323 Adonizedek is meditating flight. His letters speak of a raid on Gezer, Ascalon, and as far as Lachish, after the taking of Ajalon by the Hebrews, but they say nothing of Makkedah. From the book of Joshua we learn that after the battle of Ajalon the Hebrews pursued to Azekah, perhaps the ruin of Zak, east of Gaza, and to Makkedah (x. 11), and then returned to Gilgal (15). An interval of unstated duration occurred, while the five kings, Adonizedek, Japhia, Hoham, Piram, and Debir (ver. 3), fled to Makkedah, where they were found hid in a cave. It was during this interval, apparently, that these Jerusalem letters were written.

324 The sign is unusual. The words are "icalu, ca-ar (Irhu) zabbatu," or perhaps "icalu-ca ar(unu) zabbatu." The latter would mean "They prevail over thee; they have been swift to seize."

325 "I have no father and no army." It either means this or "Have I no father and no friend?" It might refer to his father's death, or to the King of Egypt not being his father and friend. Dr. Sayce renders "neither father nor mother" ("SAL um" for "rag um"); but it is very unusual for orientals to refer to their female relations or wives, though in the case of the King of Accho (95 B.) the writer speaks of his wife; but this is for a special reason (see also 104 B.).

326 "'Abiri." This is read by others "Habiri" ("allies"); but the political circumstances do not agree with this explanation, and the sign is used throughout the letters for the guttural "'Ain" (as, for instance, in the name of Azzah or Gaza). There is no mention in the southern letters of Aziru, Abdasherah, Aitugama, or any of the northern allies; and the sign for "allies" or "helpers" in the northern letters is quite different. On the other hand, the 'Abiri are never mentioned, except in the south, near Jerusalem. They are called people of the "blood" or "tribe" of the 'Abiri (B. 106), and of the "land" of the 'Abiri (B. 199), showing that the term is derived from the 'Abarim, or mountains east of Jordan. The Abiru chiefs are mentioned in the singular (B. 102, 104), and none of these facts can be reconciled with the view that they were "allies." They are distinctly said to have come from Seir (Edom) in one letter (B. 104), and to have left their pastures (B. 103), and are probably the "desert people" of the Gezer letter (51 B. M.). Their actions are those recorded of Joshua's first campaign, and the date agrees, as does also the notice in the letters of Jabin, Japhia, and Adonizedek, the contemporaries of Joshua. Another suggestion has been that they were Hebronites; but in such case the "n" would not be absent, and the sign for city would no doubt occur. They have also been supposed to be Babylonians, but this is indirect contradiction to the relations noticed in the letters between Egypt and Babylon at this time.

327 Ilimelec is a name found in the Bible (Ruth i. 2; ii. 1) as the name of Ruth's father-in-law, a native of Bethlehem, in the time of the Judges. It is therefore a Hebrew name.

328 Milcilu was the King of Gezer, and Suardata of Keilah; his letters follow. This represents the league of kings before the battle of Ajalon.

329 Givti is probably one of the Gibeahs, perhaps Gibeah of Judah, now Jeb'a, southwest of Jerusalem, in the direction of Keilah (Josh. xv. 57), eight miles west of Bethlehem; unless we should read Gimtzi, in which case it would be Gimzu (2 Chron. xxviii. 18), now Jimzu, east of Lydda, and north of Gezer. The former reading seems the better (see 199 B.).

330 "Kielti" is "Keilah" (Josh. xv. 44), now Kilah, east of the Valley of Elah, in the direction of Hebron.

331 Rubute is Rabbah of Judah, now the ruin Rubba, in the same district, four miles east of Beit Jibrin (Josh. xv. 60).

332 "Beth Baalath" is probably Baalath of Judah, the old name of Kirjath Jearim, now Erma, in the Valley of Sorek. The word "gur" may either mean that the city was "near" Jerusalem, or that it had been an ally of Jerusalem. It is clear that if the forces of the lowlands were marching to assist Jerusalem by the highway, past Kirjath Jearim, the revolt of that town would delay the forces from Gezer, which would naturally take that route.

333 "Beth Amilla" is evidently the "Beth ham Millo" of the Bible (2 Sam. v. 9); "house of the chief," as we now know. It was the royal palace in the lower city (Akra), north of Zion. There was also a Millo in Shechem (Judges ix. 6, 20), evidently the palace of that city.

334 When Adonizedek sent away his women he was preparing for his own flight, by the advice, it would seem, of Egypt. The Egyptian resident also retired. Suta has already been mentioned as an Egyptian official in the north (48 B.); he is also mentioned in a letter from Babylon (4 B. M.), and by the King of Accho, who was a contemporary of Neboyapiza and of Aziru (95 B.), which with other indications shows that Aziru's revolt was contemporary with the Hebrew invasion—at least, within a few years.

