 1902 are also given as 25,882,702 pesos gold, and 108,844,693 pesos currency.



CHILEAN CIVIL WAR (1891). The Chilean civil war grew out of political dissensions between the president of Chile, J.M. Balmaceda, and his congress (see CHILE: History), and began in January 1891. On the 6th, at Valparaiso, the political leaders of the Congressional party went on board the ironclad "Blanco Encalada," and Captain Jorje Montt of that vessel hoisted a broad pennant as commodore of the Congressional fleet. Preparations had long been made for the naval pronunciamento, and in the end but few vessels of the Chilean navy adhered to the cause of the "dictator" Balmaceda. But amongst these were two new and fast torpedo gunboats, "Almirante Condell" and "Almirante Lynch," and in European dockyards (incomplete) lay the most powerful vessel of the navy, the "Arturo Prat," and two fast cruisers. If these were secured by the Balmacedists the naval supremacy of the congress would be seriously challenged. For the present, and without prejudice to the future, command of the sea was held by Montt's squadron (January). The rank and file of the army remained faithful to the executive, and thus in the early part of the war the "Gobernistas," speaking broadly, possessed an army without a fleet, the congress a fleet without an army. Balmaceda hoped to create a navy; the congress took steps to recruit an army by taking its sympathizers on board the fleet. The first shot was fired, on the 16th of January, by the "Blanco" at the Valparaiso batteries, and landing parties from the warships engaged small parties of government troops at various places during January and February. The dictator's principal forces were stationed in and about Iquique, Coquirabo, Valparaiso, Santiago and Concepcion. The troops at Iquique and Coquimbo were necessarily isolated from the rest and from each other, and military operations began, as in the campaign of 1879 in this quarter, with a naval descent upon Pisagua followed by an advance inland to Dolores. The Congressional forces failed at first to make good their footing (16th-23rd of January), but, though defeated in two or three actions, they brought off many recruits and a quantity of munitions of war. On the 26th they retook Pisagua, and on the 15th of February the Balmacedist commander, Eulojio Robles, who offered battle in the expectation of receiving reinforcements from Tacna, was completely defeated on the old battlefield of San Francisco. Robles fell back along the railway, called up troops from Iquique, and beat the invaders at Haura on the 17th, but Iquique in the meanwhile fell to the Congressional fleet on the 16th. The Pisagua line of operations was at once abandoned, and the military forces of the congress were moved by sea to Iquique, whence, under the command of Colonel Estanislao Del Canto, they started inland. The battle of Pozo Almonte, fought on the 7th of March, was desperately contested, but Del Canto was superior in numbers, and Robles was himself killed and his army dispersed. After this the other Balmacedist troops in the north gave up the struggle. Some were driven into Peru, others into Bolivia, and one column made a laborious retreat from Calama to Santiago, in the course of which it twice crossed the main chain of the Andes.

The Congressional Junta de Gobierno now established in Iquique prosecuted the war vigorously, and by the end of April the whole country was in the hands of the "rebels" from the Peruvian border to the outposts of the Balmacedists at Coquimbo and La Serena. The Junta now began the formation of a properly organized army for the next campaign, which, it was believed universally on both sides, would be directed against Coquimbo. But in a few months the arrival of the new ships from Europe would reopen the struggle for command of the sea; the torpederas "Condell" and "Lynch" had already weakened the Congressional squadron severely by sinking the "Blanco Encalada" in Caldera Bay (23rd of April), and the Congressional party could no longer aim at a methodical conquest of successive provinces, but was compelled to attempt to crush the dictator at a blow. Where this blow was to fall was not decided up to the last moment, but the instrument which was to deliver it was prepared with all the care possible under the circumstances. Del Canto was made commander-in-chief, and an ex-Prussian officer, Emil Koerner, chief of staff. The army was organized in three brigades of all arms, at Iquique, Caldera and Vallenar. Koerner superintended the training of the men, gave instruction in tactics to the officers, caused maps to be prepared, and in general took every precaution that his experience could suggest to ensure success. Del Canto was himself no mere figurehead, but a thoroughly capable leader who had distinguished himself at Tacna (1880) and Miraflores (1881), as well as in the present war. The men were enthusiastic, and the officers unusually numerous. The artillery was fair, the cavalry good, and the train and auxiliary services well organized. About one-third of the infantry were armed with the (Maennlicher) magazine rifle, which now made its first appearance in war, the remainder had the Gras and other breech-loaders, which were also the armament of the dictator's infantry. Balmaceda could only wait upon events, but he prepared his forces as best he was able, and his torpederas constantly harried the Congressional navy. By the end of July Del Canto and Koerner had done their work as well as time permitted, and early in August the troops prepared to embark, not for Coquimbo, but for Valparaiso itself.

