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Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th Edition, Volume 4, Part 4 - "Bulgaria" to "Calgary"
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The knowledge of species of Caecilians has made rapid progress, and we are now acquainted with about fifty, which are referred to twenty-one genera. The principal characters on which these genera are founded reside in the presence or absence of scales, the presence or absence of eyes, the presence of one or of two series of teeth in the lower jaw, the structure of the tentacle (representing the so-called "balancers" of Urodele larvae) on the side of the snout, and the presence or absence of a vacuity between the parietal and squamosal bones of the skull. Of these twenty-one genera six are peculiar to tropical Africa, one to the Seychelles, four to south-eastern Asia, eight to Central and South America, one occurs in both continental Africa and the Seychelles, and one is common to Africa and South America.

These Batrachians are found in damp situations, usually in soft mud. The complete development of Ichthyophis glutinosus has been observed in Ceylon by P. and F. Sarasin. The eggs, forming a rosary-like string, are very large, and deposited in a burrow near the water. The female protects them by coiling herself round the egg-mass, which the young do not leave till after the loss of the very large external gills (one on each side); they then lead an aquatic life, and are provided with an opening, or spiraculum, on each side of the neck. In these larvae the head is fish-like, provided with much-developed labial lobes, with the eyes much more distinct than in the perfect animal; the tail, which is quite rudimentary in all Caecilians, is very distinct, strongly compressed, and bordered above and beneath by a dermal fold.

In Hypogeophis, a Caecilian from the Seychelles studied by A. Brauer, the development resembles that of Ichthyophis, but there is no aquatic larval stage. The young leaves the egg in the perfect condition, and at once leads a terrestrial life like its parents. In accordance with this abbreviated development, the caudal membranous crest does not exist, and the branchial aperture closes as soon as the external gills disappear.

In the South American Typhlonectes, and in the Dermophis from the Island of St Thome, West Africa, the young are brought forth alive, in the former as larvae with external gills, and in the latter in the perfect air-breathing condition.

REFERENCES.—R. Wiedersheim, Anatomie der Gymnophionen (Jena, 1879), 4to; G.A. Boulenger, "Synopsis of the Genera and Species," P.Z.S., 1895, p. 401; R. Greeff, "Ueber Siphonops thomensis," Sizb. Ges. Naturw. (Marburg, 1884), p. 15; P. and F. Sarasin, Naturwissenschaftliche Forschungen auf Ceylon, ii. (Wiesbaden, 1887-1890), 4to; A. Brauer, "Beitraege zur Kenntnis der Entwicklungsgeschichte und der Anatomie der Gymnophionen," Zool. Jahrb. Ana. x., 1897, p. 389, xii., 1898, p. 477, and xvii., 1904, Suppl. p. 381; E.A. Goeldi, "Entwicklung von Siphonops annulatus," Zool. Jahrb. Syst. xii., 1899, p. 170; J.S. Kingsley, "The systematic Position of the Caecilians," Tufts Coll. Stud. vii., 1902, p. 323.

(G. A. B.)

CAECILIA, VIA, an ancient highroad of Italy, which diverged from the Via Salaria at the 35th m. from Rome, and ran by Amiternum to the Adriatic coast, passing probably by Hadria. A branch ran to Interamna Praetuttiorum (Teramo) and thence probably to the sea at Castrum Novum (Giulianova), a distance of about 151 m. from Rome. It was probably constructed by L. Caecilius Metellus Diadematus (consul in 117 B.C.).

See C. Huelsen in Notizie degli Scavi (1896), 87 seq. N. Persichetti in Roemische Mitteilungen (1898), 193 seq.; (1902), 277 seq.

CAECILIUS, of Calacte ([Greek: Kale Akte]) in Sicily, Greek rhetorician, flourished at Rome during the reign of Augustus. Originally called Archagathus, he took the name of Caecilius from his patron, one of the Metelli. According to Suidas, he was by birth a Jew. Next to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, he was the most important critic and rhetorician of the Augustan age. Only fragments are extant of his numerous and important works, among which may be mentioned: On the Style of the Ten Orators (including their lives and a critical examination of their works), the basis of the pseudo-Plutarchian treatise of the same name, in which Caecilius is frequently referred to; On the Sublime, attacked by (?) Longinus in his essay on the same subject (see L. Martens, De Libello [Greek: Peri hupsous], 1877); History of the Servile Wars, or slave risings in Sicily, the local interest of which would naturally appeal to the author; On Rhetoric and Rhetorical Figures; an Alphabetical Selection of Phrases, intended to serve as a guide to the acquirement of a pure Attic style—the first example of an Atticist lexicon, mentioned by Suidas in the preface to his lexicon as one of his authorities; Against the Phrygians, probably an attack on the florid style of the Asiatic school of rhetoric.

The fragments have been collected and edited by T. Burckhardt (1863), and E. Ofenloch (1907); some in C.W. Mueller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, iii.; C. Bursian's Jahresbericht ... der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, xxiii. (1896), contains full notices of recent works on Caecilius, by C. Hammer; F. Blass, Griechische Beredsamkeit von Alexander bis auf Augustus (1865), treats of Dionysius of Halicarnassus and Caecilius together; see also J. Brzoska in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopaedie (1897).

CAECILIUS STATIUS, or STATIUS CAECILIUS, Roman comic poet, contemporary and intimate friend of Ennius, died in 168 (or 166) B.C. He was born in the territory of the Insubrian Gauls, and was probably taken as a prisoner to Rome (c. 200), during the great Gallic war. Originally a slave, he assumed the name of Caecilius from his patron, probably one of the Metelli. He supported himself by adapting Greek plays for the Roman stage from the new comedy writers, especially Menander. If the statement in the life of Terence by Suetonius is correct and the reading sound, Caecilius's judgment was so esteemed that he was ordered to hear Terence's Andria (exhibited 166 B.C.) read and to pronounce an opinion upon it. After several failures Caecilius gained a high reputation. Volcacius Sedigitus, the dramatic critic, places him first amongst the comic poets; Varro credits him with pathos and skill in the construction of his plots; Horace (Epistles, ii. 1. 59) contrasts his dignity with the art of Terence. Quintilian (Inst. Orat., x. 1. 99) speaks somewhat disparagingly of him, and Cicero, although he admits with some hesitation that Caecilius may have been the chief of the comic poets (De Optimo Genere Oratorum, 1), considers him inferior to Terence in style and Latinity (Ad Att. vii. 3), as was only natural, considering his foreign extraction. The fact that his plays could be referred to by name alone without any indication of the author (Cicero, De Finibus, ii. 7) is sufficient proof of their widespread popularity. Caecilius holds a place between Plautus and Terence in his treatment of the Greek originals; he did not, like Plautus, confound things Greek and Roman, nor, like Terence, eliminate everything that could not be romanized.

The fragments of his plays are chiefly preserved in Aulus Gellius, who cites several passages from the Plocium (necklace) together with the original Greek of Menander. The translation which is diffuse and by no means close, fails to reproduce the spirit of the original. Fragments in Ribbeck, Scaenicae Romanorum Poesis Fragmenta (1898); see also W.S. Teuffel, Caecilius Statius, &c. (1858); Mommsen, Hist. of Rome (Eng. tr.), bk. iii. ch. 14; F. Skutsch in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopaedie (1897).

[v.04 p.0934]

CAECĪNA, the name of a distinguished Etruscan family of Volaterrae. Graves have been discovered belonging to the family, whose name is still preserved in the river and hamlet of Cecina.

AULUS CAECINA, son of Aulus Caecina who was defended by Cicero (69 B.C.) in a speech still extant, took the side of Pompey in the civil wars, and published a violent tirade against Caesar, for which he was banished. He recanted in a work called Querelae, and by the intercession of his friends, above all, of Cicero, obtained pardon from Caesar. Caecina was regarded as an important authority on the Etruscan system of divination (Etrusca Disciplina), which he endeavoured to place on a scientific footing by harmonizing its theories with the doctrines of the Stoics. Considerable fragments of his work (dealing with lightning) are to be found in Seneca (Naturales Quaestiones, ii. 31-49). Caecina was on intimate terms with Cicero, who speaks of him as a gifted and eloquent man and was no doubt considerably indebted to him in his own treatise De Divinatione. Some of their correspondence is preserved in Cicero's letters (Ad Fam. vi. 5-8; see also ix. and xiii. 66).

AULUS CAECINA ALIENUS, Roman general, was quaestor of Baetica in Spain (A.D. 68). On the death of Nero, he attached himself to Galba, who appointed him to the command of a legion in upper Germany. Having been prosecuted for embezzling public money, Caecina went over to Vitellius, who sent him with a large army into Italy. Caecina crossed the Alps, but was defeated near Cremona by Suetonius Paulinus, the chief general of Otho. Subsequently, in conjunction with Fabius Valens, Caecina defeated Otho at the decisive battle of Bedriacum (Betriacum). The incapacity of Vitellius tempted Vespasian to take up arms against him. Caecina, who had been entrusted with the repression of the revolt, turned traitor, and tried to persuade his army to go over to Vespasian, but was thrown into chains by the soldiers. After the overthrow of Vitellius, he was released, and taken into favour by the new emperor. But he could not remain loyal to any one. In 79 he was implicated in a conspiracy against Vespasian, and was put to death by order of Titus. Caecina is described by Tacitus as a man of handsome presence and boundless ambition, a gifted orator and a great favourite with the soldiers.

Tacitus, Histories, i. 53, 61, 67-70, ii. 20-25, 41-44, iii. 13; Dio Cassius lxv. 10-14, lxvi. 16; Plutarch, Otho, 7; Suetonius, Titus, 6; Zonaras xi. 17.