335 This shows the enemy as coming from Mount Seir or Edom.

336 This "Givti" would seem to be one of the Gibeahs, unless we should read "Gimtzi" as before.

337 Perhaps this is capable of being rendered, "I am breaking to pieces; the chief is becoming master."

338 What is meant is that the Egyptians, having come by sea to Ascalon or Gaza, are to march to Jerusalem by the Valley of Elah, the highway by which the Philistines came up against Saul. "Cazib" ("Chezib") is in this valley, now 'Ain Kezbeh; and north of it is a valley with the unique name "Naheir" ("the little river"). The road becomes difficult when the Valley of Elah turns to the south, which is alluded to in the next letter (B. 103). (For Chezib see also 73 B. M.)

339 "Tu-ur ba-zu" appears to be spelled phonetically, but does not sound like a Semitic name. If it were taken as an ideogram it might be rendered "Ben Zicaru."

340 "Zelah" has been proposed (Heb. "Zel'a"), but the final sign does not seem to be used to represent the "'Ain." There were two Zelahs, one being Petra, the other north of Jerusalem (now probably the ruin of Salah); it appears to me more probable that Shiloh is intended. The Amorite "z" or "s" occasionally stands for a Hebrew "sh"; and the modern name "Seilun" has always presented the difficulty that the "s" is not the proper representative of the Hebrew "sh." Perhaps, as in other cases, the peasant pronunciation represents the Amorite rather than the Hebrew sound. Shiloh is remarkable for the great pass it commands.

341 There was a siege of Lachish by Joshua (Josh. x. 33).

342 Rimmon is probably the Rimmon of Benjamin, not far south of Shiloh, now the village of Rummon (Judges xx. 45, etc.).

343 The name spelled in other cases "U-ru-sa-lim" is here spelled "Uru-sa-lim," showing that the usual explanation, "city of peace," is probable. It has been proposed to translate "city of the god Salim," a deity who is not known otherwise; but in these letters the names of gods have the prefix AN ("deity"), which does not occur in any instance in the name of the city. The word "salim" for "peace" has just been used in the letter, and occurs elsewhere in these letters.

344 "Casipi." It has been read "Casia" ("Cushites"), but the word before is in the plural, and the plural could not end in "a." Any great success is still attributed to sorcery in the East. It may, however, only mean "malicious," according to its use in Hebrew.

345 There was an Egyptian known to history who bore the name of Paur (Brugsch, "Hist." i. p. 462); he was a governor in Nubia, somewhat later than the present events. The name, however, must have been common, since "Paur" stands for "Paka" in some cases. It has been already explained as an Egyptian word.

346 The participle is feminine.

347 There had been four previous letters, agreeing with my arrangement.

348 Ajalon (now Yalo) is at the foot of the Bethhoron Pass, where the battle against the five kings occurred. The women were apparently sent away before the battle of Ajalon, after which the easiest road to the plains, by Bethhoron and Ajalon, was closed. The flight of Adonizedek took place, according to the Biblical account, after the battle of Ajalon, while Joshua was at Gilgal, where the news was brought.

349 This appears to be the meaning, and refers to the road, mentioned in the last letter, by the Valley of Elan—less easy than that by Ajalon.

350 "Casi," or Cush, as in Egyptian records, appears to mean upper Egypt. See what has been said as to this name in Ribadda's letter (61 B.).

351 "Harti Cirmiel" is evidently Hareth Carmel, representing the Hebron country from Hareth (Kharas), on the northwest, above the Valley of Elah, to Carmel of Judah on the southeast. This would agree with placing Givti at Jeb'a.

352 Apparently the southern Gibeah of Judah, mentioned before (106 B.). Dr. Sayce reads Gath, but when Gath is mentioned it it called Giti (154 B.).

353 "Labaya" may mean, according to a common form of expression, the land of Labaya.

354 "Salabimi," Shaalbim (Judges i. 35; 1 Kings iv. 9) or Shaalabbin (Josh. xix. 42), is probably Selbit, lying southeast of Lydda, near Ajalon.

355 In Judges i. 35 we read of the Amorites remaining in this district.

356 This name may be read various ways, as "Addamaru" or "Abu Amaru." Perhaps the name "Ithamar" may be compared (Exod. vi. 23; xxviii. 1). See also Yabitiri of Joppa (Abiather?).

357 The only difficulty in identifying this place, "Ci el-ti," with Keilah lies in the spelling with "Caph" instead of "Koph." The name contains the required guttural found in the Hebrew; this has disappeared from the modern name, "Kilah." The sign for "Ki" does not seem to be used in these letters; and there are several other instances of confusion of the two letters, as when "Ka" is written for "Ca" ("thee") in a few cases.

358 "Ra" is apparently an Egyptian name. The order for withdrawal of the troops appears to have arrived.

