The missionaries selected Awatubi, Walpi, and Shumopavi as the sites for their mission buildings, and at once, it is said, began to introduce a system of enforced labor. The memory of the mission period is held in great detestation, and the onerous toil the priests imposed is still adverted to as the principal grievance. Heavy pine timbers, many of which are now pointed out in the kiva roofs, of from 15 to 20 feet in length and a foot or more in diameter, were cut at the San Francisco Mountain, and gangs of men were compelled to carry and drag them to the building sites, where they were used as house beams. This necessitated prodigious toil, for the distance by trail is a hundred miles, most of the way over a rough and difficult country. The Spaniards are said to have employed a few ox teams in this labor, but the heaviest share was performed by the impressed Hopituh, who were driven in gangs by the Spanish soldiers, and any who refused to work were confined in a prison house and starved into submission.

The "men with the long robes," as the missionaries were called, are said to have lived among these people for a long time, but no trace of their individuality survives in tradition.

Possibly the Spanish missionaries may have striven to effect some social improvement among these people, and by the adoption of some harsh measures incurred the jealous anger of the chiefs. But the system of labor they enforced was regarded, perhaps justly, as the introduction of serfdom, such as then prevailed in the larger communities in the Rio Grande valleys. Perhaps tradition belies them; but there are many stories of their evil, sensual lives—assertions that they violated women, and held many of the young girls at their mission houses, not as pupils, but as concubines.



In any case, these hapless monks were engaged in a perilous mission in seeking to supplant the primitive faith of the Tusayan, for among the native priests they encountered prejudices even as violent as their own. With too great zeal they prohibited the sacred dances, the votive offerings to the nature-deities, and similar public observances, and strove to suppress the secret rites and abolish the religious orders and societies. But these were too closely incorporated with the system of gentes and other family kinships to admit of their extinction. Traditionally, it is said that, following the discontinuance of the prescribed ceremonies, the favor of the gods was withdrawn, the clouds brought no rain, and the fields yielded no corn. Such a coincidence in this arid region is by no means improbable, and according to the legends, a succession of dry seasons resulting in famine has been of not infrequent occurrence. The superstitious fears of the people were thus aroused, and they cherished a mortal hatred of the monks.

In such mood were they in the summer of 1680, when the village Indians rose in revolt, drove out the Spaniards, and compelled them to retreat to Mexico. There are some dim traditions of that event still existing among the Tusayan, and they tell of one of their own race coming from the river region by the way of Zuni to obtain their cooperation in the proposed revolt. To this they consented.

Only a few Spaniards being present at that time, the Tusayan found courage to vent their enmity in massacre, and every one of the hated invaders perished on the appointed day. The traditions of the massacre center on the doom of the monks, for they were regarded as the embodiment of all that was evil in Spanish rule, and their pursuit, as they tried to escape among the sand dunes, and the mode of their slaughter, is told with grim precision; they were all overtaken and hacked to pieces with stone tomahawks.

It is told that while the monks were still in authority some of the Snake women urged a withdrawal from Walpi, and, to incite the men to action, carried their mealing-stones and cooking vessels to the summit of the mesa, where they desired the men to build new houses, less accessible to the domineering priests. The men followed them, and two or three small house groups were built near the southwest end of the present village, one of them being still occupied by a Snake family, but the others have been demolished or remodeled. A little farther north, also on the west edge, the small house clusters there were next built by the families of two women called Tji-vwo-wati and Si-kya-tci-wati. Shortly after the massacre the lower village was entirely abandoned, and the building material carried above to the point which the Snakes had chosen, and on which the modern Walpi was constructed. Several beams of the old mission houses are now pointed out in the roofs of the kivas.

There was a general apprehension that the Spaniards would send a force to punish them, and the Shumopavi also reconstructed their village in a stronger position, on a high mesa overlooking its former site. The other villages were already in secure positions, and all the smaller agricultural settlements were abandoned at this period, and excepting at one or two places on the Moen-kopi, the Tusayan have ever since confined themselves to the close vicinity of their main villages.

The house masses do not appear to bear any relation to division by phratries. It is surprising that even the social division of the phratries is preserved. The Hopituh certainly marry within phratries, and occasionally with the same gens. There is no doubt, however, that in the earlier villages each gens, and where practicable, the whole of the phratry, built their houses together. To a certain extent the house of the priestess of a gens is still regarded as the home of the gens. She has to be consulted concerning proposed marriages, and has much to say in other social arrangements.

While the village of the Walpi was still upon the west side of the mesa point, some of them moved around and built houses beside a spring close to the east side of the mesa. Soon after this a dispute over planting ground arose between them and the Sikyatki, whose village was also on that side of the mesa and but a short distance above them. From this time forward bad blood lay between the Sikyatki and the Walpi, who took up the quarrel of their suburb. It also happened about that time, so tradition says, more of the Coyote people came from the north, and the Pikyas nyu-mu, the young cornstalk, who were the latest of the Water people, came in from the south. The Sikyatki, having acquired their friendship, induced them to build on two mounds, on the summit of the mesa overlooking their village. They had been greatly harrassed by the young slingers and archers of Walpi, who would come across to the edge of the high cliff and assail them with impunity, but the occupation of these two mounds by friends afforded effectual protection to their village. These knolls are about 40 yards apart, and about 40 feet above the level of the mesa which is something over 400 feet above Sikyatki. Their roughly leveled summits measure 20 by 10 feet and are covered with traces of house walls; and it is evident that groups of small-roomed houses were clustered also around the sloping sides. About a hundred yards south from their dwellings the people of the mounds built for their own protection a strong wall entirely across the mesa, which at that point is contracted to about 200 feet in width, with deep vertical cliffs on either side. The base of the wall is still quite distinct, and is about 3 feet thick.

But no reconciliation was ever effected between the Walpi and the Sikyatki and their allies, and in spite of their defensive wall frequent assaults were made upon the latter until they were forced to retreat. The greater number of them retired to Oraibi and the remainder to Sikyatki, and the feud was still maintained between them and the Walpi.



Some of the incidents as well as the disastrous termination of this feud are still narrated. A party of the Sikyatki went prowling through Walpi one day while the men were afield, and among other outrages, one of them shot an arrow through a window and killed a chief's daughter while she was grinding corn. The chief's son resolved to avenge the death of his sister, and some time after this went to Sikyatki, professedly to take part in a religious dance, in which he joined until just before the close of the ceremony. Having previously observed where the handsomest girl was seated among the spectators on the house terraces, he ran up the ladder as if to offer her a prayer emblem, but instead he drew out a sharp flint knife from his girdle and cut her throat. He threw the body down where all could see it, and ran along the adjoining terraces till he cleared the village. A little way up the mesa was a large flat rock, upon which he sprang and took off his dancer's mask so that all might recognize him; then turning again to the mesa he sped swiftly up the trail and escaped.

And so foray and slaughter continued to alternate between them until the planting season of some indefinite year came around. All the Sikyatki men were to begin the season by planting the fields of their chief on a certain day, which was announced from the housetop by the Second Chief as he made his customary evening proclamations, and the Walpi, becoming aware of this, planned a fatal onslaught. Every man and woman able to draw a bow or wield a weapon were got in readiness and at night they crossed the mesa and concealed themselves along its edge, overlooking the doomed village. When the day came they waited until the men had gone to the field and then rushed down upon the houses. The chief, who was too old to go afield, was the first one killed, and then followed the indiscriminate slaughter of women and children, and the destruction of the houses. The wild tumult in the village alarmed the Sikyatki and they came rushing back, but too late to defend their homes. Their struggles were hopeless, for they had only their planting sticks to use as weapons, which availed but little against the Walpi with their bows and arrows, spears, slings, and war clubs. Nearly all of the Sikyatki men were killed, but some of them escaped to Oraibi and some to Awatubi. A number of the girls and younger women were spared, and distributed among the different villages, where they became wives of their despoilers.

It is said to have been shortly after the destruction of Sikyatki that the first serious inroad of a hostile tribe occurred within this region, and all the stories aver that these early hostiles were from the north, the Ute being the first who are mentioned, and after them the Apache, who made an occasional foray.

While these families of Hopituh stock had been building their straggling dwellings along the canyon brinks, and grouping in villages around the base of the East Mesa, other migratory bands of Hopituh had begun to arrive on the Middle Mesa. As already said, it is admitted that the Snake were the first occupants of this region, but beyond that fact the traditions are contradictory and confused. It is probable, however, that not long after the arrival of the Horn, the Squash people came from the south and built a village on the Middle Mesa, the ruin of which is called Chukubi. It is on the edge of the cliff on the east side of the neck of that mesa, and a short distance south of the direct trail leading from Walpi to Oraibi. The Squash people say that they came from Palat Kwabi, the Red Land in the far South, and this vague term expresses nearly all their knowledge of that traditional land. They say they lived for a long time in the valley of the Colorado Chiquito, on the south side of that stream and not far from the point where the railway crosses it. They still distinguish the ruin of their early village there, which was built as usual on the brink of a canyon, and call it Etipsikya, after a shrub that grows there profusely. They crossed the river opposite that place, but built no permanent houses until they reached the vicinity of Chukubi, near which two smaller clusters of ruins, on knolls, mark the sites of dwellings which they claim to have been theirs. Three groups (nyumu) traveling together were the next to follow them; these were the Bear, the Bear-skin-rope, and the Blue Jay. They are said to have been very numerous, and to have come from the vicinity of San Francisco Mountain. They did not move up to Chukubi, but built a large village on the summit, at the south end of the mesa, close to the site of the present Mashongnavi. Soon afterward came the Burrowing Owl, and the Coyote, from the vicinity of Navajo Mountains in the north, but they were not very numerous. They also built upon the Mashongnavi summit.