CAEDMON, the earliest English Christian poet. His story, and even his very name, are known to us only from Baeda (Hist. Eccl. iv. 24). He was, according to Baeda (see BEDE), a herdsman, who received a divine call to poetry by means of a dream. One night, having quitted a festive company because, from want of skill, he could not comply with the demand made of each guest in turn to sing to the harp, he sought his bed and fell asleep. He dreamed that there appeared to him a stranger, who addressed him by his name, and commanded him to sing of "the beginning of created things." He pleaded inability, but the stranger insisted, and he was compelled to obey. He found himself uttering "verses which he had never heard." Of Caedmon's song Baeda gives a prose paraphrase, which may be literally rendered as follows:—"Now must we praise the author of the heavenly kingdom, the Creator's power and counsel, the deeds of the Father of glory: how He, the eternal God, was the author of all marvels—He, who first gave to the sons of men the heaven for a roof, and then, Almighty Guardian of mankind, created the earth." Baeda explains that his version represents the sense only, not the arrangement of the words, because no poetry, however excellent, can be rendered into another language, without the loss of its beauty of expression. When Caedmon awoke he remembered the verses that he had sung and added to them others. He related his dream to the farm bailiff under whom he worked, and was conducted by him to the neighbouring monastery at Streanaeshalch (now called Whitby). The abbess Hild and her monks recognized that the illiterate herdsman had received a gift from heaven, and, in order to test his powers, proposed to him that he should try to render into verse a portion of sacred history which they explained to him. On the following morning he returned having fulfilled his task. At the request of the abbess he became an inmate of the monastery. Throughout the remainder of his life his more learned brethren from time to time expounded to him the events of Scripture history and the doctrines of the faith, and all that he heard from them he reproduced in beautiful poetry. "He sang of the creation of the world, of the origin of mankind and of all the history of Genesis, of the exodus of Israel from Egypt and their entrance into the Promised Land, of many other incidents of Scripture history, of the Lord's incarnation, passion, resurrection and ascension, of the coming of the Holy Ghost and the teaching of the apostles. He also made many songs of the terrors of the coming judgment, of the horrors of hell and the sweetness of heaven; and of the mercies and the judgments of God." All his poetry was on sacred themes, and its unvarying aim was to turn men from sin to righteousness and the love of God. Although many amongst the Angles had, following his example, essayed to compose religious poetry, none of them, in Baeda's opinion, had approached the excellence of Caedmon's songs.

Baeda's account of Caedmon's deathbed has often been quoted, and is of singular beauty. It is commonly stated that he died in 680, in the same year as the abbess Hild, but for this there is no authority. All that we know of his date is that his dream took place during the period (658-680) in which Hild was abbess of Streanaeshalch, and that he must have died some considerable time before Baeda finished his history in 731.

The hymn said to have been composed by Caedmon in his dream is extant in its original language. A copy of it, in the poet's own Northumbrian dialect, and in a handwriting of the 8th century, appears on a blank page of the Moore MS. of Baeda's History; and five other Latin MSS. of Baeda have the poem (but transliterated into a more southern dialect) as a marginal note. In the old English version of Baeda, ascribed to King Alfred, and certainly made by his command if not by himself, it is given in the text. Probably the Latin MS. used by the translator was one that contained this addition. It was formerly maintained by some scholars that the extant Old English verses are not Baeda's original, but a mere retranslation from his Latin prose version. The argument was that they correspond too closely with the Latin; Baeda's words, "hic est sensus, non autem ordo ipse verborum," being taken to mean that he had given, not a literal translation, but only a free paraphrase. But the form of the sentences in Baeda's prose shows a close adherence to the parallelistic structure of Old English verse, and the alliterating words in the poem are in nearly every case the most obvious and almost the inevitable equivalents of those used by Baeda. The sentence quoted above[1] can therefore have been meant only as an apology for the absence of those poetic graces that necessarily disappear in translations into another tongue. Even on the assumption that the existing verses are a retranslation, it would still be certain that they differ very slightly from what the original must have been. It is of course possible to hold that the story of the dream is pure fiction, and that the lines which Baeda translated were not Caedmon's at all. But there is really nothing to justify this extreme of scepticism. As the hymn is said to have been Caedmon's first essay in verse, its lack of poetic merit is rather an argument for its genuineness than against it. Whether Baeda's narrative be historical or not—and it involves nothing either miraculous or essentially improbable—there is no reason to doubt that the nine lines of the Moore MS. are Caedmon's composition.

This poor fragment is all that can with confidence be affirmed to remain of the voluminous works of the man whom Baeda regarded as the greatest of vernacular religious poets. It is true that for two centuries and a half a considerable body of verse has been currently known by his name; but among modern scholars the use of the customary designation is merely a matter of convenience, and does not imply any belief in the correctness of the attribution. The so-called Caedmon poems are contained [v.04 p.0935] in a MS. written about A.D. 1000, which was given in 1651 by Archbishop Ussher to the famous scholar Francis Junius, and is now in the Bodleian library. They consist of paraphrases of parts of Genesis, Exodus and Daniel, and three separate poems the first on the lamentations of the fallen angels, the second on the "Harrowing of Hell," the resurrection, ascension and second coming of Christ, and the third (a mere fragment) on the temptation. The subjects correspond so well with those of Caedmon's poetry as described by Baeda that it is not surprising that Junius, in his edition, published in 1655, unhesitatingly attributed the poems to him. The ascription was rejected in 1684 by G. Hickes, whose chief argument, based on the character of the language, is now known to be fallacious, as most of the poetry that has come down to us in the West Saxon dialect is certainly of Northumbrian origin. Since, however, we learn from Baeda that already in his time Caedmon had had many imitators, the abstract probability is rather unfavourable than otherwise to the assumption that a collection of poems contained in a late 10th century MS. contains any of his work. Modern criticism has shown conclusively that the poetry of the "Caedmon MS." cannot be all by one author. Some portions of it are plainly the work of a scholar who wrote with his Latin Bible before him. It is possible that some of the rest may be the composition of the Northumbrian herdsman; but in the absence of any authenticated example of the poet's work to serve as a basis of comparison, the internal evidence can afford no ground for an affirmative conclusion. On the other hand, the mere unlikeness of any particular passage to the nine lines of the Hymn is obviously no reason for denying that it may have been by the same author.

The Genesis contains a long passage (ii. 235-851) on the fall of the angels and the temptation of our first parents, which differs markedly in style and metre from the rest. This passage, which begins in the middle of a sentence (two leaves of the MS. having been lost) is one of the finest in all Old English poetry. In 1877 Professor E. Sievers argued, on linguistic grounds, that it was a translation, with some original insertions, from a lost poem in Old Saxon, probably by the author of the Heliand. Sievers's conclusions were brilliantly confirmed in 1894 by the discovery in the Vatican library of a MS. containing 62 lines of the Heliand and three fragments of an old Saxon poem on the story of Genesis. The first of these fragments includes the original of 28 lines of the interpolated passage of the Old English Genesis. The Old Saxon Biblical poetry belongs to the middle of the 9th century; the Old English translation of a portion of it is consequently later than this.

As the Genesis begins with a line identical in meaning, though not in wording, with the opening of Caedmon's Hymn, we may perhaps infer that the writer knew and used Caedmon's genuine poems. Some of the more poetical passages may possibly echo Caedmon's expressions; but when, after treating of the creation of the angels and the revolt of Lucifer, the paraphrast comes to the Biblical part of the story, he follows the sacred text with servile fidelity, omitting no detail, however prosaic. The ages of the antediluvian patriarchs, for instance, are accurately rendered into verse. In all probability the Genesis is of Northumbrian origin. The names assigned to the wives of Noah and his three sons (Phercoba, Olla, Olliua, Olliuani[2]) have been traced to an Irish source, and this fact seems to point to the influence of the Irish missionaries in Northumbria.

The Exodus is a fine poem, strangely unlike anything else in Old English literature. It is full of martial spirit, yet makes no use of the phrases of the heathen epic, which Cynewulf and other Christian poets were accustomed to borrow freely, often with little appropriateness. The condensation of the style and the peculiar vocabulary make the Exodus somewhat obscure in many places. It is probably of southern origin, and can hardly be supposed to be even an imitation of Caedmon.

The Daniel is often unjustly depreciated. It is not a great poem but the narration is lucid and interesting. The author has borrowed some 70 lines from the beginning of a poetical rendering of the Prayer of Azarias and the Song of the Three Children, of which there is a copy in the Exeter Book. The borrowed portion ends with verse 3 of the canticle, the remainder of which follows in a version for the most part independent, though containing here and there a line from Azarias. Except in inserting the prayer and the Benedicite, the paraphrast draws only from the canonical part of the book of Daniel. The poem is obviously the work of a scholar, though the Bible is the only source used.

The three other poems, designated as "Book II" in the Junius MS., are characterized by considerable imaginative power and vigour of expression, but they show an absence of literary culture and are somewhat rambling, full of repetitions and generally lacking in finish. They abound in passages of fervid religious exhortation. On the whole, both their merits and their defects are such as we should expect to find in the work of the poet celebrated by Baeda, and it seems possible, though hardly more than possible, that we have in these pieces a comparatively little altered specimen of Caedmon's compositions.

Of poems not included in the Junius MS., the Dream of the Rood (see CYNEWULF) is the only one that has with any plausibility been ascribed to Caedmon. It was affirmed by Professor G. Stephens that the Ruthwell Cross, on which a portion of the poem is inscribed in runes, bore on its top-stone the name "Cadmon";[3] but, according to Professor W. Vietor, the traces of runes that are still visible exclude all possibility of this reading. The poem is certainly Northumbrian and earlier than the date of Cynewulf. It would be impossible to prove that Caedmon was not the author, though the production of such a work by the herdsman of Streanaeshalch would certainly deserve to rank among the miracles of genius.

Certain similarities between passages in Paradise Lost and parts of the translation from Old Saxon interpolated in the Old English Genesis have given occasion to the suggestion that some scholar may have talked to Milton about the poetry published by Junius in 1655, and that the poet may thus have gained some hints which he used in his great work. The parallels, however, though very interesting, are only such as might be expected to occur between two poets of kindred genius working on what was essentially the same body of traditional material.