The expedition by sea was admirably managed, and Quinteros, N. of Valparaiso and not many miles out of range of its batteries, was occupied on the 20th of August 1891. Balmaceda was surprised, but acted promptly. The first battle was fought on the Aconcagua at Concon on the 21st. The eager infantry of the Congressional army forced the passage of the river and stormed the heights held by the Gobernistas, capturing 36 guns. The killed and wounded of the Balmacedists numbered 1600, and nearly all the prisoners, about 1500 men, enrolled themselves in the rebel army, which thus more than made good its loss of 1000 killed and wounded. The victors pressed on towards Valparaiso, but were soon brought up by the strong fortified position of the Balmacedist general Barbosa at Vina del Mar, whither Balmaceda hurried up all available troops from Valparaiso and Santiago, and even from Concepcion. Del Canto and Koerner now resolved on a daring step. Supplies of all kinds were brought up from Quinteros to the front, and on the 24th of August the army abandoned its line of communications and marched inland. The flank march was conducted with great skill, little opposition was encountered, and the rebels finally appeared to the south-east of Valparaiso. Here, on the 28th, took place the decisive battle of La Placilla. Concon had been perhaps little more than the destruction of an isolated corps; the second battle was a fair trial of strength, for Barbosa was well prepared, and had under his command the greater part of the existing forces of the dictator. But the splendid fighting qualities of the Congressional troops and the superior generalship of their leaders prevailed in the end over every obstacle. The government army was practically annihilated, 941 men were killed, including Barbosa and his second in command, and 2402 wounded. The Congressional army lost over 1800 men. Valparaiso was occupied the same evening and Santiago soon afterwards. There was no further fighting, for so great was the effect of the battles of Concon and La Placella that even the Coquimbo troops surrendered without firing a shot.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.—Lieut. Sears and Ensign Wells, U.S.N., The Chilian Revolution of 1891 (Office of Naval Intelligence, Washington, 1893); The Capture of Valparaiso, 1891 (Intelligence Department, War Office, London, 1892); Hermann Kunz, Taktische Beispiele aus den Kriegen der neuesten Zeit; der Buergerkrieg in Chile (Berlin, 1901); Revista militar de Chile (February-March 1892); Hugo Kunz, Der Buergerkrieg in Chile (Vienna, 1892); Militaer Wochenblatt (5th supplement, 1892); Sir W. Laird Clowes, Four Modern Naval Campaigns (London, 1902); Proceedings of U.S. Naval Institute (1894) (for La Placilla); and the military and naval periodicals of 1892.



CHILE-PERUVIAN WAR (1879-1882). The proximate cause of this war was the seizure, by the authorities of Bolivia, of the effects of the Chilean Nitrate Company at Antofagasta, then part of the Bolivian province of Atacama. The first act of hostility was the despatch of 500 soldiers to protect Chilean interests at Antofagasta. This force, under Colonel Sotomayor, landed and marched inland; the only resistance encountered was at Calama on the river Loa, where a handful of newly raised militia was routed (23rd March 1879). About the same time Chilean warships occupied Cobija and Tocapilla, and Sotomayor, after his victory at Calama, marched to the latter port. Bolivia had declared war on the 1st of March, but Peru not till the 5th of April: this delay gave the Chileans time to occupy every port on the Bolivian coast. Thus the Chilean admiral was able to proceed at once to the blockade of the southern ports of Peru, and in particular Iquique, where there took place the first naval action of the war. On the 21st of April the Chilean sloop "Esmeralda" and the gunboat "Covadonga"—both small and weak ships—engaged the Peruvian heavy ironclads "Huascar" and "Independencia"; after a hot fight the "Huascar" under Miguel Grau sank the "Esmeralda" under Arturo Piat, who was killed, but Carlos Condell in the "Covadonga" manoeuvred the "Independencia" aground and shelled her into a complete wreck. The Chileans now gave up the blockade and concentrated all their efforts on the destruction of the "Huascar," while the allies organized a field army in the neighbourhood of Tacna and a large Chilean force assembled at Antofagasta.