359 This quarrel between the King of Jerusalem, the King of Makkedah, and the King of Keilah is probably early, before the appearance of the Hebrews; for Adonizedek says that the sons of Labaya (103 B.) were his contemporaries at that time, and Suyardata becomes his ally (106 B.) in presence of the common danger. If "behind" means to the west (the front being always the east), the attack was from the Valley of Elah. Keilah has very rough mountains on the east, and is easily reached on the west.

360 The meaning seems to be that Adonizedek had seized the flocks and herds.

361 "Basmath," meaning "balsam" or "sweet," was no doubt a common woman's name. It occurs as the name of Ishmael's daughter whom Esau married (Gen. xxxvi. 3, 4, 13), and as that of one of Solomon's daughters (1 Kings iv. 15). She may have been the wife of Milcilu, King of Gezer, and pleads for her sons after her husband's death. He had apparently been seized by the Hebrews (106 B.).

362 Zorah, now Sur'ah (Josh. xix. 41; Judges xiii. 2, etc.), was not far south of Ajalon, and near Gezer on the southeast.

363 This name cannot be identified, as has been proposed, with that of Abdasherah, since "Ashtoreth" and "Asherah" are different words.

364 If it is to be read simply as a syllabic name, it would be perhaps "Musi-huna." There is a "Mes-hah" ("place of unction") in lower Galilee. I have here supposed "huna" to come from the root "hana" (Heb. "hanah"), "to inhabit."

365 "Tuser Atta," a Mongol name, "father of conquest." "Arta Sumara" appears to mean "destroying hero."

366 "Mitani" or Matiene (Herod, i. 72, 189, 202; iii. 94; v. 49, 52; vii. 72) extended from the sources of the Araxes to the Halys River, and thus included all Armenia west of Lake Van: other names for the region were, the "Land of Khani Rabbe" (or Khani Rabbatu) and the "Land of the Minyans." (See 27 B.)

367 The Hittites clearly did not live in Matiene, but in the adjacent country of northern Syria.

368 "Gilukhipa," a Mongol name, "possessing glory."

369 "Gilia" and "Tunipripi," Mongol names, "glorious" and "very reliable."

370 This may be dated late in the reign of Amenophis III, as Dusratta survived him.

371 Possibly Queen Teie or Thi.

372 Amanu, the Egyptian god Amen.

373 The word "Khatanu" means any kinsman by marriage, and "emu" is still used generally of any "kinsman" or even for "friend." Some have translated "son-in-law" and "father-in-law," but the latter word would be "khamu," not "emu." Dusratta was the father-in-law of Amenophis IV, but brother-in-law of Amenophis III.

374 "Binti," not "Bintiya" ("my daughter"). The word "Bint" is still used generally for "a young woman." Perhaps Queen Teie is intended.

375 "Targumanu" ("interpreter") is the modern "dragoman." Khani (see p. 201) was sent to Aziru, showing that the Canaanite rebellion may have occurred in the reign of Amenophis III.

376 "Assat mariya elme," or perhaps "Assutti elme" ("in marriage to the youth"). There is no statement that shows Dusratta's daughter to have married Amenophis III. She married his son, and is called "daughter-in-law" of Queen Teie (11 B. M.).

377 The gold came from Nubia and Abyssinia. (See Brugsch, "Hist. Egypt," i. pp. 287, 310.)

378 In Aramaic "Gilia," in the native tongue "Gilias," with the Mongol termination of the nominative indefinite.

379 "Ikhibin," possibly Kaban Maden in Armenia.

380 "Si-migi-s" is apparently a Mongol title for some deity, "the eye of night" (or "of sunset"), either the moon or the evening star.

381 "Khalci," either Chalcis near Aleppo, or the "Land of the Khal" or "Phoenicians." (Karnak list, No. 140.)

382 The Minyans (Jer. li. 27; and in Ps. xlv. 8, Targum) lived west of Lake Van. The Hyksos are called Men, or Menti in Egyptian texts. Apepi, the Hyksos King, adored Set, or Sut, who was adored also by the Hittites, and from whom Dusratta's father, Sut-tarna ("Set is his lord") was probably named. It would appear that the Hyksos, Hittites, and Armenians, were of the same race. The land of the Men is said to have been near Assyria, and east of Syria, which agrees. (See Brugsch, "Hist. Egypt," i. pp. 210, 233, 234, 239.) The Minyae of Herodotus (i. 146; iv. 145-148) are noticed as mixed with Aryans in Ionia, and in Lacedaemon were regarded as descendants of sailors in the Argo—perhaps from Colchis and the Caucasus. See what is said as to the similarity of the presents from Armenia (26 B.), and the art of Mycenaee and Troy, which is of Asiatic origin.