The name Caedmon (in the MSS. of the Old English version of Baeda written Cedmon, Ceadmann) is not explicable by means of Old English; the statement that it means "boatman" is founded on the corrupt gloss liburnam, ced, where ced is an editorial misreading for ceol. It is most probably the British Cadman, intermediate between the Old Celtic Catumanus and the modern Welsh Cadfan. Possibly the poet may have been of British descent, though the inference is not certain, as British names may sometimes have been given to English children. The name Caedwalla or Ceadwalla was borne by a British king mentioned by Baeda and by a king of the West Saxons. The initial element Caed—or Cead (probably adopted from British names in which it represents catu, war) appears combined with an Old English terminal element in the name Caedbaed (cp., however, the Irish name Cathbad), and hypocoristic forms of names containing it were borne by the English saints Ceadda (commonly known as St Chad) and his brother Cedd, called Ceadwealla in one MS. of the Old English Martyrology. A Cadmon witnesses a Buckinghamshire charter of about A.D. 948.

The older editions of the so-called "Caedmon's Paraphrase" by F. Junius (1655); B. Thorpe (1832), with an English translation; K.W. Bouterwek (1851-1854); C.W.M. Grein in his Bibliothek der angelsaechsischen Poesie (1857) are superseded, so far as the text is concerned, by R. Wuelker's re-edition of Grein's Bibliothek, Bd. ii. (1895). This work contains also the texts of the Hymn and the Dream of the Rood. The pictorial illustrations of the Junius MS. were published in 1833 by Sir H. Ellis.

(H. BR.)

[1] It is a significant fact that the Alfredian version, instead of translating this sentence, introduces the verses with the words, "This is the order of the words."

[2] The invention of these names was perhaps suggested by Pericope Oollae et Oolibae, which may have been a current title for the 23rd chapter of Ezekiel.

[3] Stephens read the inscription on the top-stone as Cadmon mae fauaepo, which he rendered "Cadmon made me." But these words are mere jargon, not belonging to any known or possible Old English dialect.

[v.04 p.0936] CAELIA, the name of two ancient cities in Italy, (1) In Apulia (mod. Ceglie di Bari) on the Via Traiana, 5 m. S. of Barium. Coins found here bearing the inscription [Greek: Kailinon] prove that it was once an independent town. Discoveries of ruins and tombs have also been made. (2) In Calabria (mod. Ceglie Messapica) 25 m. W. of Brundusium, and 991 ft. above sea-level. It was in early times a place of some importance, as is indicated by the remains of a prehistoric enceinte and by the discovery of several Messapian inscriptions.

See Ch. Huelsen in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopadie, iii. 1252.

CAEN, a city of north-western France, capital of the department of Calvados, 71/2 m. from the English Channel and 149 m. W.N.W. of Paris on the Western railway to Cherbourg. Pop. (1906) 36,247. It is situated in the valley and on the left bank of the Orne, the right bank of which is occupied by the suburb of Vaucelles with the station of the Western railway. To the south-west of Caen, the Orne is joined by the Odon, arms of which water the "Prairie," a fine plain on which a well-known race-course is laid out. Its wide streets, of which the most important is the rue St Jean, shady boulevards, and public gardens enhance the attraction which the town derives from an abundance of fine churches and old houses. Hardly any remains of its once extensive ramparts and towers are now to be seen; but the castle, founded by William the Conqueror and completed by Henry I., is still employed as barracks, though in a greatly altered condition. St Pierre, the most beautiful church in Caen, stands at the northern extremity of the rue St Jean, in the centre of the town. In the main, its architecture is Gothic, but the choir and the apsidal chapels, with their elaborate interior and exterior decoration, are of Renaissance workmanship. The graceful tower, which rises beside the southern portal to a height of 255 ft., belongs to the early 14th century. The church of St Etienne, or l'Abbaye-aux-Hommes, in the west of the town, is an important specimen of Romanesque architecture, dating from about 1070, when it was founded by William the Conqueror. It is unfortunately hemmed in by other buildings, so that a comprehensive view of it is not to be obtained. The whole building, and especially the west facade, which is flanked by two towers with lofty spires, is characterized by its simplicity. The choir, which is one of the earliest examples of the Norman Gothic style, dates from the early 13th century. In 1562 the Protestants did great damage to the building, which was skilfully restored in the early 17th century. A marble slab marks the former resting-place of William the Conqueror. The abbey-buildings were rebuilt in the 17th and 18th centuries, and now shelter the lycee. Matilda, wife of the Conqueror, was the foundress of the church of La Trinite or l'Abbaye-aux-Dames, which is of the same date as St Etienne. Two square unfinished towers flank the western entrance, and another rises above the transept. Queen Matilda is interred in the choir, and a fine crypt beneath it contains the remains of former abbesses. The buildings of the nunnery, reconstructed in the early 18th century, now serve as a hospital. Other interesting old churches are those of St Sauveur, St Michel de Vaucelles, St Jean, St Gilles, Notre-Dame de la Gloriette, St Etienne le Vieux and St Nicolas, the last two now secularized. Caen possesses many old timber houses and stone mansions, in one of which, the hotel d'Ecoville (c. 1530), the exchange and the tribunal of commerce are established. The hotel de Than, also of the 16th century, is remarkable for its graceful dormer-windows. The Maison des Gens d'Armes (15th century), in the eastern outskirts of the town, has a massive tower adorned with medallions and surmounted by two figures of armed men. The monuments at Caen include one to the natives of Calvados killed in 1870 and 1871 and one to the lawyer J.C.F. Demolombe, together with statues of Louis XIV, Elie de Beaumont, Pierre Simon, marquis de Laplace, D.F.E. Auber and Francois de Malherbe, the two last natives of the town. Caen is the seat of a court of appeal, of a court of assizes and of a prefect. It is the centre of an academy and has a university with faculties of law, science and letters and a preparatory school of medicine and pharmacy; there are also a lycee, training colleges, schools of art and music, and two large hospitals. The other chief public institutions are tribunals of first instance and commerce, an exchange, a chamber of commerce and a branch of the Bank of France. The hotel-de-ville contains the library, with more than 100,000 volumes and the art museum with a fine collection of paintings. The town is the seat of several learned societies including the Societe des Antiquaires, which has a rich museum of antiquities. Caen, despite a diversity of manufactures, is commercial rather than industrial. Its trade is due to its position in the agricultural and horse-breeding district known as the "Campagne de Caen" and to its proximity to the iron mines of the Orne valley, and to manufacturing towns such as Falaise, Le Mans, &c. In the south-east of the town there is a floating basin lined with quays and connected with the Orne and with the canal which debouches into the sea at Ouistreham 9 m. to the N.N.E. The port, which also includes a portion of the river-bed, communicates with Havre and Newhaven by a regular line of steamers; it has a considerable fishing population. In 1905 the number of vessels entered was 563 with a tonnage of 190,190. English coal is foremost among the imports, which also include timber and grain, while iron ore, Caen stone[1], butter and eggs and fruit are among the exports. Important horse and cattle fairs are held in the town. The industries of Caen include timber-sawing, metal-founding and machine-construction, cloth-weaving, lace-making, the manufacture of leather and gloves, and of oil from the colza grown in the district, furniture and other wooden goods and chemical products.

Though Caen is not a town of great antiquity, the date of its foundation is unknown. It existed as early as the 9th century, and when, in 912, Neustria was ceded to the Normans by Charles the Simple, it was a large and important place. Under the dukes of Normandy, and particularly under William the Conqueror, it rapidly increased. It became the capital of lower Normandy, and in 1346 was besieged and taken by Edward III. of England. It was again taken by the English in 1417, and was retained by them till 1450, when it capitulated to the French. The university was founded in 1436 by Henry VI. of England. During the Wars of Religion, Caen embraced the reform; in the succeeding century its prosperity was shattered by the revocation of the edict of Nantes (1685). In 1793 the city was the focus of the Girondist movement against the Convention.

See G. Mancel et C. Woinez, Hist. de la ville de Caen et de ses progres (Caen, 1836); B. Pent, Hist. de la ville de Caen, ses origines (Caen, 1866); E. de R. de Beaurepaire, Caen illustre: son histoire, ses monuments (Caen, 1896).

[1] A limestone well adapted for building. It was well known in the 15th and 16th centuries, at which period many English churches were built of it.

CAEPIO, QUINTUS SERVILIUS, Roman general, consul 106 B.C. During his year of office, he brought forward a law by which the jurymen were again to be chosen from the senators instead of the equites (Tacitus, Ann. xii. 60). As governor of Gallia Narbonensis, he plundered the temple of the Celtic Apollo at Tolosa (Toulouse), which had joined the Cimbri. In 105, Caepio suffered a crushing defeat from the Cimbri at Arausio (Orange) on the Rhone, which was looked upon as a punishment for his sacrilege; hence the proverb Aurum Tolosanum habet, of an act involving disastrous consequences. In the same year he was deprived of his proconsulship and his property confiscated; subsequently (the chronology is obscure, see Mommsen, History of Rome, bk. iv. ch. 5) he was expelled from the senate, accused by the tribune Norbanus of embezzlement and misconduct during the war, condemned and imprisoned. He either died during his confinement or escaped to Smyrna.

Livy, Epit. 67; Valerius Maximus iv. 7. 3; Justin xxxii. 3; Aulus Gellius iii. 9.