After this the Squash people found that the water from their springs was decreasing, and began moving toward the end of the mesa, where the other people were. But as there was then no suitable place left on the summit, they built a village on the sandy terrace close below it, on the west side; and as the springs at Chukubi ultimately ceased entirely, the rest of the Squash people came to the terrace and were again united in one village. Straggling bands of several other groups, both wingwu and nyumu, are mentioned as coming from various directions. Some built on the terrace and some found house room in Mashongnavi. This name is derived as follows: On the south side of the terrace on which the Squash village was built is a high column of sandstone which is vertically split in two, and formerly there was a third pillar in line, which has long since fallen. These three columns were called Tutuwalha, the guardians, and both the Squash village and the one on the summit were so named. On the north side of the terrace, close to the present village, is another irregular massy pillar of sandstone called Mashoniniptu, meaning "the other which remains erect," having reference to the one on the south side, which had fallen. When the Squash withdrew to the summit the village was then called Mashoniniptuovi, "at the place of the other which remains erect;" now that term is never used, but always its syncopated form, Mashongnavi.



The Squash village, on the south end of the Middle Mesa, was attacked by a fierce band that came from the north, some say the Ute, others say the Apache; but whoever the invaders were, they completely overpowered the people, and carried off great stores of food and other plunder. The village was then evacuated, the houses dismantled, and the material removed to the high summit, where they reconstructed their dwellings around the village which thenceforth bore its present name of Mashongnavi. Some of the Squash people moved over to Oraibi, and portions of the Katchina and Paroquet people came from there to Mashongnavi about the same time, and a few of these two groups occupied some vacant houses also in Shupaulovi; for this village even at that early date had greatly diminished in population, having sustained a disastrous loss of men in the canyon affrays east of Walpi.

Shumopavi seems to have been built by portions of the same groups who went to the adjacent Mashongnavi, but the traditions of the two villages are conflicting. The old traditionists at Shumopavi hold that the first to come there were the Paroquet, the Bear, the Bear-skin-rope, and the Blue Jay. They came from the west—probably from San Francisco Mountain. They claim that ruins on a mesa bluff about 10 miles south from the present village are the remains of a village built by these groups before reaching Shumopavi, and the Paroquets arrived first, it is said, because they were perched on the heads of the Bears, and, when nearing the water, they flew in ahead of the others. These groups built a village on a broken terrace, on the east side of the cliff, and just below the present village. There is a spring close by called after the Shunohu, a tall red grass, which grew abundantly there, and from which the town took its name. This spring was formerly very large, but two years ago a landslide completely buried it; lately, however, a small outflow is again apparent.

The ruins of the early village cover a hillocky area of about 800 by 250 feet, but it is impossible to trace much of the ground plan with accuracy. The corner of an old house still stands, some 6 or 8 feet high, extending about 15 feet on one face and about 10 feet on the other. The wall is over 3 feet in thickness, but of very clumsy masonry, no care having been exercised in dressing the stones, which are of varying sizes and laid in mud plaster. Interest attaches to this fragment, as it is one of the few tangible evidences left of the Spanish priests who engaged in the fatal mission to the Hopituh in the sixteenth century. This bit of wall, which now forms part of a sheep-fold, is pointed out as the remains of one of the mission buildings.

Other groups followed—the Mole, the Spider, and the "Wiksrun." These latter took their name from a curious ornament worn by the men. A piece of the leg-bone of a bear, from which the marrow had been extracted and a stopper fixed in one end, was attached to the fillet binding the hair, and hung down in front of the forehead. This gens and the Mole are now extinct.

Shumopavi received no further accession of population, but lost to some extent by a portion of the Bear people moving across to Walpi. No important event seems to have occurred among them for a long period after the destruction of Sikyatki, in which they bore some part, and only cursory mention is made of the ingress of "enemies from the north;" but their village, apparently, was not assailed.

The Oraibi traditions tend to confirm those of Shumopavi, and tell that the first houses there were built by Bears, who came from the latter place. The following is from a curious legend of the early settlement:

The Bear people had two chiefs, who were brothers; the elder was called Vwen-ti-so-mo, and the younger Ma-tci-to. They had a desperate quarrel at Shumopavi, and their people divided into two factions, according as they inclined to one or other of the contestants. After a long period of contention Ma-tci-to and his followers withdrew to the mesa where Oraibi now stands, about 8 miles northwest from Shumopavi, and built houses a little to the southwest of the limits of the present town. These houses were afterwards destroyed by "enemies from the north," and the older portion of the existing town, the southwest ends of the house rows, were built with stones from the demolished houses. Fragments of these early walls are still occasionally unearthed.

After Ma-tci-to and his people were established there, whenever any of the Shumopavi people became dissatisfied with that place they built at Oraibi, Ma-tci-to placed a little stone monument about halfway between these two villages to mark the boundary of the land. Vwenti-so'-mo objected to this, but it was ultimately accepted with the proviso that the village growing the fastest should have the privilege of moving it toward the other village. The monument still stands, and is on the direct Oraibi trail from Shumopavi, 3 miles from the latter. It is a well dressed, rectangular block of sandstone, projecting two feet above the ground, and measures 81/2 by 7 inches. On the end is carved the rude semblance of a human head, or mask, the eyes and mouth being merely round shallow holes, with a black line painted around them. The stone is pecked on the side, but the head and front are rubbed quite smooth, and the block, tapering slightly to the base, suggests the ancient Roman Termini.

There are Eagle people living at Oraibi, Mashongnavi, and Walpi, and it would seem as if they had journeyed for some time with the later Snake people and others from the northwest. Vague traditions attach them to several of the ruins north of the Moen-kopi, although most of these are regarded as the remains of Snake dwellings.

The legend of the Eagle people introduces them from the west, coming in by way of the Moen-kopi water course. They found many people living in Tusayan, at Oraibi, the Middle Mesa, and near the East Mesa, but the Snake village was yet in the valley. Some of the Eagles remained at Oraibi, but the main body moved to a large mound just east of Mashongnavi, on the summit of which they built a village and called it Shi-tai-mu. Numerous traces of small-roomed houses can be seen on this mound and on some of the lower surroundings. The uneven summit is about 300 by 200 feet, and the village seems to have been built in the form of an irregular ellipse, but the ground plan is very obscure.



While the Eagles were living at Shi-tai-mu, they sent "Yellow Foot" to the mountain in the east (at the headwaters of the Rio Grande) to obtain a dog. After many perilous adventures in caverns guarded by bear, mountain lion, and rattlesnake, he got two dogs and returned. They were wanted to keep the coyotes out of the corn and the gardens. The dogs grew numerous, and would go to Mashongnavi in search of food, and also to some of the people of that village, which led to serious quarrels between them and the Eagle people. Ultimately the Shi-tai-mu chief proclaimed a feast, and told the people to prepare to leave the village forever. On the feast day the women arranged the food basins on the ground in a long line leading out of the village. The people passed along this line, tasting a mouthful here or there, but without stopping, and when they reached the last basin they were beyond the limits of the village. Without turning around they continued on down into the valley until they were halted by the Snake people. An arrangement was effected with the latter, and the Eagles built their houses in the Snake village. A few of the Eagle families who had become attached to Mashongnavi chose to go to that village, where their descendants still reside, and are yet held as close relatives by the Eagles of Walpi. The land around the East Mesa was then portioned out, the Snakes, Horns, Bears, and Eagles each receiving separate lands, and these old allotments are still approximately maintained.

According to the Eagle traditions the early occupants of Tusayan came in the following succession: Snake, Horn, Bear, Middle Mesa, Oraibi, and Eagle, and finally from the south came the Water families. This sequence is also recognized in the general tenor of the legends of the other groups.

Shupaulovi, a small village quite close to Mashongnavi, would seem to have been established just before the coming of the Water people. Nor does there seem to have been any very long interval between the arrival of the earliest occupants of the Middle Mesa and this latest colony. These were the Sun people, and like the Squash folk, claim to have come from Palatkwabi, the Red Land, in the south. On their northward migration, when they came to the valley of the Colorado Chiquito, they found the Water people there, with whom they lived for some time. This combined village was built upon Homolobi, a round terraced mound near Sunset Crossing, where fragmentary ruins covering a wide area can yet be traced.

Incoming people from the east had built the large village of Awatubi, high rock, upon a steep mesa about nine miles southeast from Walpi. When the Sun people came into Tusayan they halted at that village and a few of them remained there permanently, but the others continued west to the Middle Mesa. At that time also they say Chukubi, Shitaimu, Mashongnavi, and the Squash village on the terrace were all occupied, and they built on the terrace close to the Squash village also. The Sun people were then very numerous and soon spread their dwellings over the summit where the ruin now stands, and many indistinct lines of house walls around this dilapidated village attest its former size. Like the neighboring village, it takes its name from a rock near by, which is used as a place for the deposit of votive offerings, but the etymology of the term can not be traced.

Some of the Bear people also took up their abode at Shupaulovi, and later a nyumu of the Water family called Batni, moisture, built with them; and the diminished families of the existing village are still composed entirely of these three nyumu.

