In the case of the city of Salapia the following incident occurred. Two men managed affairs there and were hostile to each other. Alinius[32] favored the Carthaginian cause, and Plautius[33] the Roman; and the latter talked with Alinius about betraying the place to the Romans. Alinius at once informed Hannibal of the fact and Plautius was brought to trial. While Hannibal was deliberating with the councilors as to how to punish him, Plautius dared in his presence to speak again to Alinius, who stood near, about betrayal. The latter cried out: "There, there, he's talking to me about this very matter now." Hannibal distrusted him on account of the improbability of the case and acquitted Plautius as a victim of blackmail. After his release the two men became harmonious and brought in soldiers obtained from Marcellus, with whose aid they cut down the Carthaginian garrison and delivered the city to the Romans.

[Footnote 32: By comparing other authors the names Alinius and Plautius are found to be the corruptions of some copyists for Dasius and Blattius.]

[Footnote 33: [See previous footnote.]]

This was the state of Carthaginian interests in Italy. Not even Sicily retained its friendliness for them, but submitted to the consul Laevinus. The leader of the Carthaginians in Sicily was Hanno, and Muttines was a member of his staff. The latter had been with Hannibal formerly and owing to the latter's jealousy of his great deeds of valor had been sent into Sicily. When there also he made a brilliant record as commander of the cavalry, he incurred the jealousy of Hanno as well, and as a consequence was deprived of his command. Deeply grieved at this he joined the Romans. First he accomplished the betrayal of Agrigentum for them and then he helped them in reducing other places, so that the whole of Sicily came again under their sway without any great labor.

[Sidenote: B.C. 209 (a.u. 545)] IX, 8.—Fabius and Flaccus subdued among other cities Tarentum, which Hannibal was holding. They gave orders to a body of men to overrun Bruttium in order that Hannibal might leave Tarentum and come to its assistance. When this had happened, Flaccus kept watch of Hannibal while Fabius by night assailed Tarentum with ships and infantry at once and captured the city by means of his assault aided by betrayal. Hannibal, enraged at the trick, was eager to find some scheme for paying Fabius back. So he sent him a letter, purporting to be from the dwellers in Metapontum, looking to a betrayal of the city; for he hoped that Fabius would advance carelessly in that direction and that he might set a trap for him on the way. But the Roman leader suspected the truth of the case and by comparing the writing with the letter which Hannibal had once written to the Tarentini, he detected the plot from the similarity of the two.

Scipio for the first part of the time, however much he may have longed to avenge his father and uncle and however much he yearned for glory in the war, nevertheless showed no haste on account of the multitude of his opponents. But after he ascertained that they were passing the winter at a considerable distance, he disregarded them and marched upon Carthage,—the Spanish town. Moreover no one gained the slightest knowledge of his march till he had come close to Carthage itself. And by much exertion he took the city.

Following the capture of Carthage a very great [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^39] MUTINY OF THE SOLDIERS came very near TAKING PLACE. Scipio had promised to give a crown to the first one that set foot on the wall, and two men, the one a Roman, the other belonging to the allies, quarreled over it. Their continued dispute promoted a disturbance among the rest as well and they became inflamed to the utmost degree and were ready to commit some fearful outrage when Scipio settled the trouble by crowning both men. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^39] AND HE DISTRIBUTED MANY GIFTS TO THE SOLDIERS, ASSIGNING MANY ALSO TO PUBLIC USES; AND ALL THE HOSTAGES WHO WERE BEING DETAINED THERE HE GAVE BACK FREELY TO THEIR RELATIVES. AS A RESULT MANY TOWNS AND MANY PRINCES ESPOUSED HIS CAUSE, THE CELTIBERIAN RACE AMONG THE BEST. HE HAD TAKEN AMONG THE CAPTIVES A MAIDEN DISTINGUISHED FOR HER BEAUTY AND IT WAS THOUGHT THAT HE WOULD FALL IN LOVE WITH HER; BUT WHEN HE LEARNED THAT SHE WAS BETROTHED TO ONE OF THE CELTIBERIAN MAGISTRATES, HE SENT FOR HIM AND DELIVERED THE YOUNG GIRL TO HIM, BESTOWING UPON HIM FURTHERMORE THE RANSOM WHICH HER KINSFOLK HAD BROUGHT FOR HER. BY THIS PROCEDURE HE ATTACHED TO HIS CAUSE BOTH THEM AND THE REMAINDER OF THE NATION.