CAERE (mod. Cerveteri, i.e. Caere vetus, see below), an ancient city of Etruria about 5 m. from the sea coast and about 20 m. N.W. of Rome, direct from which it was reached by branch roads from the Via Aurelia and Via Clodia. Ancient writers tell us that its original Pelasgian name was Agylla, and that the Etruscans took it and called it Caere (when this occurred is not known), [v.04 p.0937] but the former name lasted on into later times as well as Caere. It was one of the twelve cities of Etruria, and its trade, through its port Pyrgos (q.v.), was of considerable importance. It fought with Rome in the time of Tarquinus Priscus and Servius Tullius, and subsequently became the refuge of the expelled Tarquins. After the invasion of the Gauls in 390 B.C., the vestal virgins and the sacred objects in their custody were conveyed to Caere for safety, and from this fact some ancient authorities derive the word caerimonia, ceremony. A treaty was made between Rome and Caere in the same year. In 353, however, Caere took up arms against Rome out of friendship for Tarquinii, but was defeated, and it is probably at this time that it became partially incorporated with the Roman state, as a community whose members enjoyed only a restricted form of Roman citizenship, without the right to a vote, and which was, further, without internal autonomy. The status is known as the ius Caeritum, and Caere was the first of a class of such municipalities (Th. Mommsen, Roemische Staatsrecht, iii. 583). In the First Punic War, Caere furnished Rome with corn and provisions, but otherwise, up till the end of the Republic, we only hear of prodigies being observed at Caere and reported at Rome, the Etruscans being especially expert in augural lore. By the time of Augustus its population had actually fallen behind that of the Aquae Caeretanae (the sulphur springs now known as the Bagni del Sasso, about 5 m. W.), but under either Augustus or Tiberius its prosperity was to a certain extent restored, and inscriptions speak of its municipal officials (the chief of them called dictator) and its town council, which had the title of senatus. In the middle ages, however, it sank in importance, and early in the 13th century, a part of the inhabitants founded Caere novum (mod. Ceri) 3 m. to the east.

The town lay on a hill of tufa, running from N.E. to S.W., isolated except on the N.E., and about 300 ft. above sea-level. The modern town, at the western extremity, probably occupies the site of the acropolis. The line of the city walls, of rectangular blocks of tufa, can be traced, and there seem to have been eight gates in the circuit, which was about 4 m. in length. There are no remains of buildings of importance, except the theatre, in which many inscriptions and statues of emperors were found. The necropolis in the hill to the north-west, known as the Banditaccia, is important. The tomb chambers are either hewn in the rock or covered by mounds. One of the former class was the family tomb of the Tarchna-Tarquinii, perhaps descended from the Roman kings; others are interesting from their architectural and decorative details. One especially, the Grotta dei Bassirilievi, has interesting reliefs cut in the rock and painted, while the walls of another were decorated with painted tiles of terracotta. The most important tomb of all, the Regolini-Galassi tomb (taking its name from its discoverers), which lies S.W. of the ancient city, is a narrow rock-hewn chamber about 60 ft. long, lined with masonry, the sides converging to form the roof. The objects found in it (a chariot, a bed, silver goblets with reliefs, rich gold ornaments, &c.) are now in the Etruscan Museum at the Vatican: they are attributed to about the middle of the 7th century B.C. At a short distance from the modern town on the west, thousands of votive terracottas were found in 1886, some representing divinities, others parts of the human body (Notizie degli Scavi, 1886, 38). They must have belonged to some temple.

See G. Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, i. 226 seq.; C. Huelsen in Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopaedie, iii. 1281.

(T. AS.)

CAERLEON, an ancient village in the southern parliamentary division of Monmouthshire, England, on the right (west) bank of the Usk, 3 m. N.E. of Newport. Pop. (1901) 1411. Its claim to notice rests on its Roman and British associations. As Isca Silurum, it was one of the three great legionary fortresses of Roman Britain, established either about A.D. 50 (Tacitus, Annals, xii. 32), or perhaps, as coin-finds suggest, about A.D. 74-78 in the governorship of Julius Frontinus, and in either case intended to coerce the wild Silures. It was garrisoned by the Legio II. Augusta from its foundation till near the end of the Roman rule in Britain. Though never seriously excavated, it contains plentiful visible traces of its Roman period—part of the ramparts, the site of an amphitheatre, and many inscriptions, sculptured stones, &c., in the local museum. No civil life or municipality seems, however, to have grown up outside its walls, as at York (Eburācum). Like Chester (see DEVA), it remained purely military, and the common notion that it was the seat of a Christian bishopric in the 4th century is unproved and improbable. Its later history is obscure. We do not know when the legion was finally withdrawn, nor what succeeded. But Welsh legend has made the site very famous with tales of Arthur (revived by Tennyson in his Idylls), of Christian martyrs, Aaron and Julius, and of an archbishopric held by St Dubric and shifted to St David's in the 6th century. Most of these traditions date from Geoffrey of Monmouth (about 1130-1140), and must not be taken for history. The ruins of Caerleon attracted notice in the 12th and following centuries, and gave plain cause for legend-making. There is better, but still slender, reason for the belief that it was here, and not at Chester, that five kings of the Cymry rowed Edgar in a barge as a sign of his sovereignty (A.D. 973). The name Caerleon seems to be derived from the Latin Castra legionum, but it is not peculiar to Caerleon-on-Usk, being often used of Chester and occasionally of Leicester and one or two other places.

(F. J. H.)

CAERPHILLY, a market town of Glamorganshire, Wales, 1521/4 m. from London by rail via Cardiff, 7 m. from Cardiff, 12 m. from Newport and 6 m. from Pontypridd. The origin of the name is unknown. It was formerly in the ancient parish of Eglwysilan, but from that and Bedwas (Mon.) an ecclesiastical parish was formed in 1850, while the whole of the parishes of Eglwysilan and Llanfabon, with a total acreage of 14,426, were in 1893 constituted into an urban district; its population in 1901 was 15,385, of which 4343 were in the "town" ward. In 1858 was opened the Rhymney railway from Rhymney to Caerphilly and on to Taff's Well, whence it had running powers over the Taff Vale railway to Cardiff, but in 1871, by means of a tunnel about 2000 yds. long, under Cefn Onn, a direct line was provided from Caerphilly to Cardiff. A branch line, 4 m. long, was opened in 1894 to Senghenydd. The Pontypridd and Newport railway was constructed in 1887, and there is a joint station at Caerphilly for both railways. Some 2 m. eastwards there is a station on the Brecon and Merthyr railway at Bedwas.

The ancient commote of Senghenydd (corresponding to the modern hundred of Caerphilly) comprised the mountainous district extending from the ridge of Cefn Onn on the south to Breconshire on the north, being bounded by the rivers Taff and Rumney on the west and east. Its inhabitants, though nominally subject to the lords of Glamorgan since Fitzhamon's conquest, enjoyed a large measure of independence and often raided the lowlands. To keep these in check, Gilbert de Clare, during the closing years of the reign of Henry III., built the castle of Caerphilly on the southern edge of this district, in a wide plain between the two rivers. It had probably not been completed, though it was already defensible, when Prince Llewelyn ab Griffith, incensed by its construction and claiming its site as his own, laid siege to it in 1271 and refused to retire except on conditions. Subsequently completed and strengthened it became and still remains (in the words of G.T. Clark) "both the earliest and the most complete example in Britain of a concentric castle of the type known as 'Edwardian', the circle of walls and towers of the outer, inner and middle wards exhibiting the most complete illustration of the most scientific military architecture". The knoll on which it stood was converted almost into an island by the damming up of an adjacent brook, and the whole enclosed area amounted to 30 acres. The great hall (which is 73 ft. by 35 ft. and about 30 ft. high) is a fine example of Decorated architecture. This and other additions are attributed to Hugh le Despenser (1318-1326). Edward II. visited the castle shortly before his capture in 1326. The defence of the castle was committed by Henry IV. to Constance, Lady Despenser, in September 1403, but it was shortly afterwards taken by Owen Glyndwr, to whose mining operations tradition ascribes the leaning position of a large [v.04 p.0938] circular tower, about 50 ft. high, the summit of which overhangs its base about 9 ft. Before the middle of the 15th century it had ceased to be a fortified residence and was used as a prison, which was also the case in the time of Leland (1535), who describes it as in a ruinous state. It is still, however, one of the most extensive and imposing ruins of the kind in the kingdom.

The town grew up around the castle but never received a charter or had a governing body. In 1661 the corporation of Cardiff complained of Cardiff's impoverishment by reason of a fair held every three weeks for the previous four years at Caerphilly, though "no Borough." Its markets during the 19th century had been chiefly noted for the Caerphilly cheese sold there. The district was one of the chief centres of the Methodist revival of the 18th century, the first synod of the Calvinistic Methodists being held in 1743 at Watford farm close to the town, from which place George Whitefield was married at Eglwysilan church two years previously. The church of St Martin was built in 1879, and there are Nonconformist chapels. Mining is now the chief industry of the district.

(D. LL. T.)