On the 8th of October 1879 the "Huascar" was brought to action off Angamos by the "Blanco Encalada," and the "Almirante Cochrane." Grau was outmatched as hopelessly and made as brave a fight as Prat at Iquique. Early in the action a shot destroyed the Peruvian's conning tower, killing Grau and his staff, and another entered her turret, killing the flag captain and nearly all the crew of the turret guns. When the "Huascar" finally surrendered she had but one gun left in action, her fourth commander and three-quarters of her crew were killed and wounded, and the steering-gear had been shot away. The Peruvian navy had now ceased to exist. The Chileans resumed the blockade, and more active operations were soon undertaken. The whole force of the allies was about 20,000 men, scattered along the seaboard of Peru. The Chileans on the other hand had a striking force of 16,000 men in the neighbourhood of Antofagasta, and of this nearly half was embarked for Pisagua on the 26th of October. The expeditionary force landed, in the face of considerable opposition, on the 2nd of November, and captured Pisagua. From Pisagua the Peruvians and Bolivians fell back along the railway to their reinforcements, and when some 10,000 men had been collected they moved forward to attack the Chilean position of San Francisco near Dolores station (19th November). In the end the Chileans were victorious, but their only material gain was the possession of Iquique and the retreat of the allies, who fell back inland towards Tarapaca. The tardy pursuit of the Chileans ended in the battle of Tarapaca on the 27th. In this the allies were at first surprised, but, rapidly recovering themselves, took the offensive, and after a murderous fight, in which more men were killed than were wounded, the Chileans suffered a complete defeat. For some inexplicable reason the allies made no use of their victory, continued to retreat and left the Chileans in complete possession of the Tarapaca region. With this the campaign of 1879 ended. Chile had taken possession of the Bolivian seaboard and of the Peruvian province of Tarapaca, and had destroyed the hostile navy.

The objective of the Chileans in the second campaign was the province of Tacna and the field force of the allies at Tacna and Arica. The invasion was again carried out by sea, and 12,000 Chileans were landed at Pacocha (Ylo), far to the N. of Arica. Careful preparations were made for a desert march, and on the 12th of March 1880 the advanced corps started inland for Moquegua, which was occupied on the 20th. Near Moquegua the Peruvians, some 2000 strong, took up an unusually strong position in the defile of Cuesta de los Angeles. But the great numerical superiority of the assailants enabled them to turn the flanks and press the front of the Peruvian position, and after a severe struggle the defence collapsed (March 22nd), In April the army began its advance southward from Moquegua to Tacna, while the Chilean warships engaged in a series of minor naval operations in and about the bay of Callao. Arica was also watched, and the blockade was extended north of Lima. The land campaign had ere this culminated in the battle of Tacna (May 26th), in which the Chileans attacked at first in several disconnected bodies, and suffered severely until all their forces came on the field. Then a combined advance carried all before it. The allies engaged under General Narciso Campero, the new president of Bolivia, lost nearly 3000 men, and the Chileans, commanded by Manuel Baquedano, lost 2000 out of 8500 on the field. The defeated army was completely dissolved, and it only remained for the Chileans to march on Arica from the land side. The navy co-operated with its long-range guns, on the 7th of June a general assault was made, and before nightfall the whole of the defences were in the hands of the Chileans. Their second campaign had given them entire possession of another strip of Peru (from Pisagua to Ylo), and they had shown themselves greatly superior, both in courage and leadership, to their opponents. While the army prepared for the next campaign, the Chilean navy was active; the blockade became more stringent and several fights took place, in one of which the "Covadonga" was sunk; an expeditionary force about 3000 strong, commanded by Patricio Lynch, a captain in the Chilean navy, carried out successful raids at various places on the coast and inland.