The next arrivals seem to have been the Asanyumu, who in early days lived in the region of the Chama, in New Mexico, at a village called Kaekibi, near the place now known as Abiquiu. When they left that region they moved slowly westward to a place called Tuwii (Santo Domingo), where some of them are said to still reside. The next halt was at Kaiwaika (Laguna) where it is said some families still remain, and they staid also a short time at A'ikoka (Acoma); but none of them remained at that place. From the latter place they went to Sioki (Zuni), where they remained a long time and left a number of their people there, who are now called Aiyahokwi by the Zuni. They finally reached Tusayan by way of Awatubi. They had been preceded from the same part of New Mexico by the Honan nyumu (the Badger people), whom they found living at the last-named village. The Magpie, the Pute Kohu (Boomerang-shaped hunting stick), and the Field-mouse families of the Asa remained and built beside the Badger, but the rest of its groups continued across to the Walpi Mesa. They were not at first permitted to come up to Walpi, which then occupied its present site, but were allotted a place to build at Coyote Water, a small spring on the east side of the mesa, just under the gap. They had not lived there very long, however, when for some valuable services in defeating at one time a raid of the Ute (who used to be called the Tcingawuptuh) and of the Navajo at another, they were given for planting grounds all the space on the mesa summit from the gap to where Sichumovi now stands, and the same width, extending across the valley to the east. On the mesa summit they built the early portion of the house mass on the north side of the village, now known as Hano. But soon after this came a succession of dry seasons, which caused a great scarcity of food almost amounting to a famine, and many moved away to distant streams. The Asa people went to Tupkabi (Deep Canyon, the de Chelly), about 70 miles northeast from Walpi, where the Navajo received them kindly and supplied them with food. The Asa had preserved some seeds of the peach, which they planted in the canyon nooks, and numerous little orchards still flourish there. They also brought the Navajo new varieties of food plants, and their relations grew very cordial. They built houses along the base of the canyon walls, and dwelt there for two or three generations, during which time many of the Asa women were given to the Navajo, and the descendants of these now constitute a numerous clan among the Navajo, known as the Kiaini, the High-house people.



The Navajo and the Asa eventually quarreled and the latter returned to Walpi, but this was after the arrival of the Hano, by whom they found their old houses occupied. The Asa were taken into the village of Walpi, being given a vacant strip on the east edge of the mesa, just where the main trail comes up to the village. The Navajo, Ute, and Apache had frequently gained entrance to the village by this trail, and to guard it the Asa built a house group along the edge of the cliff at that point, immediately overlooking the trail, where some of the people still live; and the kiva there, now used by the Snake order, belongs to them. There was a crevice in the rock, with a smooth bottom extending to the edge of the cliff and deep enough for a ki'koli. A wall was built to close the outer edge and it was at first intended to build a dwelling house there, but it was afterward excavated to its present size and made into a kiva, still called the wikwalhobi, the kiva of the Watchers of the High Place. The Walpi site becoming crowded, some of the Bear and Lizard people moved out and built houses on the site of the present Sichumovi; several Asa families followed them, and after them came some of the Badger people. The village grew to an extent considerably beyond its present size, when it was abandoned on account of a malignant plague. After the plague, and within the present generation, the village was rebuilt—the old houses being torn down to make the new ones.

After the Asa came the nest group to arrive was the Water family. Their chief begins the story of their migration in this way:

In the long ago the Snake, Horn, and Eagle people lived here (in Tusayan), but their corn grew only a span high, and when they sang for rain the cloud god sent only a thin mist. My people then lived in the distant Pa-lat Kwa-bi in the South. There was a very bad old man there, who, when he met any one, would spit in his face, blow his nose upon him, and rub ordure upon him. He ravished the girls and did all manner of evil. Baholikonga got angry at this and turned the world upside down, and water spouted up through the kivas and through the fireplaces in the houses. The earth was rent in great chasms, and water covered everything except one narrow ridge of mud; and across this the serpent deity told all the people to travel. As they journeyed across, the feet of the bad slipped and they fell into the dark water, but the good, after many days, reached dry land. While the water was rising around the village the old people got on the tops of the houses, for they thought they could not struggle across with the younger people; but Baholikonga clothed them with the skins of turkeys, and they spread their wings out and floated in the air just above the surface of the water, and in this way they got across. There were saved of our people Water, Corn, Lizard, Horned Toad, Sand, two families of Rabbit, and Tobacco. The turkey tail dragged in the water—hence the white on the turkey tail now. Wearing these turkey-skins is the reason why old people have dewlaps under the chin like a turkey; it is also the reason why old people use turkey-feathers at the religious ceremonies.

In the story of the wandering of the Water people, many vague references are made to various villages in the South, which they constructed or dwelt in, and to rocks where they carved their totems at temporary halting places. They dwelt for a long time at Homolobi, where the Sun people joined them; and probably not long after the latter left the Water people followed on after them. The largest number of this family seem to have made their dwellings first at Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi; but like the Sun people they soon spread to all the villages.

The narrative of part of this journey is thus given by the chief before quoted:

It occupied 4 years to cross the disrupted country. The kwakwanti (a warrior order) went ahead of the people and carried seed of corn, beans, melons, squashes, and cotton. They would plant corn in the mud at early morning and by noon it was ripe and thus the people were fed. When they reached solid ground they rested, and then they built houses. The kwakwanti were always out exploring—sometimes they were gone as long as four years. Again we would follow them on long journeys, and halt and build houses and plant. While we were traveling if a woman became heavy with child we would build her a house and put plenty of food in it and leave her there, and from these women sprang the Pima, Maricopa, and other Indians in the South.

Away in the South, before we crossed the mountains (south of the Apache country) we built large houses and lived there a long while. Near these houses is a large rock on which was painted the rain-clouds of the Water phratry, also a man carrying corn in his arms; and the other phratries also painted the Lizard and the Rabbit upon it. While they were living there the kwakwanti made an expedition far to the north and came in conflict with a hostile people. They fought day after day, for days and days—they fought by day only and when night came they separated, each party retiring to its own ground to rest. One night the cranes came and each crane took a kwakwanti on his back and brought them back to their people in the South.

Again all the people traveled north until they came to the Little Colorado, near San Francisco Mountains, and there they built houses up and down the river. They also made long ditches to carry the water from the river to their gardens. After living there a long while they began to be plagued with swarms of a kind of gnat called the sand-fly, which bit the children, causing them to swell up and die. The place becoming unendurable, they were forced again to resume their travels. Before starting, one of the Rain-women, who was big with child, was made comfortable in one of the houses on the mountain. She told her people to leave her, because she knew this was the place where she was to remain forever. She also told them, that hereafter whenever they should return to the mountain to hunt she would provide them with plenty of game. Under her house is a spring and any sterile woman who drinks of its water will bear children. The people then began a long journey to reach the summit of the table land on the north. They camped for rest on one of the terraces, where there was no water, and they were very tired and thirsty. Here the women celebrated the rain-feast—they danced for three days, and on the fourth day the clouds brought heavy rain and refreshed the people. This event is still commemorated by a circle of stones at that place. They reached a spring southeast from Kaibitho (Kumas Spring) and there they built a house and lived for some time. Our people had plenty of rain and cultivated much corn and some of the Walpi people came to visit us. They told ns that their rain only came here and there in fine misty sprays, and a basketful of corn was regarded as a large crop. So they asked us to come to their land and live with them and finally we consented. When we got there we found some Eagle people living near the Second Mesa; our people divided, and part went with the Eagle and have ever since remained there; but we camped near the First Mesa. It was planting time and the Walpi celebrated their rain-feast but they brought only a mere misty drizzle. Then we celebrated our rain-feast and planted. Great rains and thunder and lightning immediately followed and on the first day after planting our corn was half an arm's length high; on the fourth day it was its full height, and in one moon it was ripe. When we were going up to the village (Walpi was then north of the gap, probably), we were met by a Bear man who said that our thunder frightened the women and we must not go near the village. Then the kwakwanti said, "Let us leave these people and seek a land somewhere else," but our women said they were tired of travel and insisted upon our remaining. Then "Fire-picker" came down from the village and told us to come up there and stay, but after we had got into the village the Walpi women screamed out against us—they feared our thunder—and so the Walpi turned us away. Then our people, except those who went to the Second Mesa, traveled to the northeast as far as the Tsegi (Canyon de Chelly), but I can not tell whether our people built the louses there. Then they came hack to this region again and built houses and had much trouble with the Walpi, but we have lived here ever since.



Groups of the Water people, as already stated, were distributed among all the villages, although the bulk of them remained at the Middle Mesa; but it seems that most of the remaining groups subsequently chose to build their permanent houses at Oraibi. There is no special tradition of this movement; it is only indicated by this circumstance, that in addition to the Water families common to every village, there are still in Oraibi several families of that people which have no representatives in any of the other villages. At a quite early day Oraibi became a place of importance, and they tell of being sufficiently populous to establish many outlying settlements. They still identify these with ruins on the detached mesas in the valley to the south and along the Moen-kopi ("place of flowing water") and other intermittent streams in the west. These sites were occupied for the purpose of utilizing cultivable tracts of land in their vicinity, and the remotest settlement, about 45 miles west, was especially devoted to the cultivation of cotton, the place being still called by the Navajo and other neighboring tribes, the "cotton planting ground." It is also said that several of the larger ruins along the course of the Moen-kopi were occupied by groups of the Snake, the Coyote, and the Eagle who dwelt in that region for a long period before they joined the people in Tusayan. The incursions of foreign bands from the north may have hastened that movement, and the Oraibi say they were compelled to withdraw all their outlying colonies. An episode is related of an attack upon the main village when a number of young girls were carried off, and 2 or 3 years afterward the same marauders returned and treated with the Oraibi, who paid a ransom in corn and received all their girls back again. After a quiet interval the pillaging bands renewed their attacks and the settlements on the Moen-kopi were vacated. They were again occupied after another peace was established, and this condition of alternate occupancy and abandonment seems to have existed until within quite recent time.