CAESALPINUS (CESALPINO), ANDREAS (1519-1603), Italian natural philosopher, was born in Arezzo in Tuscany in 1519. He studied anatomy and medicine at the university of Pisa, where he took his doctor's degree in 1551, and in 1555 became professor materia medica and director of the botanical garden. Appointed physician to Pope Clement VIII., he removed in 1592 to Rome, where he died on the 23rd of February 1603. Caesalpinus was the most distinguished botanist of his time. His work, De Plantis libri xvi. (Florence, 1583), was not only the source from which various subsequent writers, and especially Robert Morison (1620-1683) derived their ideas of botanical arrangement but it was a mine of science to which Linnaeus himself gratefully avowed his obligations. Linnaeus's copy of the book evinces the great assiduity with which he studied it; he laboured throughout to remedy the defect of the want of synonyms, sub-joined his own generic names to nearly every species, and particularly indicated the two remarkable passages where the germination of plants and their sexual distinctions are explained. Caesalpinus was also distinguished as a physiologist, and it has been claimed that he had a clear idea of the circulation of the blood (see HARVEY, WILLIAM). His other works include Daemonum investigatio peripatetica (1580), Quaestionum medicarum libri ii. (1593), De Metallicis (1596), and Quaestionum peripateticarum libri v. (1571)

CAESAR, GAIUS JULIUS (102-44 B.C.), the great Roman soldier and statesman, was born on the 12th of July 102 B.C.[1] [Sidenote: Early years.] His family was of patrician rank and traced a legendary descent from Iulus, the founder of Alba Longa, son of Aeneas and grandson of Venus and Anchises. Caesar made the most of his divine ancestry and built a temple in his forum to Venus Genetrix; but his patrician descent was of little importance in politics and disqualified Caesar from holding the tribunate, an office to which, as a leader of the popular party, he would naturally have aspired. The Julii Caesares, however, had also acquired the new nobilitas, which belonged to holders of the great magistracies. Caesar's uncle was consul in 91 B.C., and his father held the praetorship. Most of the family seem to have belonged to the senatorial party (optimates); but Caesar himself was from the first a popularis. The determining factor is no doubt to be sought in his relationship with C. Marius, the husband of his aunt Julia. Caesar was born in the year of Marius's first great victory over the Teutones, and as he grew up, inspired by the traditions of the great soldier's career, attached himself to his party and its fortunes. Of his education we know scarcely anything. His mother, Aurelia, belonged to a distinguished family, and Tacitus (Dial. de Orat. xxviii.) couples her name with that of Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, as an example of the Roman matron whose disciplina and severitas formed her son for the duties of a soldier and statesman. His tutor was M. Antonius Gnipho, a native of Gaul (by which Cisalpine Gaul may be meant), who is said to have been equally learned in Greek and Latin literature, and to have set up in later years a school of rhetoric which was attended by Cicero in his praetorship 66 B.C. It is possible that Caesar may have derived from him his interest in Gaul and its people and his sympathy with the claims of the Romanized Gauls of northern Italy to political rights.

In his sixteenth year (87 B.C.) Caesar lost his father, and assumed the toga virilis as the token of manhood. The social war (90-89 B.C.) had been brought to a close by the enfranchisement of Rome's Italian subjects; and the civil war which followed it led, after the departure of Sulla for the East, to the temporary triumph of the populares, led by Marius and Cinna, and the indiscriminate massacre of their political opponents, including both of Caesar's uncles. Caesar was at once marked out for high distinction, being created flamen Dialis or priest of Jupiter. In the following year (which saw the death of Marius) Caesar, rejecting a proposed marriage with a wealthy capitalist's heiress, sought and obtained the hand of Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna, and thus became further identified with the ruling party. His career was soon after interrupted by the triumphant return of Sulla (82 B.C.), who ordered him to divorce his wife, and on his refusal deprived him of his property and priesthood and was induced to spare his life only by the intercession of his aristocratic relatives and the college of vestal virgins.

Released from his religious obligations, Caesar now (81 B.C.) left Rome for the East and served his first campaign under Minucius Thermus, who was engaged in stamping out the embers of resistance to Roman rule in the province of Asia, and received from him the "civic crown" for saving a fellow-soldier's life at the storm of Mytilene. In 78 B.C. he was serving under Servilius Isauricus against the Cilician pirates when the news of Sulla's death reached him and he at once returned to Rome. Refusing to entangle himself in the abortive and equivocal schemes of Lepidus to subvert the Sullan constitution, Caesar took up the only instrument of political warfare left to the opposition by prosecuting two senatorial governors, Cn. Cornelius Dolabella (in 77 B.C.) and C. Antonius (in 76 B.C.) for extortion in the provinces of Macedonia and Greece, and though he lost both cases, probably convinced the world at large of the corruption of the senatorial tribunals. After these failures Caesar determined to take no active part in politics for a time, and retraced his steps to the East in order to study rhetoric under Molon, at Rhodes. On the journey thither he was caught by pirates, whom he treated with consummate nonchalance while awaiting his ransom, threatening to return and crucify them; when released he lost no time in carrying out his threat. Whilst he was studying at Rhodes the third Mithradatic War broke out, and Caesar at once raised a corps of volunteers and helped to secure the wavering loyalty of the provincials of Asia. When Lucullus assumed the command of the Roman troops in Asia, Caesar returned to Rome, to find that he had been elected to a seat on the college of pontifices left vacant by the death of his uncle, C. Aurelius Cotta. He was likewise elected first of the six tribuni militum a populo, but we hear nothing of his service in this capacity. Suetonius tells us that he threw himself into the agitation for the restoration of the ancient powers of the tribunate curtailed by Sulla, and that he secured the passing of a law of amnesty in favour of the partisans of Sertorius. He was not, however, destined to compass the downfall of the Sullan regime; the crisis of the Slave War placed the Senate at the mercy of Pompey and Crassus, who in 70 B.C. swept away the safeguards of senatorial ascendancy, restored the initiative in legislation to the tribunes, and replaced the Equestrian order, i.e. the capitalists, in partial possession of the jury-courts. This judicial reform (or rather compromise) was the work of Caesar's uncle, L. Aurelius Cotta. Caesar himself, however, gained no accession of influence. In 69 B.C. he served as quaestor under Antistius Vetus, governor of Hither Spain, and on his way back to Rome (according to Suetonius) promoted a revolutionary agitation [v.04 p.0939] amongst the Transpadanes for the acquisition of full political rights, which had been denied them by Sulla's settlement.

Caesar was now best known as a man of pleasure, celebrated for his debts and his intrigues; in politics he had no force behind [Sidenote: Opposition to the Optimates.] him save that of the discredited party of the populares, reduced to lending a passive support to Pompey and Crassus. But as soon as the proved incompetence of the senatorial government had brought about the mission of Pompey to the East with the almost unlimited powers conferred on him by the Gabinian and Manilian laws of 67 and 66 B.C. (see POMPEY), Caesar plunged into a network of political intrigues which it is no longer possible to unravel. In his public acts he lost no opportunity of upholding the democratic tradition. Already in 68 B.C. he had paraded the bust of Marius at his aunt's funeral; in 65 B.C., as curule aedile, he restored the trophies of Marius to their place on the Capitol; in 64 B.C., as president of the murder commission, he brought three of Sulla's executioners to trial, and in 63 B.C. he caused the ancient procedure of trial by popular assembly to be revived against the murderer of Saturninus. By these means, and by the lavishness of his expenditure on public entertainments as aedile, he acquired such popularity with the plebs that he was elected pontifex maximus in 63 B.C. against such distinguished rivals as Q. Lutatius Catulus and P. Servilius Isauricus. But all this was on the surface. There can be no doubt that Caesar was cognizant of some at least of the threads of conspiracy which were woven during Pompey's absence in the East. According to one story, the enfants perdus of the revolutionary party—Catiline, Autronius and others—designed to assassinate the consuls on the 1st of January 65, and make Crassus dictator, with Caesar as master of the horse. We are also told that a public proposal was made to confer upon him an extraordinary military command in Egypt, not without a legitimate king and nominally under the protection of Rome. An equally abortive attempt to create a counterpoise to Pompey's power was made by the tribune Rullus at the close of 64 B.C. He proposed to create a land commission with very wide powers, which would in effect have been wielded by Caesar and Crassus. The bill was defeated by Cicero, consul in 63 B.C. In the same year the conspiracy associated with the name of Catiline came to a head. The charge of complicity was freely levelled at Caesar, and indeed was hinted at by Cato in the great debate in the senate. But Caesar, for party reasons, was bound to oppose the execution of the conspirators; while Crassus, who shared in the accusation, was the richest man in Rome and the least likely to further anarchist plots. Both, however, doubtless knew as much and as little as suited their convenience of the doings of the left wing of their party, which served to aggravate the embarrassments of the government.

As praetor (62 B.C.) Caesar supported proposals in Pompey's favour which brought him into violent collision with the senate. This was a master-stroke of tactics, as Pompey's return was imminent. Thus when Pompey landed in Italy and disbanded his army he found in Caesar a natural ally. After some delay, said to have been caused by the exigencies of his creditors, which were met by a loan of L200,000 from Crassus, Caesar left Rome for his province of Further Spain, where he was able to retrieve his financial position, and to lay the foundations of a military reputation. He returned to Rome in 60 B.C. to find that the senate had sacrificed the support of the capitalists (which Cicero had worked so hard to secure), and had finally alienated Pompey by refusing to ratify his acts and grant lands to his soldiers. Caesar at once approached both Pompey and Crassus, who alike detested the existing system of government but were personally at variance, and succeeded in persuading them to forget their quarrel and join him in a coalition which should put an end to the rule of the oligarchy. He even made a generous, though unsuccessful, endeavour to enlist the support of Cicero. The so-called First Triumvirate was formed, and constitutional government ceased to exist save in name.

The first prize which fell to Caesar was the consulship, to secure which he forewent the triumph which he had earned in Spain. His colleague was M. Bibulus, who belonged to the straitest sect of the senatorial oligarchy and, together with [Sidenote: Coalition with Pompey and Crassus.] his party, placed every form of constitutional obstruction in the path of Caesar's legislation. Caesar, however, overrode all opposition, mustering Pompey's veterans to drive his colleague from the forum. Bibulus became a virtual prisoner in his own house, and Caesar placed himself outside the pale of the free republic. Thus the programme of the coalition was carried through. Pompey was satisfied by the ratification of his acts in Asia, and by the assignment of the Campanian state domains to his veterans, the capitalists (with whose interests Crassus was identified) had their bargain for the farming of the Asiatic revenues cancelled, Ptolemy Auletes received the confirmation of his title to the throne of Egypt (for a consideration amounting to L1,500,000), and a fresh act was passed for preventing extortion by provincial governors.