383 Harran (Gen. xi. 31, etc.), now Harran, was on the south border of Dusratta's kingdom, marching with Assyria. (Compare 24 B.)

384 "Tadukhipa," a Mongol name, "possessing sweetness."

385 Probably Teie is here meant, as there is no notice of Gilukhipa. She may have died.

386 "Walk after" for "obey" or "worship," is used just as in Biblical Hebrew.

387 The broken name was "Nabkhuriya," or Amenophis IV, as is clear from the next paragraph. He was also the husband of Tadukhipa, as here stated. (See 11 B. M.)

388 "Sitatama," a Mongol name, apparently "fair-faced." "Suttarna," also Mongolic, "Sut is his Lord."

389 As Gilukhipa was married during the reign of Suttarna (apparently from Egyptian sources in the tenth year of Amenophis III, or about 1490 B.C.), it is possible that "Teie" is here intended; but her father's name was Iuaa, or Ivaa, and it is not clear what relation she was to Dusratta. From 11 B. it seems clear that they were related, and later in the present letter he mentions the "father of Teie," apparently as living with him after his own father's death. The syllables "Ivve" (perhaps for "Ivaa") precede the father's name, but as the text is here broken, it is not certain that these syllables represent a personal name. Perhaps Teie was Dusratta's cousin. She was certainly of royal birth, and is represented as very fair, but with dark hair. The words "a daughter" may mean only "a young woman."

390 Khai was sent to Aziru (31 B.), which again shows the date of the Canaanite rebellion to have been early.

391 This agrees with 27 B. as regards Dusratta's conquests in the Hittite country.

392 As Amenophis IV was married already in the reign of Amenophis III, his mother's marriage evidently took place some twenty years at least before the date of this letter.

393 Apparently this was written at least four years after the death of Amenophis III, or about 1450 B.C. at earliest.

394 The lands given when Tadukhipa was married.

395 "Mazipalali," a Mongol name, "hero with the sword."

396 Indicating that these Mongols were not monogamists.

397 Mongol name, "Ar-Tessupas," "worshipper of Tessupas" (Rimmon). Other Mongol names occur in 27 B. (in the native speech) including Asali ("joyful") and Artatan ("strong soldier"). If Teie's name was Mongolic, it would mean "bright."

398 Similar extradition is noticed in the treaty between Rameses II and Kheta Sar, the Hittite king, a century later.

399 The signs IZCU, SAK, TAK ("weapon, stone, head") seem to indicate a stone axe such as the Carians used. Battle-axes of flint are noticed in the time of Thothmes III. (Brugsch, "Hist. Egypt," i. p. 342.)

400 This letter may, perhaps, be earlier than the preceding.

401 From a later letter (1 B. M.) it seems that the foreign ladies were shown to envoys from their parents, to enable them to report as to their health.

402 Or "the curious things."

403 Or, perhaps, "but letters are received."

404 This agrees with the letters from Babylonia in showing the disturbed state of the countries between Armenia and Egypt early in the reign of Amenophis IV, due to the revolts of Hittites, Amorites, and Hebrews.

405 The two-headed eagle was a Hittite emblem; it is also found at Mycenae.

406 Iron from Asia is believed to have been known yet earlier (Brugsch. "Hist. Egypt," i. pp. 342, 354). It was known in the fourteenth century B.C. by its Semitic name, "berzil."

407 Clearly written to Teie, as Amenophis IV is mentioned as her son.

408 "Yuni," as a Mongol name, would mean "true."

409 "Rimmon Nirari" is an Assyrian name, but the king so called lived a good deal later. The rank of this writer is evidently inferior, but not as inferior as that of the Canaanite chiefs. He may have been an Assyrian prince, and perhaps wrote to Amenophis III. "Nukhasse" Dr. Bezold supposes to be the "Anaugas" of the records of Thothmes III, an unknown region in Syria. I have supposed it to be Merash, reading "Markhasse."

410 This king, unknown before, was probably older than Amenophis III, who married his daughter, who was marriageable before the writer's father died.

411 As in the previous case (82 B.). See p. 236.

412 Probably Irtabi (1 B.).

413 The month names are written in ideograms of Accadian origin.

414 This King's date has been placed as late as 1400 B.C., but the dates are not accurately fixed. His daughter appears to have married Burnaburias of Babylon before 1450 B.C. ("Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch." i. p. 69). His predecessor, Buzur, Assur, had settled the Assyrian boundary with Burnaburias. (Ibid., p. 68.)

415 This interruption (see also the letter from Chaldea, 18 B., in the later reign of Horus) was probably due to the Syrian revolt (compare 23 B., 7 B., and 8 B.), showing that the power of Egypt, broken in 1480 B.C., was still unrecognized as late as 1400 B.C., which brings us near the time when Rameses II recognized the independence of the Hittites, about 1360 B.C. (See p. 241.)