The Chilean army was reorganized during the summer, and prepared for its next operation, this time against Lima itself. General Baquedano was in command. The leading troops disembarked at Pisco on the 18th of November 1880, and the whole army was ready to move against the defences of Lima six weeks later. These defences consisted of two distinct positions, Chorrillos and Miraflores, the latter being about 4000 yds. outside Lima. The first line of defence was attacked by Baquedano on the 13th of January 1881. Reconnaissances proved that the Peruvian lines could not be turned, and the battle was a pure frontal attack. The defenders had 22,000 men in the lines, the Chileans engaged about 24,000. The battle of Chorrillos ended in the complete defeat of the Peruvians, less than a quarter of whose army rallied behind the Miraflores defences. The Chileans lost over 3000 men. Two days later took place the battle of Miraflores (January 15th). Here the defences were very strong, and the action began with a daring counter-attack by some Peruvians. Neither party had intended to fight a battle, for negotiations were in progress, but the action quickly became general. Its result was, as before, the complete dissolution of the defending army. Lima, incapable of defence, was occupied by the invaders on the 17th, and on the 18th Callao surrendered. The resistance of the Peruvians was so far broken that Chile left only a small army of occupation to deal with the remnants of their army. The last engagement took place at Caxacamara in September 1882, when the Peruvians won an unimportant success.

See T.B.M. Mason, The War on the Pacific Coast, 1879-1881 (U.S. Office of Naval Intelligence, Washington, 1883); Captain Chateauminois (transl.), Memoire du Ministre de la Guerre du Chili sur la guerre Chilo-Peruvienne (1882); Barros Arana, Hist. de la guerre du Pacifique (1884); Sir W. Laird Clowes, Four Modern Naval Campaigns (London, 1902); Anon., Precis de la guerre du Pacifique (Paris, 1886); Clements R. Markham, The War between Peru and Chile.



CHILIASM (from Gr. [Greek: Chiliasmos, Chilioi], a thousand), the belief that Christ will return to reign in the body for a thousand years, the doctrine of the Millennium (q.v.).



CHILLAN, a city and the capital of the province of Nuble, in the southern part of central Chile, 35 deg. 56' S., 71 deg. 37' W., 246 m. by rail S.S.W. of Santiago and about 56 m. direct (108 by rail) N.E. of Concepcion. Pop. (1895) 28,738; (1902, official estimate) 36,382. Chillan is one of the most active commercial cities of central Chile, and is surrounded by a rich agricultural and grazing country. Chillan was founded by Ruiz de Gamboa in 1594. Its present site was chosen in 1836. The original site, known as Chillan Viejo, forms a suburb of the new city. The hot sulphur springs of Chillan, which were discovered in 1795, are about 45 m. E.S.E. They issue from the flanks of the "Volcan Viejo," about 7000 ft. above sea-level. The highest temperature of the water issuing from these springs is a little over 135 deg. The principal volcanoes of the Chillan group are the Nevado (9528 ft.) and the Viejo. After a repose of about two centuries the Nevado de Chillan broke out in eruption early in 1861 and caused great destruction. The eruption ceased in 1863, but broke out again in 1864.



CHILLIANWALLA, a village of British India in the Punjab, situated on the left bank of the river Jhelum, about 85 m. N.W. of Lahore. It is memorable as the scene of a battle on the 13th of January 1849, between a British force commanded by Lord Gough and the Sikh army under Sher Singh. The loss of the Sikhs was estimated at 4000, while that of the British in killed and wounded amounted to 2800, of whom nearly 1000 were Europeans and 89 were British and 43 native officers. An obelisk erected at Chillianwalla by the British government preserves the names of those who fell.