It was now all-important for Caesar to secure practical irresponsibility by obtaining a military command. The senate, [Sidenote: Gallic wars.] in virtue of its constitutional prerogative, had assigned as the provincia of the consuls of 59 B.C. the supervision of roads and forests in Italy. Caesar secured the passing of a legislative enactment conferring upon himself the government of Cisalpine Gaul and Illyria for five years, and exacted from the terrorized senate the addition of Transalpine Gaul, where, as he well knew, a storm was brewing which threatened to sweep away Roman civilization beyond the Alps. The mutual jealousies of the Gallic tribes had enabled German invaders first to gain a foothold on the left bank of the Rhine, and then to obtain a predominant position in Central Gaul. In 60 B.C. the German king Ariovistus had defeated the Aedui, who were allies of Rome, and had wrested from the Sequani a large portion of their territory. Caesar must have seen that the Germans were preparing to dispute with Rome the mastery of Gaul; but it was necessary to gain time, and in 59 B.C. Ariovistus was inscribed on the roll of the friends of the Roman people. In 58 B.C. the Helvetii, a Celtic people inhabiting Switzerland, determined to migrate for the shores of the Atlantic and demanded a passage through Roman territory. According to Caesar's statement they numbered 368,000, and it was necessary at all hazards to save the Roman province from the invasion. Caesar had but one legion beyond the Alps. With this he marched to Geneva, destroyed the bridge over the Rhone, fortified the left bank of the river, and forced the Helvetii to follow the right bank. Hastening back to Italy he withdrew his three remaining legions from Aquileia, raised two more, and, crossing the Alps by forced marches, arrived in the neighbourhood of Lyons to find that three-fourths of the Helvetii had already crossed the Saone, marching westward. He destroyed their rearguard, the Tigurini, as it was about to cross, transported his army across the river in twenty-four hours, pursued the Helvetii in a northerly direction, and utterly defeated them at Bibracte (Mont Beuvray). Of the survivors a few were settled amongst the Aedui; the rest were sent back to Switzerland lest it should fall into German hands.

The Gallic chiefs now appealed to Caesar to deliver them from the actual or threatened tyranny of Ariovistus. He at once demanded a conference, which Ariovistus refused, and on hearing that fresh swarms were crossing the Rhine, marched with all haste to Vesontio (Besancon) and thence by way of Belfort into the plain of Alsace, where he gained a decisive victory over the Germans, of whom only a few (including Ariovistus) reached the right bank of the Rhine in safety. These successes roused natural alarm in the minds of the Belgae—a confederacy of tribes in the north-west of Gaul, whose civilization was less advanced than that of the Celtae of the centre—and in the spring of 57 B.C. Caesar determined to anticipate the offensive movement which they were understood to be preparing and marched northwards into the territory of the Remī (about Reims), who alone amongst their neighbours were friendly to Rome. He successfully checked the advance of the enemy at the passage of the Aisne (between Laon and Reims) and their ill-organized force melted away as he advanced. But the Nervii, and their neighbours further to the north-west, remained to be dealt with, and were [v.04 p.0940] crushed only after a desperate struggle on the banks of the Sambre, in which Caesar was forced to expose his person in the melee. Finally, the Aduatuci (near Namur) were compelled to submit, and were punished for their subsequent treachery by being sold wholesale into slavery. In the meantime Caesar's lieutenant, P. Crassus, received the submission of the tribes of the north-east, so that by the close of the campaign almost the whole of Gaul—except the Aquitani in the south-west—acknowledged Roman suzerainty.

In 56 B.C., however, the Veneti of Brittany threw off the yoke and detained two of Crassus's officers as hostages. Caesar, who had been hastily summoned from Illyricum, crossed the Loire and invaded Brittany, but found that he could make no headway without destroying the powerful fleet of high, flat-bottomed boats like floating castles possessed by the Veneti. A fleet was hastily constructed in the estuary of the Loire, and placed under the command of Decimus Brutus. The decisive engagement was fought (probably) in the Gulf of Morbihan and the Romans gained the victory by cutting down the enemy's rigging with sickles attached to poles. As a punishment for their treachery, Caesar put to death the senate of the Veneti and sold their people into slavery. Meanwhile Sabinus was victorious on the northern coasts, and Crassus subdued the Aquitani. At the close of the season Caesar raided the territories of the Morini and Menapii in the extreme north-west.

In 55 B.C. certain German tribes, the Usipetes and Tencteri, crossed the lower Rhine, and invaded the modern Flanders. [Sidenote: Expeditions to Britain ] Caesar at once marched to meet them, and, on the pretext that they had violated a truce, seized their leaders who had come to parley with him, and then surprised and practically destroyed their host. His enemies in Rome accused him of treachery, and Cato even proposed that he should be handed over to the Germans. Caesar meanwhile constructed his famous bridge over the Rhine in ten days, and made a demonstration of force on the right bank. In the remaining weeks of the summer he made his first expedition to Britain, and this was followed by a second crossing in 54 B.C. On the first occasion Caesar took with him only two legions, and effected little beyond a landing on the coast of Kent. The second expedition consisted of five legions and 2000 cavalry, and set out from the Portus Itius (Boulogne or Wissant; see T. Rice Holmes, Ancient Britain and the Invasions of Julius Caesar, 1907, later views in Classical Review, May 1909, and H.S. Jones, in Eng. Hist. Rev. xxiv., 1909, p. 115). Caesar now penetrated into Middlesex and crossed the Thames, but the British prince Cassivellaunus with his war-chariots harassed the Roman columns, and Caesar was compelled to return to Gaul after imposing a tribute which was never paid.

The next two years witnessed the final struggle of the Gauls for freedom. Just before the second crossing to Britain, Dumnorix, an Aeduan chief, had been detected in treasonable intrigues, and killed in an attempt to escape from Caesar's camp. At the close of the campaign Caesar distributed his legions over a somewhat wide extent of territory. Two of their camps were treacherously attacked. At Aduatuca (near Aix-la-Chapelle) a newly-raised legion was cut to pieces by the Eburones under Ambiorix, while Quintus Cicero was besieged in the neighbourhood of Namur and only just relieved in time by Caesar, who was obliged to winter in Gaul in order to check the spread of the rebellion. Indutiomarus, indeed, chief of the Treveri (about Treves), revolted and attacked Labienus, but was defeated and killed. The campaign of 53 B.C. was marked by a second crossing of the Rhine and by the destruction of the Eburones, whose leader Ambiorix, however, escaped. In the autumn Caesar held a conference at Durocortorum (Reims), and Acco, a chief of the Senones, was convicted of treason and flogged to death.

Early in 52 B.C. some Roman traders were massacred at Cenabum (Orleans), and, on hearing the news, the Arverni revolted under Vercingetorix and were quickly joined by other tribes, especially the Bituriges, whose capital was Avaricum (Bourges). Caesar hastened back from Italy, slipped past Vercingetorix and reached Agedincum (Sens), the headquarters of his legions. Vercingetorix saw that Caesar could not be met in open battle, and determined to concentrate his forces in a few strong positions. Caesar first besieged and took Avaricum, whose occupants were massacred, and then invested Gergovia (near the Puy-de-Dome), the capital of the Arverni, but suffered a severe repulse and was forced to raise the siege. Hearing that the Roman province was threatened, he marched westward, defeated Vercingetorix near Dijon and shut him up in Alesia (Mont-Auxois), which he surrounded with lines of circumvallation. An attempt at relief by Vercassivellaunus was defeated after a desperate struggle and Vercingetorix surrendered. The struggle was over except for some isolated operations in 51 B.C., ending with the siege and capture of Uxellodunum (Puy d'Issolu), whose defenders had their hands cut off. Caesar now reduced Gaul to the form of a province, fixing the tribute at 40,000,000 sesterces (L350,000), and dealing liberally with the conquered tribes, whose cantons were not broken up.

In the meantime his own position was becoming critical. In 56 B.C., at the conference of Luca (Lucca), Caesar, Pompey [Sidenote: Break-up of the Coalition.] and Crassus had renewed their agreement, and Caesar's command in Gaul, which would have expired on the 1st of March 54 B.C., was renewed, probably for five years, i.e. to the 1st of March 49 B.C., and it was enacted that the question of his successor should not be discussed until the 1st of March 50 B.C., by which time the provincial commands for 49 B.C. would have been assigned, so that Caesar would retain imperium, and thus immunity from persecution, until the end of 49 B.C. He was to be elected consul for 48 B.C., and, as the law prescribed a personal canvass, he was by special enactment dispensed from its provisions. But in 54 B.C. Julia, the daughter of Caesar and wife of Pompey, died, and in 53 B.C. Crassus was killed at Carrhae. Pompey now drifted apart from Caesar and became the champion of the senate. In 52 B.C. he passed a fresh law de jure magistratuum which cut away the ground beneath Caesar's feet by making it possible to provide a successor to the Gallic provinces before the close of 49 B.C., which meant that Caesar would become for some months a private person, and thus liable to be called to account for his unconstitutional acts. Caesar had no resource left but uncompromising obstruction, which he sustained by enormous bribes. His representative in 50 B.C., the tribune C. Scribonius Curio, served him well, and induced the lukewarm majority of the senate to refrain from extreme measures, insisting that Pompey, as well as Caesar, should resign the imperium. But all attempts at negotiation failed, and in January 49 B.C., martial law having been proclaimed on the proposal of the consuls, the tribunes Antony and Cassius fled to Caesar, who crossed the Rubicon (the frontier of Italy) with a single legion, exclaiming "Alea jacta est."