Next he learned that Hasdrubal the brother of Hannibal was approaching rapidly, still ignorant of the capture of the city and expecting to meet no hostile force on his march. Scipio therefore confronted and defeated him, and afterward bivouacked in his camp and got control of many places in the vicinity. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^40] FOR HE WAS CLEVER IN STRATEGY, AGREEABLE IN SOCIETY, TERRIFYING TO OPPONENTS, AND THOROUGHLY HUMANE TO SUCH AS YIELDED. AND ESPECIALLY THE RECOLLECTION THAT HE HAD MADE A PREDICTION, SAYING BEFOREHAND THAT HE WOULD ENCAMP IN THE ENEMY'S COUNTRY, CAUSED ALL TO HONOR HIM. THE SPANIARDS ACTUALLY NAMED HIM "GREAT KING."

Hasdrubal, giving up all hope, was anxious to leave Spain for Italy. [Sidenote: B.C. 208 (a.u. 546)] So after packing everything for the march he started in winter. His fellow commanders held their ground and kept Scipio busy so that he could not pursue Hasdrubal nor lighten the burden of war for the Romans in Italy by going there, nor sail to Carthage. But, although Scipio did not pursue Hasdrubal, he sent runners through whom he apprised the people of Rome of his approach, and he himself gave attention to his own immediate concerns. As he saw that his opponents were spread over a goodly portion of the country, he dreaded that whenever he should begin an engagement with them, he should be the cause of their gathering in one place through a necessity of aiding one another. Accordingly, he conducted in person a campaign against Hasdrubal, son of Gisco, and sent Silanus into Celtiberia against Mago, and also Lucius Scipio his brother into Bastitania. Lucius occupied the district after hard fighting, conquered Mago, kept close at his heels as he fled to Hasdrubal, and came to Scipio before the latter had accomplished anything as yet.

Now that Mago had joined Hasdrubal and Lucius his brother Scipio, at first they would make descents into the plain and fight strenuously with their cavalry, and later they would array their whole army in line of battle but did not do any fighting. This went on for several days. When the clash finally came, the Carthaginians themselves and their allies were defeated, their stronghold was taken by the Romans, and the Romans made use of the provisions in it. This Scipio had prophesied, as the story goes, three days before. For when materials for food had failed them he predicted—by what prompting is unknown—: "On such and such a day we shall make use of the enemy's store."—After this he left Silanus to take care of the surviving opponents and himself took his departure to the other cities, many of which he won over. When he had brought order into the newly acquired territory he took up his winter abode there. His brother Lucius he despatched to Rome to report the progress made, to convey the captives thither, and to investigate how the people of Rome felt toward him.

IX, 9.—The dwellers in Italy had suffered from disease and had encountered hardships in battles, for some of the Etruscans had rebelled. But what grieved them more than all else was the fact that they had lost Marcellus. They had been making a campaign against Hannibal, who chanced to be at Locri, and both the consuls had been surrounded by an ambuscade, Marcellus perishing instantly and Crispinus dying from a wound not long after. Hannibal found the body of Marcellus and taking his ring with which Marcellus was accustomed to seal his documents he would forward letters to the cities purporting to come from him. He was accomplishing whatever he pleased until Crispinus became aware of it and sent them a warning to be on their guard. As a result of this the tables were turned upon Hannibal. He had sent a message to the citizens of Salapia through a fictitious deserter, and approached the walls in the guise of Marcellus, using the Latin language in company with other men who understood it, in order to be taken for Romans. The Salapini, informed of his artifice, were artful enough in turn to pretend that they believed Marcellus was really approaching. Then drawing up the portcullis they admitted as many as it seemed to them they could conveniently dispose of and killed them all. Hannibal withdrew at once on learning that Locri was being besieged by the Romans, who had sailed against it from Sicily.