CHILLICOTHE, a city and the county-seat of Livingston county, Missouri, U.S.A., situated in the N. part of the state, on the Grand river, about 80 m. N.E. of Kansas City. Pop. (1890) 5717; (1900) 6905 (538 negroes); (1910) 6265. It is served by the Chicago, Milwaukee & St Paul, the Wabash, and the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy railways. There are various manufactures. Coal and limestone are found in the vicinity, and much live stock is raised, wool and hides being shipped from Chillicothe. Chillicothe was settled about 1830, and the town was laid out in 1837 on land granted directly by the Federal government; it was incorporated in 1855.



CHILLICOTHE, a city and the county-seat of Ross county, Ohio, U.S.A., on the W. bank of the Scioto river, on the Ohio & Erie Canal, about 50 m. S. of Columbus. Pop. (1890) 11,288; (1900) 12,976, of whom 986 were negroes, and 910 were foreign-born; (1910 census) 14,508. Chillicothe is served by the Baltimore & Ohio South-Western (which has railway shops here), and other railways. The city has two parks. There are several ancient mounds in the vicinity. Chillicothe is built on a plain about 30 ft. above the river, in the midst of a fertile agricultural region, and has a large trade in grain and coal, and in manufactures. The value of the city's factory products increased from $1,615,959 in 1900 to $3,146,890 in 1905, or 94.7%. Chillicothe was founded in 1796, and was first incorporated in 1802. In 1800-1803 it was the capital of the North-West Territory, and in 1803-1810 and 1812-1816 the capital of Ohio. Three Indian villages bore the name Chillicothe, each being in turn the chief town of the Chillicothe, one of the four tribal divisions of the Shawnee, in their retreat before the whites; the village near what is now Oldtown in Greene county was destroyed by George Rogers Clark in 1780; that in Miami county, where Piqua is now, was destroyed by Clark in 1782; and the Indian village near the present Chillicothe was destroyed in 1787 by Kentuckians.

See Henry Howe, Historical Collections of Ohio (Columbus, 1891).



CHILLINGWORTH, WILLIAM (1602-1644), English divine and controversialist, was born at Oxford in October 1602. In June 1618 he became a scholar of Trinity College, Oxford, and was made a fellow of his college in June 1628. He had some reputation as a skilful disputant, excelled in mathematics, and gained some credit as a writer of verses. The marriage of Charles I. with Henrietta Maria of France had stimulated the propaganda of the Roman Catholic Church, and the Jesuits made the universities their special point of attack. One of them, "John Fisher," who had his sphere at Oxford, succeeded in making a convert of young Chillingworth, and prevailed upon him to go to the Jesuit college at Douai. Influenced, however, by his godfather, Laud, then bishop of London, he resolved to make an impartial inquiry into the claims of the two churches. After a short stay he left Douai in 1631 and returned to Oxford. On grounds of Scripture and reason he at length declared for Protestantism, and wrote in 1634, but did not publish, a confutation of the motives which had led him over to Rome. This paper was lost; the other, on the same subject, was probably written on some other occasion at the request of his friends. He would not, however, take orders. His theological sensitiveness appears in his refusal of a preferment offered to him in 1635 by Sir Thomas Coventry, lord keeper of the great seal. He was in difficulty about subscribing the Thirty-nine Articles. As he informed Gilbert Sheldon, then warden of All Souls, in a letter, he was fully resolved on two points—that to say that the Fourth Commandment is a law of God appertaining to Christians is false and unlawful, and that the damnatory clauses in the Athanasian Creed are most false, and in a high degree presumptuous and schismatical. To subscribe, therefore, he felt would be to "subscribe his own damnation." At this time his principal work was far towards completion. It was undertaken in defence of Dr Christopher Potter, provost of Queen's College in Oxford, who had for some time been carrying on a controversy with a Jesuit known as Edward Knott, but whose real name was Matthias Wilson. Potter had replied in 1633 to Knott's Charity Mistaken (1630), and Knott retaliated with Mercy and Truth. This work Chillingworth engaged to answer, and Knott, hearing of his intention and hoping to bias the public mind, hastily brought out a pamphlet tending to show that Chillingworth was a Socinian who aimed at perverting not only Catholicism but Christianity.