While the Asa were still sojourning in Canyon de Chelly, and before the arrival of the Hano, another bloody scene had been enacted in Tusayan. Since the time of the Antelope Canyon feuds there had been enmity between Awatubi and some of the other villages, especially Walpi, and some of the Sikyatki refugees had transmitted their feudal wrongs to their descendants who dwelt in Awatubi. They had long been perpetrating all manner of offenses; they had intercepted hunting parties from the other villages, seized their game, and sometimes killed the hunters; they had fallen upon men in outlying corn fields, maltreating and sometimes slaying them, and threatened still more serious outrage. Awatubi was too strong for Walpi to attack single-handed, so the assistance of the other villages was sought, and it was determined to destroy Awatubi at the close of a feast soon to occur. This was the annual "feast of the kwakwanti," which is still maintained and is held during the month of November by each village, when the youths who have been qualified by certain ordeals are admitted to the councils. The ceremonies last several days, and on the concluding night special rites are held in the kivas. At these ceremonies every man must be in the kiva to which he belongs, and after the close of the rites they all sleep there, no one being permitted to leave the kiva until after sunrise on the following day.

There was still some little intercourse between Awatubi and Walpi, and it was easily ascertained when this feast was to be held. On the day of its close, the Walpi sent word to their allies "to prepare the war arrow and come," and in the evening the fighting bands from the other villages assembled at Walpi, as the foray was to be led by the chief of that village. By the time night had fallen something like 150 marauders had met, all armed, of course; and of still more ominous import than their weapons were the firebrands they carried—shredded cedar bark loosely bound in rolls, resinous splinters of pinon, dry greasewood (a furze very easily ignited), and pouches full of pulverized red peppers.



Secure in the darkness from observation, the bands followed the Walpi chief across the valley, every man with his weapons in hand and a bundle of inflammables on his back. Beaching the Awatubi mesa they cautiously crept up the steep, winding trail to the summit, and then stole round the village to the passages leading to the different courts holding the kivas, near which they hid themselves. They waited till just before the gray daylight came, then the Walpi chief shouted his war cry and the yelling bands rushed to the kivas. Selecting their positions, they were at them in a moment, and quickly snatching up the ladders through the hatchways, the only means of exit, the doomed occupants were left as helpless as rats in a trap. Fire was at hand in the numerous little cooking pits, containing the jars of food prepared for the celebrants, the inflammable bundles were lit and tossed into the kivas, and the piles of firewood on the terraced roofs were thrown down upon the blaze, and soon each kiva became a furnace. The red pepper was then cast upon the fire to add its choking tortures, while round the hatchways the assailants stood showering their arrows into the mass of struggling wretches. The fires were maintained until the roofs fell in and buried and charred the bones of the victims. It is said that every male of Awatubi who had passed infancy perished in the slaughter, not one escaping. Such of the women and children as were spared were taken out, and all the houses were destroyed, after which the captives were divided among the different villages.

The date of this last feudal atrocity can be made out with some degree of exactness, because in 1692, Don Diego Vargas with a military force visited Tusayan and mentions Awatubi as a populous village at which he made some halt. The Hano (Tewa) claim that they have lived in Tusayan for five or six generations, and that when they arrived there was no Awatubi in existence; hence it must have been destroyed not long after the close of the seventeenth century.

Since the destruction of Awatubi only one other serious affray has occurred between the villages; that was between Oraibi and Walpi. It appears that after the Oraibi withdrew their colonies from the south and west they took possession of all the unoccupied planting grounds to the east of the village, and kept reaching eastward till they encroached upon some land claimed by the Walpi. This gave rise to intermittent warfare in the outlying fields, and whenever the contending villagers met a broil ensued, until the strife culminated in an attack upon Walpi. The Oraibi chose a day when the Walpi men were all in the field on the east side of the mesa, but the Walpi say that their women and dogs held the Oraibi at bay until the men came to the rescue. A severe battle was fought at the foot of the mesa, in which the Oraibi were routed and pursued across the Middle Mesa, where an Oraibi chief turned and implored the Walpi to desist. A conciliation was effected there, and harmonious relations have ever since existed between them. Until within a few years ago the spot where they stayed pursuit was marked by a stone, on which a shield and a dog were depicted, but it was a source of irritation to the Oraibi and it was removed by some of the Walpi.

In the early part of the eighteenth century the Ute from the north, and the Apache from the south made most disastrous inroads upon the villages, in which Walpi especially suffered. The Navajo, who then lived upon their eastern border, also suffered severely from the same bands, but the Navajo and the Tusayan were not on the best terms and never made any alliance for a common defense against these invaders.

Hano was peopled by a different linguistic stock from that of the other villages—a stock which belongs to the Rio Grande group. According to Polaka, the son of the principal chief, and himself an enterprising trader who has made many journeys to distant localities—and to others, the Hano once lived in seven villages on the Rio Grande, and the village in which his forefathers lived was called Tceewage. This, it is said, is the same as the present Mexican village of Pena Blanca.

The Hano claim that they came to Tusayan only after repeated solicitation by the Walpi, at a time when the latter were much harassed by the Ute and Apache. The story, as told by Kwalakwai, who lives in Hano, but is not himself a Hano, begins as follows:

Long ago the Hopi'tuh were few and were continually harassed by the Yutamo (Ute), Yuittcemo (Apache), and Dacabimo (Navajo). The chiefs of the Tcuin nyumu (Snake people) and the Hanin nyumu (Bear people) met together and made the ba'ho (sacred plume stick) and sent it with a man from each of these people to the house of the Tewa, called Tceewadigi, which was far off on the Muina (river) near Alavia (Santa Fe).

The messengers did not succeed in persuading the Tewa to come and the embassy was sent three times more. On the fourth visit the Tewa consented to come, as the Walpi had offered to divide their land and their waters with them, and set out for Tusayan, led by their own chief, the village being left in the care of his son. This first band is said to have consisted of 146 women, and it was afterwards followed by another and perhaps others.

Before the Hano arrived there had been a cessation of hostile inroads, and the Walpi received them churlishly and revoked their promises regarding the division of land and waters with them. They were shown where they could build houses for themselves on a yellow sand mound on the east side of the mesa just below the gap. They built there, but they were compelled to go for their food up to Walpi. They could get no vessels to carry their food in, and when they held out their hands for some the Walpi women mockingly poured out hot porridge and scalded the fingers of the Hano.

After a time the Ute came down the valley on the west side of the mesa, doing great harm again, and drove off the Walpi flocks andiron Then the Hano got ready for war; they tied buckskins around their loins, whitened their legs with clay, and stained their body and arms with dark red earth (ocher). They overtook the Ute near Wipho (about 3 miles north from Hano), but the Ute had driven the flocks up the steep mesa side, and when they saw the Tewa coming they killed all the sheep and piled the carcasses up for a defense, behind which they lay down. They had a few firearms also, while the Hano had only clubs and bows and arrows; but after some fighting the Ute were driven out and the Tewa followed after them. The first Ute was killed a short distance beyond, and a stone heap still (?) marks the spot. Similar heaps marked the places where other Ute were killed as they fled before the Hano, but not far from the San Juan the last one was killed.

Upon the return of the Hano from this successful expedition they were received gratefully and allowed to come up on the mesa to live—the old houses built by the Asa, in the present village of Hano, being assigned to them. The land was then divided, an imaginary line between Hano and Sichumovi, extending eastward entirely across the valley, marked the southern boundary, and from this line as far north as the spot where the last Utah was killed was assigned to the Hano as their possession.

When the Hano first came the Walpi said to them, "let us spit in your mouths, and you will learn our tongue," and to this the Hano consented. When the Hano came up and built on the mesa they said to the Walpi, "let us spit in your mouths and you will learn our tongue," but the Walpi would not listen to this, saying it would make them vomit. This is the reason why all the Hano can talk Hopi, and none of the Hopituh can talk Hano.



The Asa and the Hano were close friends while they dwelt in New Mexico, and when they came to this region both of them were called Hanomuh by the other people of Tusayan. This term signifies the mode in which the women of these people wear their hair, cut off in front on a line with the mouth and carelessly parted or hanging over the face, the back hair rolled up in a compact queue at the nape of the neck. This uncomely fashion prevails with both matron, and maid, while among the other Tusayan the matron parts her hair evenly down the head and wears it hanging in a straight queue on either side, the maidens wearing theirs in a curious discoid arrangement over each temple.

Although the Asa and the Hano women have the same peculiar fashion of wearing the hair, still there is no affinity of blood claimed between them. The Asa speak the same language as the other Tusayan, but the Tewa (Hano) have a quite distinct language which belongs to the Tanoan stock. They claim that the occupants of the following pueblos, in the same region of the Rio Grande, are of their people and speak the same tongue.