Publius Sulpicius assisted by AEtolians and other allies devastated a large part of Achaea. But as soon as Philip the Macedonian formed an alliance with the Achaeans, the Romans would have been driven out of Greece completely but for the fact that the helmet of Philip fell off and the AEtolians got possession of it. For in this way a report reached Macedonia that he was dead and a factional uprising took place; Philip, consequently, fearing that he should be deprived of his kingdom, hastened to Macedonia. Then the Romans stuck to their places in Greece and conquered a few cities.

[Sidenote: B.C. 207 (a.u. 547)] The following year upon announcement of Hasdrubal's approach the people of Rome gathered their forces, summoned their allies, and chose Claudius Nero and Marcus Livius consuls. Nero they sent against Hannibal, Livius against Hasdrubal. The latter met him near the city of Sena but did not immediately open engagement with him. For many days he remained stationary, and Hasdrubal was in no hurry for battle, either, but remained at rest awaiting his brother. Nero and Hannibal entered Lucania to encamp and neither hastened to array his forces for battle, but in other ways they had some conflicts. Hannibal kept constantly changing position and Nero kept careful watch of him. As he constantly had the advantage of him and ere long captured the letter sent to him by Hasdrubal, he began to despise Hannibal, but fearing that Hasdrubal might overwhelm Livius through mere numbers he ventured upon a hazardous exploit. He left on the spot a portion of his force sufficient to check Hannibal in case the latter should make any movement, and he gave the men injunctions to do everything to create the impression that he was also there. He selected the flower of his army and started out apparently to attack some neighboring city, nor did any one know his true intentions. He hastened on, then, against Hasdrubal, reached his colleague at night, and took up his quarters in the latter's entrenchments. Both made ready for a sudden attack upon the invader. The situation did not go concealed, but Hasdrubal inferred what had happened from the fact that the word of command was given twice; for each consul issued orders to his own troops separately. Suspecting therefore that Hannibal had been defeated and had perished,—for he calculated that if his brother were alive, Nero would never have marched against him,—he determined to retire among the Gauls and there find out definitely about his brother and so carry on the war at his convenience.

So after giving orders to the army to break up he started out that night, and the consuls from the noise suspected what was going on, yet they did not move immediately because of the darkness. At dawn, however, they sent the cavalry ahead to pursue the enemy and they themselves followed. Hasdrubal made a stand against the cavalry, deeming them an isolated troop, but the consuls came up and routed him and followed after the fugitives, of whom they slaughtered many. Even the elephants were of no help to the Carthaginians. Inasmuch as some of them that had been wounded did more harm to those in charge of them than had been done by the enemy, Hasdrubal gave orders to those seated upon them to slay the beasts as fast as they got wounded. And they killed them very easily by piercing them with an iron instrument under the ear. So they were destroyed by the Carthaginians, but the men by the Romans. So many fell that the Romans became surfeited with slaughter and did not wish to pursue the rest. They had destroyed Hasdrubal along with many others, they had secured huge quantities of spoil, they had found Roman captives to the number of four thousand in the camp, and thought they had sufficiently retrieved the disaster of Cannae.

At the conclusion of these operations Livius stayed where he was, but Nero returned to Apulia, reaching it on the sixth day; his absence up to that time had not been detected. Some of the prisoners he sent into Hannibal's camp to explain what had happened, and he fixed Hasdrubal's head on a pole nearby. Hannibal, learning that his brother was vanquished and dead, and that Nero had conquered and returned, lamented bitterly, often crying out upon Fortune and Cannae. And he retired into Bruttium where he remained inactive.

[Sidenote: B.C. 206 (a.u. 548)] IX, 10.—Scipio was detailed to superintend Roman interests in Spain till what time he should reach a satisfactory adjustment of them all. First he sailed to Libya with two quinqueremes, and it so happened that Hasdrubal son of Gisco landed there at the same time as he did. Syphax, who was king of a portion of Libya and had enjoyed friendly relations with the Carthaginians, entertained them both and endeavored to reconcile them. But Scipio said that he had no private enmity and he could not on his own responsibility arrange terms for his country.