416 Supposed to have reigned about 1550 B.C.: presents from Assyria were received by Thothmes III even earlier (Brugsch, "Hist. Egypt," i. p. 328), including chariots and cedar-wood.

417 Burnaburias appears to have reigned about 1450 B.C., or a little later. As regards the dates of Egyptian kings, they rest on the statement (see Brugsch, "Hist.," i. p. 395) that the star Sothis rose on the 28th of Epiphi, in the reign of Thothmes III, and on the date of the new moon of various months in the same reign. The Egyptian year was a year of 365 days, and therefore vague as regarded the sidereal year. The risings of Sothis (Sirius) are recorded ("Decree of Canopus") in the later Ptolemaic times as they occurred in connection with the Egyptian year, changing one day every four solar years; and the Rosetta stone fixes the calendar. From the rising of Sothis we should obtain a date about 1598 B.C. as falling in the reign of Thothmes III; and from the coincidences of the new moon we should obtain 1574 B.C. as the thirty-fourth and 1585 B.C. as the twenty-third years of his reign. He would, therefore, accede 1608 B.C. Dr. Brugsch places his accession about 1600 B.C.

418 This indicates the beginning of the Syrian wars in the reign of Amenophis III.

419 Apparently a Babylonian princess was to be sent to Egypt, and an Egyptian princess to Babylon. The two royal families were already allied by the marriage of Irtabi, and yet earlier of the sister of Callimmasin (1 B. M.), even if no Egyptian princess had been granted to the latter. The writer's son was probably Carakhardas, who succeeded him.

420 Zalmu was a Babylonian. See the next letter.

421 Khai was still living in the reign of Amenophis IV.

422 "Siiri," "a company of merchants," as in Hebrew.

423 Or "advised this." The foes attacking Egypt were at some distance from Babylonia, and the news only came by the envoy from Egypt.

424 "Sumatta." Compare "Shammah" (Gen. xxxvi. 13-17), a proper name, perhaps, from the same root.

425 "Khinna tuni" would mean "inhabiting Khinna," see Khini (64 B. M., p. 25), but more probably Hannathon in lower Galilee, east of Accho, is intended, now Kefr' Anan.

426 See Zatatna and Surata, kings of Accho (93 B., 95 B.), p. 249. This, taken with the name of Neboyapiza in the latter letter, indicates a date early in the reign of Amenophis IV.

427 Alasiya was apparently a maritime region beyond the tributary Egyptian States, and not either in Babylonia (Shinar) nor in the Hittite country (5 B. M.); probably it is the Elishah of the Bible on the south shores of Asia Minor. (See my note "P. E. F. Quarterly Statement," January, 1892, p. 44.) Elishah (Gen. x. 4; Ezek. xxvii. 7) was a maritime region. The diffusion westward of a Semitic population in Cilicia has long been suspected to have occurred early.

428 Semitic personal names, showing the worship of Ea and Baal in Elishah.

429 The signs SAL US indicate "female servants."

430 "Lukki," perhaps the Lycians, or perhaps the Ligyes of Herodotus, on the borders of Matiene (vii. 72). They appear to be the Laka who lived in the Taurus, the Leku of Egyptian records (Brugsch, ii. pp. 44, 54, 116, 124) mentioned with other tribes of north Syria, and with the Shakalisha—perhaps Cilicians.

431 "An-Amar-ut" ("sun-disk") I have supposed to be the name of Khu-en-Aten ("glory of the sun-disk"), a title apparently of Amenophis IV (Brugsch, "Hist. Egypt," i. p. 441); but it may, of course, refer to the god so called (see note, p. 198). The King of Egypt is called the sun-god in many of the letters in this collection.

432 The sign KHU means "bird," but also "glory" and "prince." "Ilid KHUMES" I take to mean "born of princes." Others have rendered it "who trains birds," but it would rather mean "who gives birth to birds," which is impossible.

433 The name of the King is everywhere written in full, with the two cartouches.

434 Here and in other places a gap in the tablet has been filled up by the corresponding sentence in the inscription of Medinet Habou.

435 The plants.

436 Allusion to the festival of the coronation.

437 The τριακονητηρις here and in the title of the King has been employed as we should say a "century."

438 Literally, life, health, and strength.

439 I.e., the flocks of the temple's estates.

440 The defaced passages ran thus, "Adoration of Osiris by the steward of the flocks (Amen-mes), son of the Lady Nefer-t-ari."

441 Ave!

442 Vide Goodwin, in Chabas; Melanges III, Tom. I, pl. 257.

443 Hermopolis magna.

444 The entrance to the dwelling of the dead.

445 The words "paut" and "paut-ti," or double-paut, are connected with the idea of "creation."

446 ΝΟΥΝ, νουν, abyssus.