Kotite Cochiti (?). Kapung Santa Clara (?) Numi Nambe. Pokwadi Pojoaque. Ohke San Juan. Tetsogi Tesuque. Posowe (Doubtless extinct.) Also half of Taos.

Pleasant relations existed for some time, but the Walpi again grew ill-tempered; they encroached upon the Hano planting grounds and stole their property. These troubles increased, and the Hano moved away from the mesa; they crossed the west valley and built temporary shelters. They sent some men to explore the land on the westward to find a suitable place for a new dwelling. These scouts went to the Moen-kopi, and on returning, the favorable story they told of the land they had seen determined the Tewa to go there.

Meanwhile some knowledge of these troubles had reached Tceewadigi, and a party of the Tewa came to Tusayan to take their friends back. This led the Hopituh to make reparation, which restored the confidence of the Hano, and they returned to the mesa, and the recently arrived party were also induced to remain. Yet even now, when the Hano (Tewa) go to visit their people on the river, the latter beseech them to come back, but the old Tewa say, "we shall stay here till our breath leaves us, then surely we shall go back to our first home to live forever."

The Walpi for a long time frowned down all attempts on the part of the Hano to fraternize; they prohibited intermarriages, and in general tabued the Hano. Something of this spirit was maintained until quite recent years, and for this reason the Hano still speak their own language, and have preserved several distinctive customs, although now the most friendly relations exist among all the villages. After the Hano were quietly established in their present position the Asa returned, and the Walpi allotted them a place to build in their own village. As before mentioned, the house mass on the southeast side of Walpi, at the head of the trail leading up to the village at that point, is still occupied by Asa families, and their tenure of possession was on the condition that they should always defend that point of access and guard the south end of the village. Their kiva is named after this circumstance as that of "the Watchers of the High Place."

Some of the Bear and Lizard families being crowded for building space, moved from Walpi and built the first houses on the site of the present village of Sichumovi, which is named from the Sivwapsi, a shrub which formerly grew there on some mounds (chumo).

This was after the Asa had been in Walpi for some time; probably about 125 years ago. Some of the Asa, and the Badger, the latter descendants of women saved from the Awatubi catastrophe, also moved to Sichumovi, but a plague of smallpox caused the village to be abandoned shortly afterward. This pestilence is said to have greatly reduced the number of the Tusayan, and after it disappeared there were many vacant houses in every village. Sichumovi was again occupied by a few Asa families, but the first houses were torn down and new ones constructed from them.

LIST OF TRADITIONARY GENTES.

In the following table the early phratries (nyu-mu) are arranged in the order of their arrival, and the direction from which each came is given, except in the case of the Bear people. There are very few representatives of this phratry existing now, and very little tradition extant concerning its early history. The table does not show the condition of these, organizations in the present community but as they appear in the traditional accounts of their coming to Tusayan, although representatives of most of them can still be found in the various villages. There are, moreover, in addition to these, many other gentes and sub-gentes of more recent origin. The subdivision, or rather the multiplication of gentes may be said to be a continuous process; as, for example, in "corn" can be found families claiming to be of the root, stem, leaf, ear, blossom, etc., all belonging to corn; but there may be several families of each of these components constituting district sub-gentes. At present there are really but four phratries recognized among the Hopituh, the Snake, Horn, Eagle, and Rain, which is indifferently designated as Water or Corn:

1. Ho'-nan—Bear.

Ho'-nan Bear. Ko'-kyan-a Spider. Tco'-zir Jay. He'k-pa Fir.

2. Tcu'-a—Rattlesnake—from the west and north.

Tcu'-a Rattlesnake. Yu'n-ya Cactus—opuntia. Pue'n-e Cactus, the species that grows in dome-like masses. Ue'-se Cactus, candelabra, or branching stemmed species. He'-wi Dove. Pi-vwa'ni Marmot. Pi'h-tca Skunk. Ka-la'-ci-au-u Raccoon.

3. A'-la—Horn—from the east.

So'-win-wa Deer. Tc'ib-io Antelope. Pa'n-wa Mountain sheep.

4. Kwa'-hue—Eagle—from the west and south.

Kwa'-hue Eagle. Kwa'-yo Hawk. Mas-si' kwa'-yo Chicken hawk. Tda'-wa Sun. Ka-ha'-bi Willow. Te'-bi Greasewood.

5. Ka-tci'-na—Sacred, dancer—from the east.

Ka-tci'-na Sacred dancer. Gya'-zro Parroquet. Un-wu'-si Raven. Si-kya'-tci Yellow bird. Si-he'-bi Cottonwood. Sa-la'-bi Spruce.

6. A'sa—a plant (unknown)—from the Chama.

A'sa Tca'-kwai-na Black earth Katcina. Pu'tc-ko-hu Boomerang hunting stick. Pi'-ca Field mouse. Hoc'-bo-a Road runner, or chaparral cock. Po-si'-o Magpie. Kwi'nobi Oak.

7. Ho-na'-ni—Badger—from the east.

Ho-na'-ni Badger. Muen-ya'u-wu Porcupine. Wu-so'-ko Vulture. Bu'-li Butterfly. Bu-li'-so Evening primrose. Na'-hue Medicine of all kinds; generic.

8. Yo'-ki—Rain—from the south.

Yo'-ki Rain. O'-mau Cloud. Ka'i-e Corn. Mu'r-zi-bu-si Bean. Ka-wa'i-ba-tun-a Watermelon. Si-vwa'-pi Bigelovia graveolens.



The foregoing is the Water or Rain phratry proper, but allied to them are the two following phratries, who also came to this region with the Water phratry.

LIZARD.

Ka'-kue-tci } Ba-tci'p-kwa-si } Species of lizards. Na'-nan-a-wi } Mo'-mo-bi } Pi'-sa White sand. Tdu'-wa Red sand. Ten'-kai Mud.

RABBIT.

So'-wi Jackass rabbit. Tda'-bo Cottontail rabbit. Pi'-ba Tobacco. Tcon-o Pipe.

Polaka gives the following data:

Te'-wa gentes and phratries.

Tewa Hopi'tuh Navajo. Ko'[n]-lo Ka'-ai Nata'[n] Corn. Cae / Pi'-ba Na'-to Tobacco. Ke Ho'-nau Cac Bear. Tce'-li / Ca'-la-bi Ts'-co Spruce. Ke'gi Ki'-hu Ki-a'-ni House. Tun / Tda'-wu Tjon-a-ai' Sun. O'-ku-wun O'-mau Kus Cloud. Nun / Tcu'-kai Huc-klic Mud.

The gentes bracketed are said to "belong together," but do not seem to have distinctive names—as phratries.

SUPPLEMENTARY LEGEND.

An interesting ruin which occurs on a mesa point a short distance north of Mashongnavi is known to the Tusayan under the name of Payupki. There are traditions and legends concerning it among the Tusayan, but the only version that could be obtained is not regarded by the writer as being up to the standard of those incorporated in the "Summary" and it is therefore given separately, as it has some suggestive value. It was obtained through Dr. Jeremiah Sullivan, then resident in Tusayan.

The people of Payupki spoke the same language as those on the first mesa (Walpi). Long ago they lived in the north, on the San Juan, but they were compelled to abandon that region and came to a place about 20 miles northwest from Oraibi. Being compelled to leave there, they went to Canyon de Chelly, where a band of Indians from the southeast joined them, with whom they formed an alliance. Together the two tribes moved eastward toward the Jemez Mountains, whence they drifted into the valley of the Rio Grande. There they became converts to the fire-worship then prevailing, but retained their old customs and language. At the time of the great insurrection (of 1680) they sheltered the native priests that were driven from some of the Rio Grande villages, and this action created such distrust and hatred among the people that the Payupki were forced to leave their settlement. Their first stop was at Old Laguna (12 miles east of the modern village) and they had with them then some 35 or 40 of the priests. After leaving Laguna they came to Bear Spring (Fort Wingate) and had a fight there with the Apache, whom they defeated. They remained at Bear Spring for several years, until the Zuni compelled them to move. They then attempted to reach the San Juan, but were deceived in the trail, turned to the west and came to where Pueblo Colorado is now (the present post-office of Ganado, between Fort Defiance and Keam's Canyon). They remained there a long time, and through their success in farming became so favorably known that they were urged to come farther west. They refused, in consequence of which some Tusayan attacked them. They were captured and brought to Walpi (then on the point) and afterwards they were distributed among the villages. Previous to this capture the priests had been guiding them by feathers, smoke, and signs seen in the fire. When the priest's omens and oracles had proved false the people were disposed to kill them, but the priests persuaded them to let it depend on a test case—offering to kill themselves in the event of failure. So they had a great feast at Awatubi. The priests had long, hollow reeds inclosing various substances—feathers, flour, corn-pollen, sacred water, native tobacco (piba), corn, beans, melon seeds, etc., and they formed in a circle at sunrise on the plaza and had their incantations and prayers. As the sun rose a priest stepped forth before the people and blew through his reed, desirous of blowing that which was therein away from him, to scatter it abroad. But the wind would not blow and the contents of the reed fell to the ground. The priests were divided into groups, according to what they carried. In the evening all but two groups had blown. Then the elder of the twain turned his back eastward, and the reed toward the setting sun, and he blew, and the wind caught the feather and carried it to the west. This was accepted as a sign and the next day the Tusayan freed the slaves, giving each a blanket with corn in it. They went to the mesa where the ruin now stands and built the houses there. They asked for planting grounds, and fields were given them; but their crops did not thrive, and they stole corn from the Mashongnavi. Then, fearful lest they should be surprised at night, they built a wall as high as a man's head about the top of their mesa, and they had big doorways, which they closed and fastened at night. When they were compelled to plant corn for themselves they planted it on the ledges of the mesa, but it grew only as high as a man's knees; the leaves were very small and the grains grew only on one side of it. After a time they became friendly with the Mashongnavi again, and a boy from that village conceived a passion for a Payupki girl. The latter tribe objected to a marriage but the Mashongnavi were very desirous for it and some warriors of that village proposed if the boy could persuade the girl to fly with him, to aid and protect him. On an appointed day, about sundown, the girl came down from the mesa into the valley, but she was discovered by some old women who were baking pottery, who gave the alarm. Hearing the noise a party of the Mashongnavi, who were lying in wait, came up, but they encountered a party of the Payupki who had come out and a fight ensued. During the fight the young man was killed; and this caused so much bitterness of feeling that the Payupki were frightened, and remained quietly in their pueblo for several days. One morning, however, an old woman came over to Mashongnavi to borrow some tobacco, saying that they were going to have a dance in her village in five days. The next day the Payupki quietly departed. Seeing no smoke from the village the Mashongnavi at first thought that the Payupki were preparing for their dance, but on the third day a band of warriors was sent over to inquire and they found the village abandoned. The estufas and the houses of the priests were pulled down.