Pompey's available force consisted in two legions stationed in Campania, and eight, commanded by his lieutenants, Afranius [Sidenote: The Civil war ] and Petreius, in Spain; both sides levied troops in Italy. Caesar was soon joined by two legions from Gaul and marched rapidly down the Adriatic coast, overtaking Pompey at Brundisium (Brindisi), but failing to prevent him from embarking with his troops for the East, where the prestige of his name was greatest. Hereupon Caesar (it is said) exclaimed "I am going to Spain to fight an army without a general, and thence to the East to fight a general without an army." He carried out the first part of this programme with marvellous rapidity. He reached Ilerda (Lerida) on the 23rd of June and, after extricating his army from a perilous situation, outmanoeuvred Pompey's lieutenants and received their submission on the 2nd of August. Returning to Rome, he held the dictatorship for eleven days, was elected consul for 48 B.C., and set sail for Epirus at Brundisium on the 4th of January. He attempted to invest Pompey's lines at Dyrrhachium (Durazzo), though his opponent's force was double that of his own, and was defeated with considerable loss. He now marched eastwards, in order if possible to intercept the reinforcements which Pompeys father-in-law, Scipio, was bringing up; but Pompey [v.04 p.0941] was able to effect a junction with this force and descended into the plain of Thessaly, where at the battle of Pharsalus he was decisively defeated and fled to Egypt, pursued by Caesar, who learnt of his rival's murder on landing at Alexandria. Here he remained for nine months, fascinated (if the story be true) by Cleopatra, and almost lost his life in an emeute. In June 47 B.C. he proceeded to the East and Asia Minor, where he "came, saw and conquered" Pharnaces, son of Mithradates the Great, at Zela. Returning to Italy, he quelled a mutiny of the legions (including the faithful Tenth) in Campania, and crossed to Africa, where a republican army of fourteen legions under Scipio was cut to pieces at Thapsus (6th of April 46 B.C.). Here most of the republican leaders were killed and Cato committed suicide. On the 26th to 29th July Caesar celebrated a fourfold triumph and received the dictatorship for ten years. In November, however, he was obliged to sail for Spain, where the sons of Pompey still held out. On the 17th of March 45 B.C. they were crushed at Munda. Caesar returned to Rome in September, and six months later (15th of March 44 B.C.) was murdered in the senate house at the foot of Pompey's statue.

It was remarked by Seneca that amongst the murderers of Caesar were to be found more of his friends than of his enemies. [Sidenote: Caesar's dictatorship ] We can account for this only by emphasizing the fact that the form of Caesar's government became as time went on more undisguised in its absolutism, while the honours conferred upon seemed designed to raise him above the rest of humanity. It is explained elsewhere (see ROME: History, Ancient) that Caesar's power was exercised under the form of dictatorship. In the first instance (autumn of 49 B.C.) this was conferred upon him as the only solution of the constitutional deadlock created by the flight of the magistrates and senate, in order that elections (including that of Caesar himself to the consulship) might be held in due course. For this there were republican precedents. In 48 B.C. he was created dictator for the second time, probably with constituent powers and for an undefined period, according to the dangerous and unpopular precedent of Sulla. In May 46 B.C. a third dictatorship was conferred on Caesar, this time for ten years and apparently as a yearly office, so that he became Dictator IV. in May 45 B.C. Finally, before the 15th of February 44 B.C., this was exchanged for a life-dictatorship. Not only was this a contradiction in terms, since the dictatorship was by tradition a makeshift justified only when the state had to be carried through a serious crisis, but it involved military rule in Italy and the permanent suspension of the constitutional guarantees, such as intercessio and provocatio, by which the liberties of Romans were protected. That Caesar held the imperium which he enjoyed as dictator to be distinct in kind from that of the republican magistrates he indicated by placing the term imperator at the head of his titles.[2] Besides the dictatorship, Caesar held the consulship in each year of his reign except 47 B.C. (when no curule magistrates were elected save for the last three months of the year); and he was moreover invested by special enactments with a number of other privileges and powers; of these the most important was the tribunicia potestas, which we may believe to have been free from the limits of place (i.e. Rome) and collegiality. Thus, too, he was granted the sole right of making peace and war, and of disposing of the funds in the treasury of the state.[3] Save for the title of dictator, which undoubtedly carried unpopular associations and was formally abolished on the proposal of Antony after Caesar's death, this cumulation of powers has little to distinguish it from the Principate of Augustus; and the assumption of the perpetual dictatorship would hardly by itself suffice to account for the murder of Caesar. But there are signs that in the last six months of his life he aspired not only to a monarchy in name as well as in fact, but also to a divinity which Romans should acknowledge as well as Greeks, Orientals and barbarians. His statue was set up beside those of the seven kings of Rome, and he adopted the throne of gold, the sceptre of ivory and the embroidered robe which tradition ascribed to them. He allowed his supporters to suggest the offer of the regal title by putting in circulation an oracle according to which it was destined for a king of Rome to subdue the Parthians, and when at the Lupercalia (15th February 44 B.C.) Antony set the diadem on his head he rejected the offer half-heartedly on account of the groans of the people. His image was carried in the pompa circensis amongst those of the immortal gods, and his statue set up in the temple of Quirinus with the inscription "To the Unconquerable God." A college of Luperci, with the surname Juliani, was instituted in his honour and flamines were created as priests of his godhead. This was intolerable to the aristocratic republicans, to whom it seemed becoming that victorious commanders should accept divine honours at the hands of Greeks and Asiatics, but unpardonable that Romans should offer the same worship to a Roman.

Thus Caesar's work remained unfinished, and this must be borne in mind in considering his record of legislative and [Sidenote: Legislative reforms.] administrative reform. Some account of this is given elsewhere (see ROME: History, Ancient), but it may be well to single out from the list of his measures (some of which, such as the restoration of exiles and the children of proscribed persons, were dictated by political expediency, while others, such as his financial proposals for the relief of debtors, and the steps which he took to restore Italian agriculture, were of the nature of palliatives) those which have a permanent significance as indicating his grasp of imperial problems. The Social War had brought to the inhabitants of Italy as far as the Po the privileges of Roman citizenship; it remained to extend this gift to the Transpadane Italians, to establish a uniform system of local administration and to devise representative institutions by which at least some voice in the government of Rome might be permitted to her new citizens. This last conception lay beyond the horizon of Caesar, as of all ancient statesmen, but his first act on gaining control of Italy was to enfranchise the Transpadanes, whose claims he had consistently advocated, and in 45 B.C. he passed the Lex Julia Municipalis, an act of which considerable fragments are inscribed on two bronze tables found at Heraclea near Tarentum.[4] This law deals inter alia with the police and the sanitary arrangements of the city of Rome, and hence it has been argued by Mommsen that it was Caesar's intention to reduce Rome to the level of a municipal town. But it is not likely that such is the case. Caesar made no far-reaching modifications in the government of the city, such as were afterwards carried out by Augustus, and the presence in the Lex Julia Municipalis of the clauses referred to is an example of the common process of "tacking" (legislation per saturam, as it was called by the Romans). The law deals with the constitution of the local senates, for whose members qualifications of age (30 years) and military service are laid down, while persons who have suffered conviction for various specified offences, or who are insolvent, or who carry on discreditable or immoral trades are excluded. It also provides that the local magistrates shall take a census of the citizens at the same time as the census takes place in Rome, and send the registers to Rome within sixty days. The existing fragments tell us little as to the decentralization of the functions of government, but from the Lex Rubria, which applies to the Transpadane districts enfranchised by Caesar (it must be remembered that Cisalpine Gaul remained nominally a province until 42 B.C.) we gather that considerable powers of independent jurisdiction were reserved to the municipal magistrates. But Caesar was not content with framing a uniform system of local government [v.04 p.0942] for Italy. He was the first to carry out on a large scale those plans of transmarine colonization whose inception was due to the Gracchi. As consul in 59 B.C. Caesar had established colonies [Sidenote: Colonies.] of veterans in Campania under the Lex Julia Agraria, and had even then laid down rules for the foundation of such communities. As dictator he planted numerous colonies both in the eastern and western provinces, notably at Corinth and Carthage. Mommsen interprets this policy as signifying that "the rule of the urban community of Rome over the shores of the Mediterranean was at an end," and says that the first act of the "new Mediterranean state" was "to atone for the two greatest outrages which that urban community had perpetrated on civilization." This, however, cannot be admitted. The sites of Caesar's colonies were selected for their commercial value, and that the citizens of Rome should cease to be rulers of the Mediterranean basin could never have entered into Caesar's mind. The colonists were in many cases veterans who had served under Caesar, in others members of the city proletariat. We possess the charter of the colony planted at Urso in southern Spain under the name of Colonia Julia Genetiva Urbanorum. Of the two latter titles, the first is derived from the name of Venus Genetrix, the ancestress of the Julian house, the second indicates that the colonists were drawn from the plebs urbana. Accordingly, we find that free birth is not, as in Italy, a necessary qualification for municipal office. By such foundations Caesar began the extension to the provinces of that Roman civilization which the republic had carried to the bounds of the Italian peninsula. Lack of time alone prevented him from carrying into effect such projects as the piercing of the Isthmus of Corinth, whose object was to promote trade and intercourse throughout the Roman dominions, and we are told that at the time of his death he was contemplating the extension of the empire to its natural frontiers, and was about to engage in a war with Parthia with the object of carrying Roman arms to the Euphrates. Above all, he was determined that the empire should be governed in the true sense of the word and no longer exploited by its rulers, and he kept a strict control over the legati, who, under the form of military subordination, were responsible to him for the administration of their provinces.

Caesar's writings are treated under LATIN LITERATURE. It is sufficient here to say that of those preserved to us the [Sidenote: The Commentaries.] seven books Commentarii de bello Gallico appear to have been written in 51 B.C. and carry the narrative of the Gallic campaigns down to the close of the previous year (the eighth book, written by A. Hirtius, is a supplement relating the events of 51-50 B.C.), while the three books De bello civili record the struggle between Caesar and Pompey (49-48 B.C.). Their veracity was impeached in ancient times by Asinius Pollio and has often been called in question by modern critics. The Gallic War, though its publication was doubtless timed to impress on the mind of the Roman people the great services rendered by Caesar to Rome, stands the test of criticism as far as it is possible to apply it, and the accuracy of its narrative has never been seriously shaken. The Civil War, especially in its opening chapters is, however, not altogether free from traces of misrepresentation. With respect to the first moves made in the struggle, and the negotiations for peace at the outset of hostilities, Caesar's account sometimes conflicts with the testimony of Cicero's correspondence or implies movements which cannot be reconciled with geographical facts. We have but few fragments of Caesar's other works, whether political pamphlets such as the Anticato, grammatical treatises (De Analogia) or poems. All authorities agree in describing him as a consummate orator. Cicero (Brut. 22) wrote: de Caesare ita judico, illum omnium fere oratorum Latine loqui elegantissime, while Quintilian (x. i. 114) says that had he practised at the bar he would have been the only serious rival of Cicero.