447 "Mesess," sky, vault, and veil.

448 Ritual, ch. XVIII. Lepsius, "Todtenbuch," xi. ch. XVIII. ix. e. 17. I. 62.

449 Literally, "for a number of times."

450 The two long feathers which adorn the head-attire of the Sun-god.

451 "Sensen," fraternize.

452 Sam.

453 Beneficent force.

454 The great dwelling of Seb is the earth itself.

455 I.e., To the lord of justice.

456 The entire north.

457 Or, satiating abundance.

458 The exact meaning is the French "combler."

459 The papyrus is much worn here. The name of the place is perhaps "Pamakar of the sky."

460 Indian fig.

461 "Sestsou-em-paif-nakhtou Ousormara" is the name of a fortress built by Rameses II, in Syria or Palestina, and different from Ouati. The name means "Rameses II in his victories."

462 The order is quite contradictory. How can it be disobeyed, and how obeyed?

463 Or, gone to the gap to which the dead went in the Sun-boat.

464 Syrians as prisoners of war.

465 Negroes.

466 Cedar or acacia.

467 A kind of balsam.

468 Syria.

469 Or cattle.

470 Or industrious, "rut."

471 Dead or departed.

472 If this rendering is correct, the meaning must be that the god of the Nile is the secret source of light; see 3, l. 5, and 8, l. 1. The attributes of Egyptian gods, who represent the unknown under various aspects, are interchangeable to a great extent; here the Nile is Ammon, doing also the work of Ra. Dr. Birch suggests that the rendering may be, "hiding his course night and day."

473 Ra, the Sun-god, who is represented as delighting in flowers; see Ritual, c. lxxxi, "I am the pure lily which comes out of the fields of Ra."

474 The Nile-god traverses heaven; his course there corresponds to that of the river on earth.

475 See x. 6. This is obscure, but it may mean that the Nile-god protects the newly sown fields from the birds.

476 I.e., he sets them at work. Thus Ritual, c. xv. 20, "Ra, the giver of food, destroys all place for idleness, cuts off all excuse."

477 As they are by idleness; see Ritual, cxxv. p. cclv. (Birch).

478 I.e., he makes it ready for cultivation.

479 Their joy and gratitude respond to his advance.

480 Num is the Nile-god regarded as giving life.

481 The Egyptian word corresponds to Αρσαφης, which, according to Plutarch, signifies τὸ ἀνδρεῖον. (Isis et Osiris, c. 37.) The Egyptians, like all ancient people, identify terror with strength or greatness.

482 This scriptural phrase comes in abruptly. It is probably drawn from some older source.

483 The true Deity is not represented by any image. This is a relic of primeval monotheism: out of place as referring to the Nile, but pointing to a deeper and sounder faith. Compare the laws of Manu, i. 5-7.

484 See last line of 13. There are no shrines covered, as usual, with colored hieroglyphics. The whole of this passage is of extreme importance, showing that, apart from all objects of idolatrous worship, the old Egyptian recognized the existence of a supreme god, unknown and inconceivable, the true source of all power and goodness. Compare the oldest forms of the 17th chapter of the funeral Ritual in Lepsius's "Aelteste Texte."

485 1 Ki. viii. 27.

486 Is. xi. 13, 14.

487 Or "thou givest them counsels, orderest all their goings."

488 I.e., "all magistrates are the servants of the deity, and administer his law from South to North."

489 Maspero "par lui est bue l'eau (les pleurs) de tous les yeux," i.e. "he wipes away tears from all eyes."

490 Dr. Birch, to whom I am indebted for this rendering, observes that the goddess Neith is often represented with two crocodiles sucking her breasts.

491 I.e., "The Nile fills all mortals with the languor of desire, and gives fecundity."

492 I.e., "without needing rain, the gift of the goddess of heaven." Such seems to be the meaning of a very obscure passage.

493 See note on 1.

494 The meaning is, evidently, that he combines the attributes of Ptah the Demiurge, and Kabes, an unknown god.

495 All things serviceable to man—arms, implements, etc.

496 This seems to mean, "he gives oracles at his shrine." Observe the inconsistency of this with 5.

497 Causing scarcity of food in the land. See Ex. viii. 18, 21.

498 In a season of scarcity prayers are offered for supply of water. The following lines seem to describe great haste when the inundation comes on; none wait for their clothing, even when valuable, and the nightly solemnities are broken up: but the passage is obscure.