The narrator adds that the Payupki returned to San Felipe whence they came.





CHAPTER II.

RUINS AND INHABITED VILLAGES OF TUSAYAN.

PHYSICAL FEATURES OF THE PROVINCE.

That portion of the southwestern plateau country comprised in the Province of Tusayan has usually been approached from the east, so that the easternmost of the series of mesas upon which the villages are situated is called the "First Mesa." The road for 30 or 40 miles before reaching this point traverses the eastern portion of the great plateau whose broken margin, farther west, furnishes the abrupt mesa-tongues upon which the villages are built. The sandstone measures of this plateau are distinguished from many others of the southwest by their neutral colors. The vegetation consisting of a scattered growth of stunted pinon and cedar, interspersed with occasional stretches of dull-gray sage, imparts an effect of extreme monotony to the landscape. The effect is in marked contrast to the warmth and play of color frequently seen elsewhere in the plateau country.

The plateaus of Tusayan are generally diversified by canyons and buttes, whose precipitous sides break down into long ranges of rocky talus and sandy foothills. The arid character of this district is especially pronounced about the margin of the plateau. In the immediate vicinity of the villages there are large areas that do not support a blade of grass, where barren rocks outcrop through drifts of sand or lie piled in confusion at the bases of the cliffs. The canyons that break through the margins of these mesas often have a remarkable similarity of appearance, and the consequent monotony is extremely embarrassing to the traveler, the absence of running water and clearly defined drainage confusing his sense of direction.

The occasional springs which furnish scanty water supply to the inhabitants of this region are found generally at great distances apart, and there are usually but few natural indications of their location. They often occur in obscure nooks in the canyons, reached by tortuous trails winding through the talus and foothills, or as small seeps at the foot of some mesa. The convergence of numerous Navajo trails, however, furnishes some guide to these rare water sources.



The series of promontories upon which the Tusayan villages are built are exceptionally rich in these seeps and springs. About the base of the "First Mesa" (Fig. 1), within a distance of 4 or 5 miles from the villages located upon it, there are at least five places where water can be obtained. One of these is a mere surface reservoir, but the others appear to be permanent springs. The quantity of water, however, is so small that it produces no impression on the arid and sterile effect of the surroundings, except in its immediate vicinity. Here small patches of green, standing out in strong relief against their sandy back-grounds, mark the position of clusters of low, stunted peach trees that have obtained a foothold on the steep sand dunes.



In the open plains surrounding the mesa rim (6,000 feet above the sea), are seen broad stretches of dusty sage brush and prickly greasewood. Where the plain rises toward the base of the mesa a scattered growth of scrub cedar and pinon begins to appear. But little of this latter growth is seen in the immediate vicinity of the villages; it is, however, the characteristic vegetation of the mesas, while, in still higher altitudes, toward the San Juan, open forests of timber are met with. This latter country seems scarcely to have come within the ancient builder's province; possibly on account of its coldness in winter and for the reason that it is open to the incursions of warlike hunting tribes. Sage brush and greasewood grow abundantly near the villages, and these curious gnarled and twisted shrubs furnish the principal fuel of the Tusayan.

Occasionally grassy levels are seen that for a few weeks in early summer are richly carpeted with multitudes of delicate wild flowers. The beauty of these patches of gleaming color is enhanced by contrast with the forbidding and rugged character of the surroundings; but in a very short time these blossoms disappear from the arid and parched desert that they have temporarily beautified. These beds of bloom are not seen in the immediate vicinity of the present villages, but are unexpectedly met with in portions of the neighboring mesas and canyons.

After crossing the 6 or 7 miles of comparatively level country that intervenes between the mouth of Keam's Canyon and the first of the occupied mesas, the toilsome ascent begins; at first through slopes and dunes and then over masses of broken talus, as the summit of the mesa is gradually approached. Near the top the road is flanked on one side by a very abrupt descent of broken slopes, and on the other by a precipitous rocky wall that rises 30 or 40 feet above. The road reaches the brink of the promontory by a sharp rise at a point close to the village of Hano.

METHODS OF SURVEY.

Before entering upon a description of the villages and ruins, a few words as to the preparation of the plans accompanying this paper will not be amiss. The methods pursued in making the surveys of the inhabited pueblos were essentially the same throughout. The outer wall of each separate cluster was run with a compass and a tape measure, the lines being closed and checked upon the corner from which the beginning was made, so that the plan of each group stands alone, and no accumulation of error is possible. The stretched tapeline afforded a basis for estimating any deviations from a straight line which the wall presented, and as each sight was plotted on the spot these deviations are all recorded on the plan, and afford an indication of the degree of accuracy with which the building was carried out. Upon the basis thus obtained, the outlines of the second stories were drawn by the aid of measurements from the numerous jogs and angles; the same process being repeated for each of the succeeding stories. The plan at this stage recorded all the stories in outline. The various houses and clusters were connected by compass sights and by measurements. A tracing of the outline plan was then made, on which the stories were distinguished by lines of different colors, and upon this tracing were recorded all the vertical measurements. These were generally taken at every corner, although in a long wall it was customary to make additional measurements at intervening points.



Upon the original outline were then drawn all such details as coping stones, chimneys, trapdoors, etc., the tapeline being used where necessary to establish positions. The forms of the chimneys as well as their position and size were also indicated on this drawing, which was finally tinted to distinguish the different terraces. Upon this colored sheet were located all openings. These were numbered, and at the same time described in a notebook, in which were also recorded the necessary vertical measurements, such as their height and elevation above the ground. In the same notebook the openings were also fully described. The ladders were located upon the same sheet, and were consecutively lettered and described in the notebook. This description furnishes a record of the ladder, its projection above the coping, if any, the difference in the length of its poles, the character of the tiepiece, etc. Altogether these notebooks furnish a mass of statistical data which has been of great service in the elaboration of this report and in the preparation of models. Finally, a level was carried over the whole village, and the height of each corner and jog above an assumed base was determined. A reduced tracing was then made of the plan as a basis for sketching in such details of topography, etc., as it was thought advisable to preserve.

These plans were primarily intended to be used in the construction of large scale models, and consequently recorded an amount of information that could not be reproduced upon the published drawings without causing great confusion.

The methods followed in surveying the ruins underwent some changes from time to time as the work progressed. In the earlier work the lines of the walls, so far as they could be determined, were run with a compass and tapeline and gone over with a level. Later it was found more convenient to select a number of stations and connect them by cross-sights and measurements. These points were then platted, and the walls and lines of debris were carefully drawn in over the framework of lines thus obtained, additional measurements being taken when necessary. The heights of standing walls were measured from both sides, and openings were located on the plan and described in a notebook, as was done in the survey of the inhabited villages. The entire site was then leveled, and from the data obtained contour lines were drawn with a 5-foot interval. Irregularities in the directions of walls were noted. In the later plans of ruins a scale of symbols, seven in number, were employed to indicate the amount and distribution of the debris. The plans, as published, indicate the relative amounts of debris as seen upon the ground. Probable lines of wall are shown on the plan by dotted lines drawn through the dots which indicate debris. With this exception, the plans show the ruins as they actually are. Standing walls, as a rule, are drawn in solid black; their heights appear on the field sheets, but could not be shown upon the published plans without confusing the drawing. The contour lines represent an interval of 5 feet; the few cases in which the secondary or negative contours are used will not produce confusion, as their altitude is always given in figures.

PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF RUINS.

The ruins described in this chapter comprise but a few of those found within the province of Tusayan. These were surveyed and recorded on account of their close traditional connection with the present villages, and for the sake of the light that they might throw upon the relation of the modern pueblos to the innumerable stone buildings of unknown date so widely distributed over the southwestern plateau country. Such traditional connection with the present peoples could probably be established for many more of the ruins of this country by investigations similar to those conducted by Mr. Stephen in the Tusayan group; but this phase of the subject was not included in our work. In the search for purely architectural evidence among these ruins it must be confessed that the data have proved disappointingly meager. No trace of the numerous constructive details that interest the student of pueblo architecture in the modern villages can be seen in the low mounds of broken down masonry that remain in most of the ancient villages of Tusayan. But little masonry remains standing in even the best preserved of these ruins, and villages known to have been occupied within two centuries are not distinguishable from the remains to which distinct tradition (save that they were in the same condition when the first people of the narrators' gens came to this region) no longer clings. Though but little architectural information is to be derived from these ruins beyond such as is conveyed by the condition and character of the masonry and the general distribution of the plan, the plans and relation to the topography are recorded as forming, in connection with the traditions, a more complete account than can perhaps be obtained later.