The verdict of historians on Caesar has always been coloured by their political sympathies. All have recognised his commanding [Sidenote: Character.] genius, and few have failed to do justice to his personal charm and magnanimity, which almost won the heart of Cicero, who rarely appealed in vain to his clemency. Indeed, he was singularly tolerant of all but intellectual opposition. His private life was not free from scandal, especially in his youth, but it is difficult to believe the worst of the tales which were circulated by his opponents, e.g. as to his relations with Nicomedes of Bithynia. As to his public character, however, no agreement is possible between those who regard Caesarism as a great political creation, and those who hold that Caesar by destroying liberty lost a great opportunity and crushed the sense of dignity in mankind. The latter view is unfortunately confirmed by the undoubted fact that Caesar treated with scant respect the historical institutions of Rome, which with their magnificent traditions might still have been the organs of true political life. He increased the number of senators to 900 and introduced provincials into that body; but instead of making it into a grand council of the empire, representative of its various races and nationalities, he treated it with studied contempt, and Cicero writes that his own name had been set down as the proposer of decrees of which he knew nothing, conferring the title of king on potentates of whom he had never heard. A similar treatment was meted out to the ancient magistracies of the republic; and thus began the process by which the emperors undermined the self-respect of their subjects and eventually came to rule over a nation of slaves. Few men, indeed, have partaken as freely of the inspiration of genius as Julius Caesar; few have suffered more disastrously from its illusions. See further ROME: History, ii. "The Republic," Period C ad fin.

AUTHORITIES.—The principal ancient authorities for the life of Caesar are his own Commentaries, the biographies of Plutarch and Suetonius, letters and speeches of Cicero, the Catiline of Sallust, the Pharsalia of Lucan, and the histories of Appian, Dio Cassius and Velleius Paterculus (that of Livy exists only in the Epitome). Amongst modern works may be named the exhaustive repertory of fact contained in Drumann, Geschichte Roms, vol. iii. (new ed. by Groebe, 1906, pp. 125-829), and the brilliant but partial panegyric of Th. Mommsen in his History of Rome (Eng. trans., vol. iv., esp. p. 450 ff.). J.A. Froude's Caesar; a Sketch (2nd ed., 1896) is equally biased and much less critical. W. Warde Fowler's Julius Caesar (1892) gives a favourable account (see also his Social Life at Rome, 1909). On the other side see especially A. Holm, History of Greece (Eng. trans., vol. iv. p. 582 ff.), J.L. Strachan Davidson, Cicero (1894), p. 345 ff., and the introductory Lections in Prof. Tyrrell's edition of the Correspondence of Cicero, particularly "Cicero's case against Caesar," vol. v. p. 13 ff. Vol. ii. of G. Ferrero's Greatness and Decline of Rome (Eng. trans., 1907) is largely devoted to Caesar, but must be used with caution. The Gallic campaigns have been treated by Napoleon III., Histoire de Jules Cesar (1865-1866), which is valuable as giving the result of excavations, and in English by T. Rice Holmes, Caesar's Conquest of Gaul (1901), in which references to earlier literature will be found. A later account is that of G. Veith, Geschichte der Feldzuege C. Julius Caesars (1906). For maps see A. von Kampen. For the Civil War see Colonel Stoffel (the collaborator of Napoleon III.), Histoire de Jules Cesar: guerre civile (1887). There is an interesting article, "The Likenesses of Julius Caesar," by J.C. Ropes, in Scribner's Magazine, Feb. 1887, with 18 plates.

(H. S. J.)

Medieval Legends.

In the middle ages the story of Caesar did not undergo such extraordinary transformations as befell the history of Alexander the Great and the Theban legend. Lucan was regularly read in medieval schools, and the general facts of Caesar's life were too well known. He was generally, by a curious error, regarded as the first emperor of Rome,[5] and representing as he did in the popular mind the glory of Rome, by an easy transition he became a pillar of the Church. Thus, in a French pseudo-historic romance, Les Faits des Romains (c. 1223), he receives the honour of a bishopric. His name was not usually associated with the marvellous, and the trouvere of Huon de Bordeaux outstepped the usual sober tradition when he made Oberon the son of Julius Caesar and Morgan la Fay. About 1240 Jehan de Tuim composed a prose Hystore de Julius Cesar (ed. F. Settegast, Halle, 1881) based on the Pharsalia of Lucan, and the commentaries of Caesar (on the Civil War) and his continuators (on the Alexandrine, African and Spanish wars). The author gives a romantic description of the meeting with Cleopatra, with an interpolated dissertation on amour courtois as understood by the trouveres. [v.04 p.0943] The Hystore was turned into verse (alexandrines) by Jacot de Forest (latter part of the 13th century) under the title of Roman de Julius Cesar. A prose compilation by an unknown author, Les Fails des Romains (c. 1225), has little resemblance to the last two works, although mainly derived from the same sources. It was originally intended to contain a history of the twelve Caesars, but concluded with the murder of the dictator, and in some MSS. bears the title of Li livres de Cesar. Its popularity is proved by the numerous MSS. in which it is preserved and by three separate translations into Italian. A Mistaire de Julius Cesar is said to have been represented at Amboise in 1500 before Louis XII.

See A. Graf, Roma nella memoria e nella imaginazione del medio evo, i. ch. 8 (1882-1883); P. Meyer in Romania, xiv. (Paris, 1885), where the Faits des Romains is analysed at length; A. Duval in Histoire litteraire de la France, xix. (1838); L. Constans in Petit de Jullevilles' Hist. de la langue et de la litt. francaise, i. (1896); H. Wesemann, Die Caesarfabeln des Mittelalters (Loewenberg, 1879).

(M. BR.)

[1] In spite of the explicit statements of Suetonius, Plutarch and Appian that Caesar was in his fifty-sixth year at the time of his murder, it is, as Mommsen has shown, practically certain that he was born in 102 B.C., since he held the chief offices of state in regular order, beginning with the aedileship in 65 B.C., and the legal age for this was fixed at 37-38.

[2] Suetonius, Jul. 76, errs in stating that he used the title imperator as a praenomen.

[3] The statement of Dio and Suetonius, that a general cura legum et morum was conferred on Caesar in 46 B.C., is rejected by Mommsen. It is possible that it may have some foundation in the terms of the law establishing his third dictatorship.

[4] Since the discovery of a fragmentary municipal charter at Tarentum (see ROME), dating from a period shortly after the Social War, doubts have been cast on the identification of the tables of Heraclea with Caesar's municipal statute. It has been questioned whether Caesar passed such a law, since the Lex Julia Municipalis mentioned in an inscription of Patavium (Padua) may have been a local charter. See Legras, La Table latine d'Heraclee (Paris, 1907).

[5] Brunetto Latini, Tresor: "Et ainsi Julius Cesar fu li premiers empereres des Romains."

CAESAR, SIR JULIUS (1557-1558-1636), English judge, descended by the female line from the dukes de' Cesarini in Italy, was born near Tottenham in Middlesex. He was educated at Magdalen Hall, Oxford, and afterwards studied at the university of Paris, where in the year 1581 he was made a doctor of the civil law. Two years later he was admitted to the same degree at Oxford, and also became doctor of the canon law. He held many high offices during the reigns of Elizabeth and James I., including a judgeship of the admiralty court (1584), a mastership in chancery (1588), a mastership of the court of requests (1595), chancellor and under treasurer of the exchequer (1606). He was knighted by King James in 1603, and in 1614 was appointed master of the rolls, an office which he held till his death on the 18th of April 1636, He was so remarkable for his bounty and charity to all persons of worth that it was said of him that he seemed to be the almoner-general of the nation. His manuscripts, many of which are now in the British Museum, were sold by auction in 1757 for upwards of L500.

See E. Lodge, Life of Sir Julius Caesar (1810); Wood, Fasti Oxonienses, ed. Bliss; Foss, Lives of the Judges.

CAESAREA MAZACA (mod. Kaisarieh), chief town of a sanjak in the Angora vilayet of Asia Minor. Mazaca, the residence of the kings of Cappadocia, later called Eusebea (perhaps after Ariarathes Eusebes), and named Caesarea probably by Claudius, stood on a low spur on the north side of Erjies Dagh (M. Argaeus). The site, now called Eski-shehr, shows only a few traces of the old town. It was taken by Tigranes and destroyed by the Persian king Shapur (Sapor) I. after his defeat of Valerian in A.D. 260. At this time it is stated to have contained 400,000 inhabitants. In the 4th century Basil, when bishop, established an ecclesiastical centre on the plain, about 1 m. to the north-east, and this gradually supplanted the old town. A portion of Basil's new city was surrounded with strong walls and turned into a fortress by Justinian; and within the walls, rebuilt in the 13th and 16th centuries, lies the greater part of Kaisarieh, altitude 3500 ft. The town was captured by the Seljuk sultan, Alp Arslan, 1064, and by the Mongols, 1243, before passing to the Osmanli Turks. Its geographical situation has made it a place of commercial importance throughout history. It lay on the ancient trade route from Sinope to the Euphrates, on the Persian "Royal Road" from Sardis to Susa, and on the great Roman highway from Ephesus to the East. It is still the most important trade centre in eastern Asia Minor. The town is noted for its fruit, especially its vines; and it exports tissues, carpets, hides, yellow berries and dried fruit. Kaisarieh is the headquarters of the American mission in Cappadocia, which has several churches and schools for boys and girls and does splendid medical work. It is the seat of a Greek bishop, an Armenian archbishop and a Roman Catholic bishop, and there is a Jesuit school. On the 30th of November 1895 there was a massacre of Armenians, in which several Gregorian priests and Protestant pastors lost their lives. Pop., according to Cuinet, 71,000 (of whom 26,000 are Christians). Sir C. Wilson gave it as 50,000 (23,000 Christians).

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