499 Literal answer, "i.e., with thanks and prayers, when thou bringest the water in abundance."

500 See II. 2.

501 The gold represents the preciousness of the gift of food.

502 This is often mentioned in the inscriptions among the most precious stones.

503 See note on II. 4.

504 Which he ate when he could get nothing else.

505 An allusion to the legend that the Nile comes forth from two openings in the South.

506 See V, last line.

507 The Pharaoh.

508 The two regions.

509 "At the entertainments of the rich, just as the company is about to rise from the repast, a small coffin is carried round, containing a perfect representation of a dead body; it is in size sometimes of one, but never more than two cubits, and as it is shown to the guests in rotation the bearer exclaims, 'Cast your eyes on this figure; after death you yourself will resemble it: drink, then, and be happy.' "—Herodotus, "Euterpe," xxviii.

510 "The Song of the Harper" in the tomb of Nefer-hotep bears a great resemblance to this composition. See Duemichen, "Historische Inschriften," ii. pl. 40.

511 Or, perhaps, "the little ones, the children."

512 Imhotep, the son of the primeval deity Ptah, was the mythical author of various arts and sciences. The Greeks spelled the name Ἰμούθης, Imouth, but more frequently substituted the name Ἀσκλήπιος, Asclepios.

513 Hartatef was the son of King Menkera (Mycerinus), to whom the discovery of part of the Ritual, cap. lxiv. is attributed, and who was the author of a mystical work.

514 Compare the Assyrian phrase "The land men cannot return from," "Descent of Ishtar," "Records of the Past," Vol. i. p. 143, p. 5.

515 I.e., "of the mourners."

516 Here follows a lacuna.

517 2 Anastasi, p. 8, l. 5, to p. 9, l. 1.

518 2 Anastasi, p. 9, l. 2, to p. 10, l. 1.

519 The phrase which I have translated "the way of Amen" is literally "the water of Amen." In Egypt the river Nile was the great road or highway, hence by an easy metaphor the water was used to signify "the way"; that is, the will, command, or rule

520 2 Anastasi, p. 10, l. 1.

521 Tum or Atum (the setting sun), Lord of Heliopolis.

522 Heliopolis, the city of Tum.

523 Heliopolis, the city of Tum.

524 Or, "do not censure me."

525 Literally, "without his body." It seems to mean weakness, mutilation, or disability.

526 Literally, "upon my mouth."

527 Lacuna.

528 2 Anastasi, p. 5, l. 6.

529 Literally, "in health, life, and strength"; but the King being the subject of the wish, I have ventured to Anglicize the phrase as above.

530 The King Meneptah, son of Rameses II, and his immediate successor.

531 The Sun.

532 A form of the Sun-god of the West, the chief god of Heliopolis.

533 Lacuna.

534 Lacuna.

535 Lacuna.

536 Lacuna.

537 The panther's skin was the special characteristic of the dress of the priest of Khem the Vivifier.

538 Lacuna.

539 Lacuna.

540 Rannu, an Egyptian goddess who presided over the harvest.

541 Lacuna.

542 Lacuna.

543 Lacuna.

544 An or On, "the house of the Obelisk," or Heliopolis.

545 Thebes.

546 Arabia.

547 Palestine or Arabia.

548 Chem.

549 Mahennu.

550 Uati.

551 Frequent allusions are made in the papyri to the production of created things from the eyes of Ra or of Horus. Noxious things were supposed to be produced from the eye of Set or Typhon.

552 Thebes.

553 Heliopolis.

554 The name Amen means "secret," or "hidden."

555 Harmachis.

556 Thebes.

557 Heliopolis.

558 The serpent

559 Creator.

560 The diadem.

561 Many of the phrases in this beautiful hymn are ambiguous, even where the original text is perfect.

562 This note is subscribed in the original papyrus.

563 "At the front of the morning." Some prefer rendering the words "every morning."

564 Perhaps "Approach thou thy mother Nut." "Neb Ra," "Lord Ra," seems clearly the reading of the text given in Lepsius, unless the scribe has twice put the hieratic character for "nuter" instead of the usual form of "h"; "neb heh," "lord of eternity," as Maspero renders it, is what might rather have been expected. In the following, "Isis and Nephthys" is the version of M. Maspero; the text appears to me to give Osiris.

565 Perhaps, "he cannot advance."

566 Nehaher, "ghastly faced," an infernal demon, sometimes represented as a serpent.

567 "Thou givest life;" this may be understood also as imperative, "give life."

568 Bech, the Eastern hill of sunrise. Its opposite height was called Manu.

569 "Thou turnest gloom into repose." I am not confident that the meaning of the original, "ta-k neshen enti ster," is correctly given in these words; perhaps "thou makest the adversary prostrate" may more truly convey the sense.

570 Isis and Nephthys.

571 The name of Osiris is invariably prefixed to that of the deceased, the latter being always assimilated to this god.

572 The first two sections are evocations addressed to Osiris defunct, expressing the grief of his two sisters at the loss of their brother, and referring to the search made by them after him.