In our study of architectural details, when a comparison is suggested between the practice at Tusayan and that of the ancient builders, our illustrations for the latter must often be drawn from other portions of the builders' territory where better preserved remains furnish the necessary data.

WALPI RUINS.

In the case of the pueblo of Walpi, a portion of whose people seem to have been the first comers in this region, a number of changes of sites have taken place, at least one of which has occurred within the historic period. Of the various sites occupied one is pointed out north of the gap on the first mesa. At the present time this site is only a low mound of sand-covered debris with no standing fragment of wall visible. The present condition of this early Walpi is illustrated in Fig. 2. In the absence of foundation walls or other definite lines, the character of the site is expressed by the contour lines that define its relief. Another of the sites occupied by the Walpi is said to have been in the open valley separating the first from the second mesa, but here no trace of the remains of a stone village has been discovered. This traditional location is referred to by Mr. Stephen in his account of Walpi. The last site occupied previous to the present one on the mesa summit was on a lower bench of the first mesa promontory at its southern extremity. Here the houses are said to have been distributed over quite a large area, and occasional fragments of masonry are still seen at widely separated points; but the ground plan can not now be traced. This was the site of a Spanish mission, and some of the Tusayan point out the position formerly occupied by mission buildings, but no architectural evidence of such structures is visible. It seems to be fairly certain, however, that this was the site of Walpi at a date well within the historic period, although now literally there is not one stone upon another. The destruction in this instance has probably been more than usually complete on account of the close proximity of the succeeding pueblo, making the older remains a very convenient stone quarry for the construction of the houses on the mesa summit. Of the three abandoned sites of Walpi referred to, not one furnishes sufficient data for a suggestion of a ground plan or of the area covered.





OLD MASHONGNAVI.

In the case of Mashongnavi we have somewhat more abundant material. It will be desirable to quote a few lines of narrative from the account of a Mashongnavi Indian of the name of Nuvayauma, as indicating the causes that led to the occupation of the site illustrated.

We turned and came to the north, meeting the Apache and "Beaver Indians," with whom we had many battles, and being few we were defeated, after which we came up to Mashongnavi [the ruin at the "Giant's Chair"] and gave that rock its name [name not known], and built our houses there. The Apache came upon us again, with the Comanche, and then we came to [Old Mashongnavi]. We lived there in peace many years, having great success with crops, and our people increased in numbers, and the Apache came in great numbers and set fire to the houses and burned our corn, which you will find to-day there burnt and charred. After they had destroyed our dwellings we came upon the mesa, and have lived here since.

The ruins referred to as having been the first occupied by the Mashongnavi at a large isolated rock known as the "Giant's Chair," have not been examined. The later village from which they were driven by the attacks of the Apache to their present site has been surveyed. The plan of the fallen walls and lines of debris by which the form of much of the old pueblo can still be traced is given in Pl. II. The plan of the best preserved portion of the pueblo towards the north end of the sheet clearly indicates a general adherence to the inclosed court arrangement with about the same degree of irregularity that characterizes the modern village. Besides the clearly traceable portions of the ruin that bear such resemblance to the present village in arrangement, several small groups and clusters appear to have been scattered along the slope of the foothills, but in their present state of destruction it is not clear whether these clusters were directly connected with the principal group, or formed part of another village. Occasional traces of foundation walls strongly suggest such connection, although from the character of the site this intervening space could hardly have been closely built over. With the exception of the main cluster above described the houses occupy very broken and irregular sites. As indicated on the plan, the slope is broken by huge irregular masses of sandstone protruding from the soil, while much of the surface is covered by scattered fragments that have fallen from neighboring pinnacles and ledges. The contours indicate the general character of the slopes over which these irregular features are disposed. The fragment of ledge shown on the north end of the plate, against which a part of the main cluster has been built, is a portion of a broad massive ledge of sandstone that supports the low buttes upon which the present villages of Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi are built, and continues as a broad, level shelf of solid rock for several miles along the mesa promontory. Its continuation on the side opposite that shown in the plate may be seen in the general view of Shupaulovi (Pl. XXXI).

SHITAIMUVI.

The vestiges of another ruined village, known as Shitaimuvi, are found in the vicinity of Mashongnavi, occupying and covering the crown of a rounded foothill on the southeast side of the mesa. No plan of this ruin could be obtained on account of the complete destruction of the walls. No line of foundation stones even could be found, although the whole area is more or less covered with the scattered stones of former masonry. An exceptional quantity of pottery fragments is also strewn over the surface. These bear a close resemblance to the fine class of ware characteristic of "Talla Hogan" or "Awatubi," and would suggest that this pueblo was contemporaneous with the latter. Some reference to this ruin win be found in the traditionary material in Chapter I.



AWATUBI.

The ruin of Awatubi is known to the Navajo as Talla Hogan, a term interpreted as meaning "singing house" and thought to refer to the chapel and mission that at one time nourished here, as described by Mr. Stephen in Chapter I. Tradition ascribes great importance to this village. At the time of the Spanish conquest it was one of the most prosperous of the seven "cities" of Tusayan, and was selected as the site of a mission, a distinction shared by Walpi, which was then on a lower spur of the first mesa, and by Shumopavi, which also was built on a lower site than the present village of that name. Traditions referring to this pueblo have been collected from several sources and, while varying somewhat in less important details, they all concur in bringing the destruction of the village well within the period of Spanish occupation.

On the historical site, too, we know that Cruzate on the occasion of the attempted reconquest of the country visited this village in 1692, and the ruin must therefore be less than two centuries old, yet the completeness of destruction is such that over most of its area no standing wall is seen, and the outlines of the houses and groups are indicated mainly by low ridges and masses of broken-down masonry, partly covered by the drifting sands. The group of rooms that forms the south east side of the pueblo is an exception to the general rule. Here fragmentary walls of rough masonry stand to a height, in some cases, of 8 feet above the debris. The character of the stonework, as may be seen from Pl. V, is but little better than that of the modern villages. This better preserved portion of the village seems to have formed part of a cluster of mission buildings. At the points designated A on the ground plan may be seen the remnants of walls that have been built of straw adobe in the typical Spanish manner. These rest upon foundations of stone masonry. See Pl. VI. The adobe fragments are probably part of the church or associated buildings. At two other points on the ground plan, both on the northeast side, low fragments of wall are still standing, as may be seen from the plate. At one of these points the remains indicate that the village was provided with a gateway near the middle of the northeast side.

The general plan of this pueblo is quite different from that of the present villages, and approaches the older types in symmetry and compactness. There is a notable absence of the arrangement of rooms into long parallel rows. This typical Tusayan feature is only slightly approximated in some subordinate rows within the court. The plan suggests that the original pueblo was built about three sides of a rectangular court, the fourth or southeast side—later occupied by the mission buildings—being left open, or protected only by a low wall. Outside the rectangle of the main pueblo, on the northeast side, are two fragments of rude masonry, built by Navajo sheep herders. Near the west corner of the pueblo are the vestiges of two rooms, outside the pueblo proper, which seem to belong to the original construction.

Awatubi is said to have had excavated rectangular kivas, situated in the open court, similar to those used in the modern village. The people of Walpi had partly cleared out one of these chambers and used it as a depository for ceremonial plume-sticks, etc., but the Navajo came and carried off their sacred deposits, tempted probably by their market value as ethnologic specimens. No trace of these kivas was visible at the time the ruins were surveyed.

The Awatubi are said to have had sheep at the time the village was destroyed. Some of the Tusayan point out the remains of a large sheep corral near the spring, which they say was used at that time, but it is quite as likely to have been constructed for that purpose at a much later date.

HORN HOUSE.

The Horn House is so called because tradition connects this village with some of the people of the Horn phratry of the Hopituh or Tusayan. The ruin is situated on a projecting point of the mesa that forms the western flank of Jeditoh Valley, not far from where the Holbrook road to Keam's Canyon ascends the brink of the mesa. The village is almost completely demolished, no fragment of standing wall remaining in place. Its general plan and distribution are quite clearly indicated by the usual low ridges of fallen masonry partly covered by drifted sand. There is but little loose stone scattered about, the sand having filled in all the smaller irregularities.

It will be seen from the plan, Pl. VII, that the village has been built close to the edge of the mesa, following to some extent the irregularities of its outline. The mesa ruin at this point, however, is not very high, the more abrupt portion having a height of 20 or 30 feet. Near the north end of the village the ground slopes very sharply toward the east and is rather thickly covered with the small stones of fallen masonry, though but faint vestiges of rooms remain. In plan the ruin is quite elongated, following the direction of the mesa. The houses were quite irregularly disposed, particularly in the northern portion of the ruin. But here the indications are too vague to determine whether the houses were originally built about one long court or about two or more smaller ones. The south end of the pueblo, however, still shows a well defined court bounded on all sides by clearly traceable rooms. At the extreme south end of the ruin the houses have very irregular outlines, a result of their adaptation to the topography, as may be seen in the illustration.