573 One of the names of Osiris.

574 Surname of Osiris.

575 Surname of Osiris.

576 The following sections are invocations addressed to Osiris under the forms of the Moon and the Sun, expressing the joy of his two sisters at having thus perceived him.

577 The Sacred-Eye here indicates the disk of the moon.

578 The sun in all his power.

579 The setting sun.

580 The star of Sirius, where the soul of Isis dwelt.

581 Isis having with the aid of her sister Nephthys reunited the parts of Osiris's body, dispersed by Set, formed of them the infant Horus.

582 Neith personified the Lower Hemisphere, whence Osiris, the Rising Sun, appeared under the form of Horus.

583 The sun nightly sinks into the bosom of his mother Neith, who personifies the Lower Hemisphere of heaven.

584 Osiris, again coming forth under the form of Horus-conqueror (or the Rising Sun), becomes the Lord of the Universe.

585 The high-priest, reader in the panegyrics.

586 The high-priest presiding over funeral ceremonies and rituals.

587 The Great Hall wherein the Judgment-scene was painted.

588 The heavenly region.

589 The universal being.

590 "Under the form of."

591 The earth.

592 Gods.

593 "Who speaks to himself."

594 Crater.

595 The weeper.

596 A fish, most likely the "phagros," the appearance of which was connected with the inundation.

597 The divine eye.

598 Vivifies.

599 The meaning of this name is doubtful.

600 The god of the spheres.

601 Glorifies himself.

602 A title of Osiris, literally "He who resides in the West."

603 The covering of Ati, the air(?).

604 Solar disk.

605 The splendid one.

606 Gives a body to.

607 Creates.

608 Perhaps Anubis.

609 Solar disk.

610 Lacuna.

611 Who speaks to himself.

612 "He who raises his soul."

613 "The high spirit."

614 Flesh, or substance.

615 Literally, "the shining face."

616 "He who is on the ground."

617 Doubtful meaning.

618 "Creates," "fashions."

619 The genii of the watches of the night.

620 Lacuna.

621 He who opens the earth.

622 He who is armed with teeth.

623 Doubtful meaning.

624 Ra under the form of a scarab.

625 Lacuna.

626 Lacuna.

627 Teb Temt.

628 Lacuna.

629 Lacuna.

630 Apophis, the great serpent of evil.

631 The royal Osiris.

632 The god of the two horizons.

633 Unknown constellation.

634 The moon.

635 The solar disk.

636 Lacuna.

637 Lacuna.

638 Hu, the creative life; Sa, the intelligence.

639 The water of the East.

640 The water of the West.

641 He who comes forth from Mehur.

642 He who is in Netur.

643 One of the halls of the empyrean, which is here personified as a goddess.

644 The lower region.

645 The striped headdress generally worn on the statues of the kings.

646 The planet Mars.

647 Thoth.

648 Thoth.

649 The eternal being.

650 He who embraces.

651 The God of the Nose. Each part of the body of the deceased becomes a god. The same is found in the funereal texts, and especially in the "Book of the Dead," ch. xlii.

652 Osiris.

653 The Osiris is an hermaphrodite being.

654 Lacuna.

655 Lacuna.

656 His own form.

657 The sceptre which has the form of a hook, and commonly held in the hand of Osiris.

658 The white and red crown, which is the emblem of dominion over both Upper and Lower Egypt.

659 His existences.

660 His existences.

661 Tonen.

662 Tonen.

663 Nut personified the Upper Hemisphere of heaven.

664 Here was written the name of the deceased.

665 Probably a substance used for purifying and perfuming.

666 The earth.

667 Heaven.

668 The setting sun.

669 The solar bark.

670 Osiris.

671 Another version: uniteth itself (to) the breath of thy nostrils.

672 Another version, "by thy Lord, Ra."

673 Osiris.

674 Those of the mummy.

675 This is the acknowledgment of the resurrection effected by the ceremonies of the mummification. I am indebted to the friendly aid of M. Chabas for the translation of this and one or two other passages.

676 Corrupted passage restored by means of the manuscripts of the Louvre.

677 Another version: "thou art received."

678 Corrupted passage: translation uncertain.

679 Heliopolis.

680 Hermopolis.

681 Another version: "the living."

682 Literally, "the Westerners."

683 Illegible passage restored by means of the manuscripts of the Louvre.

684 Another version: "this volume of the Book of Respirations is made for him and the souls of the gods."

685 M. de Rouge reads "Atesch," but there are very strong reasons for believing that the first syllable in this word is to be read "Kat," not "At." Of this opinion is M. Brugsch. The Syrian name was probably "Kadesh" (the Holy City), which the Egyptians, not having the letter "d," wrote "Katesh." There were several places so called in the East, but the Kadesh here mentioned has not been satisfactorily identified with any of them.

686 The word "horse" is used in the original for a chariot, Homer uses the plural ippoi in a similar manner.

THE END