The plan shows the position of a small group of cottonwood trees, just below the edge of the mesa and nearly opposite the center of the village. These trees indicate the proximity of water, and mark the probable site of the spring that furnished this village with at least part of its water supply.

There are many fragments of pottery on this spot, but they are not so abundant as at Awatubi.

Two partly excavated rooms were seen at this ruin, the work of some earlier visitors who hoped to discover ethnologic or other treasure.

These afforded no special information, as the character of the masonry exposed differed in no respect from that seen at other of the Tusayan ruins. No traces of adobe construction or suggestions of foreign influence were seen at this ruin.

SMALL RUIN BETWEEN HORN HOUSE AND BAT HOUSE.

On a prolongation of the mesa occupied by the Horn House, midway between it and another ruined pueblo known as the Bat House, occur the remains of a small and compact cluster of houses (Fig. 3). It is situated on the very mesa edge, here about 40 feet high, at the head of a small canyon which opens into the Jeditoh Valley, a quarter of a mile below.



The site affords an extended outlook to the south over a large part of Jeditoh Valley. The topography about this point, which receives the drainage of a considerable area of the mesa top, would fit it especially for the establishment of a reservoir. This fact probably had much to do with its selection as a dwelling site. The masonry is in about the same state of preservation as that of the Horn House, and some of the stones of the fallen walls seem to have been washed down from the mesa edge to the talus below.

BAT HOUSE.

The Bat House is a ruin of nearly the same size as the Horn House, although in its distribution it does not follow the mesa edge so closely as the latter, and is not so elongated in its general form. The northern portion is quite irregular, and the rooms seem to have been somewhat crowded. The southern half, with only an occasional room traceable, as indicated on the plan, Pl. VIII, still shows that the rooms were distributed about a large open court.

The Bat House is situated on the northwest side of the Jeditoh Valley, on part of the same mesa occupied by the two ruins described above. It occupies the summit of a projecting spur, overlooking the main valley for an extent of more than 5 miles. The ruin lies on the extreme edge of the cliff, here about 200 feet high, and lying beneath it on the east and south are large areas of arable land. Altogether it forms an excellent defensive site, combined with a fair degree of convenience to fields and water from the Tusayan point of view.

This ruin, near its northeastern extremity, contains a feature that is quite foreign to the architecture of Tusayan, viz, a defensive wall. It is the only instance of the use by the Hopituh of an inclosing wall, though it is met with again at Payupki (Pl. XIII), which, however, was built by people from the Rio Grande country.

MISHIPTONGA.

Mishiptonga is the Tusayan name for the southernmost, and by far the largest, of the Jeditoh series of ruins (Pl. IX). It occurs quite close to the Jeditoh spring which gives its name to the valley along whose northern and western border are distributed the ruins above described, beginning with the Horn house.



This village is rather more irregular in its arrangement than any other of the series. There are indications of a number of courts inclosed by large and small clusters of rooms, very irregularly disposed, but with a general trend towards the northeast, being roughly parallel with the mesa edge. In plan this village approaches somewhat that of the inhabited Tusayan villages. At the extreme southern extremity of the mesa promontory is a small secondary bench, 20 feet lower than the site of the main village. This bench has also been occupied by a number of houses. On the east side the pueblo was built to the very edge of the bluff, where small fragments of masonry are still standing. The whole village seems so irregular and crowded in its arrangement that it suggests a long period of occupancy and growth, much more than do the other villages of this (Jeditoh) group.

The pueblo may have been abandoned or destroyed prior to the advent of the Spaniards in this country, as claimed by the Indians, for no traditional mention of it is made in connection with the later feuds and wars that figure so prominently in the Tusayan oral history of the last three centuries. The pueblo was undoubtedly built by some of the ancient gentes of the Tusayan stock, as its plan, the character of the site chosen, and, where traceable, the quality of workmanship link it with the other villages of the Jeditoh group.



MOEN-KOPI RUINS.

A very small group of rooms, even smaller than the neighboring farming pueblo of Moen-kopi, is situated on the western edge of the mesa summit about a quarter of a mile north of the modern village of Moen-kopi. As the plan shows (Fig. 4), the rooms were distributed in three rows around a small court. This ruin also follows the general northeastern trend which has been noticed both in the ruined and in the occupied pueblos of Tusayan. The rows here were only one room deep and not more than a single story high at any point, as indicated by the very small amount of debris. As the plate shows, nearly the entire plan is clearly defined by fragments of standing walls. The walls are built of thin tablets of the dark-colored sandstone which caps the mesa. Where the walls have fallen the debris is comparatively free from earth, indicating that adobe has been sparingly used. The walls, in places standing to a height of 2 or 3 feet, as may be seen in the illustration, Pl. X, show unusual precision of workmanship and finish, resembling in this respect some of the ancient pueblos farther north. This is to some extent due to the exceptional suitability of the tabular stones of the mesa summit. The almost entire absence of pottery fragments and other objects of art which are such a constant accompaniment of the ruins throughout this region strongly suggest that it was occupied for a very short time. In Chapter III it will be shown that a similar order of occupation took place at Ojo Caliente, one of the Zuni farming villages. This ruin is probably of quite recent origin, as is the present village of Moen-kopi, although it may possibly have belonged to an earlier colony of which we have no distinct trace. This fertile and well watered valley, a veritable garden spot in the Tusayan deserts, must have been one of the first points occupied. Some small cliff-dwellings, single rooms in niches of a neighboring canyon wall, attest the earlier use of the valley for agricultural purposes, although it is doubtful whether these rude shelters date back of the Spanish invasion of the province.

A close scrutiny of the many favorable sites in this vicinity would probably reveal the sand-encumbered remains of some more important settlement than any of those now known.

RUINS ON THE ORAIBI WASH.

The wagon road from Keam's Canyon to Tuba City crosses the Oraibi wash at a point about 7 miles above the village of Oraibi. As it enters a branch canyon on the west side of the wash it is flanked on each side by rocky mesas and broken ledges. On the left or west side a bold promontory, extending southward, is quite a conspicuous feature of the landscape. The entire flat mesa summit, and much of the slope of a rocky butte that rises from it, are covered with the remains of a small pueblo, as shown on the plan, Fig. 5. All of this knoll except its eastern side is lightly covered with scattered debris. On the west and north sides there are many large masses of broken rock distributed over the slope. There is no standing wall visible from below, but on closer approach several interesting specimens of masonry are seen. On the north side, near the west end, there is a fragment of curved wall which follows the margin of the rock on which it is built. It is about 8 or 10 feet long and 3 feet high on the outer side. The curve is carefully executed and the workmanship of the masonry good. Farther east, and still on the north side, there is a fragment of masonry exhibiting a reversed curve. This piece of wall spans the space between two adjoining rocks, and the top of the wall is more than 10 feet above the rock on which it stands. The shape of this wall and its relation to the surroundings are indicated on the plan, Fig. 5. On the south side of the ruin on the mesa surface, and near an outcropping rock, are the remains of what appears to have been a circular room, perhaps 8 or 10 feet in diameter, though it is too much broken down to determine this accurately. Only a small portion of the south wall can be definitely traced. On the south slope of the mesa are indications of walls, too vaguely defined to admit of the determination of their direction. Similar vestiges of masonry are found on the north and west, but not extending to as great a distance from the knoll as those on the south.





In that portion of the ruin which lies on top of the knoll, the walls so far as traced conform to the shape of the site. The ground plan of the buildings that once occupied the slopes can not be traced, and it is impossible to determine whether its walls were carried through continuously.

The masonry exhibited in the few surviving fragments of wall is of unusually good quality, resembling somewhat that of the Fire House, Fig. 7, and other ruins of that class. The stones are of medium size, not dressed, and are rather rougher and less flat than is usual, but the wall has a good finish. The stone, however, is of poor quality. Most of the debris about the ruin consists of small stone fragments and sand, comparatively few stones of the size used in the walls being seen. The material evidently came from the immediate vicinity of the ruin.

Pottery fragments were quite abundant about this ruin, most of the ware represented being of exceptional quality and belonging to the older types; red ware with black lines and black and white ware were especially abundant.

There is quite an extensive view from the ruin, the top of the butte commanding an outlook down the valley past Oraibi, and about 5 miles north. There is also an extended outlook up the valley followed by the wagon road above referred to, and over two branch valleys, one on the east and another of much less extent on the west. The site was well adapted for defense, which must have been one of the principal motives for its selection.



KWAITUKI.

The ruin known to the Tusayan as Kwaituki (Fig. 6) is also on the west side of the Oraibi wash, 14 miles above Oraibi, and about 7 miles above the ruin last described. Its general resemblance to the latter is very striking. The builders have apparently been actuated by the same motives in their choice of a site, and their manner of utilizing it corresponds very closely. The crowning feature of the rocky knoll in this case is a picturesque group of rectangular masses of sandstone, somewhat irregularly distributed. The bare summit of a large block-like mass still retains the vestiges of rooms, and probably most of the groups were at one time covered with buildings, forming a prominent citadel-like group in the midst of the village. To the north of this rocky butte a large area seems to have been at one time inclosed by buildings, forming a court of unusual dimensions. Along the outer margin of the pueblo occasional fragments of walls define former rooms, but the amount and character of the debris indicate that the inner area was almost completely inclosed with buildings. The remains of masonry extend on the south a little beyond the base of the central group of rocks, but here the vestiges of stonework are rather faint and scattered.