Accordingly he went back again and began a war against the Iliturgitani because they had handed over to the Carthaginians the Romans who took refuge with them after the death of the Scipios. He did not make himself master of their city until he dared to scale the wall in person and got wounded. Then the soldiers, put to shame and fearing for his life, made a very vigorous assault. Having mastered the situation they killed the whole population and burned down the entire city. As a result of the fear thus inspired many voluntarily ranged themselves on his side, whereas many others had to be subdued by force. Some when subjected to siege burned their cities and slew their kinsmen and finally themselves.

After subjugating the greater part of the country Scipio shifted his position to Carthage and there instituted funeral combats in full armor in honor of his father and his uncle. When many others had contended, there came also two brothers who continued at variance about a kingdom, though Scipio had made efforts to reconcile them. And the elder slew the younger in spite of the superior strength of the latter.

Subsequently Scipio fell sick, and that was the signal for a rebellion of the Spaniards. One of Scipio's legions that was in winter quarters near Sucro became restless. It had shown a lack of docility before this, but had not ventured upon open rebellion. Now, however, perceiving that Scipio was incapacitated and influenced further by the fact that their pay had been slow in coming they mutinied outright, drove away the tribunes, and elected consuls for themselves. Their number was about eight thousand. The Spaniards on ascertaining this revolted with greater readiness and proceeded to damage the territory belonging to the Roman alliance. Mago, who had intended to abandon Gades, consequently did not abandon it, but crossed over to the mainland and wrought considerable mischief.

Scipio learning this wrote and sent a letter to apostate legion in which he affected to pardon them for revolting on account of the scarcity of the necessities of life, and did not seem to think it proper to view them with suspicion but conferred praise upon those who had accepted their leadership for the purpose of preventing any outrage due to lack of government being either suffered or committed. When Scipio had written to this effect and the soldiers had learned that he was alive and was not angry with them, they made no further demonstrations. Even after he recovered his health he did not use harsh threats in dealing with them, but sent a promise to supply them with food and invited them all to come to him either all together or only a part at a time. The soldiers, not daring to go in small squads, went in a body. Scipio arranged that they should bivouac outside the wall—for it was nearly evening—and furnished them provisions in abundance. So they encamped, but Scipio brought it about that the boldest spirits among them should enter the city, and during the night he overpowered and imprisoned them. At daybreak he sent forth all his army as if to go on an expedition somewhere. Then he called the recent arrivals inside the wall without their weapons in order to join his undertaking after they had received their provision-money. As soon as they had accordingly entered he signaled the men who had gone forth to return just as they were. Thus he surrounded the rebels and heaped upon them many reproaches and threats, saying finally: [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^42] "YOU ALL DESERVE TO DIE: HOWEVER, I SHALL NOT PUT YOU ALL TO DEATH BUT I SHALL EXECUTE ONLY A FEW WHOM I HAVE ALREADY ARRESTED; THE REST I SHALL RELEASE." With these words he set the prisoners in their midst, fixed them upon crosses, and after copious abuse killed them. Some of the soldiers standing by grew indignant and raised an outcry, whereupon he punished a number of them also. After this he gave the rest their pay and conducted a campaign against Indibilis and Mandonius. As they were too timid to offer him battle, he attacked and was victorious.

Following their capitulation most of the rest of Spain was again enslaved, Mago abandoned Gades, and Masinissa took the Roman side. The Carthaginians at news of the death of Hasdrubal, Hannibal's brother, had voted to give up Spain but to recover their prestige in Italy. And they sent money to Mago that he might gather a force of auxiliaries and lead a campaign against that country. He, setting out once more for Italy, reached the Gymnasian islands. The larger one escaped his grasp; the natives from a distance kept using their slings (in which art they were masters) against the ships, so that he could not effect a landing: but he anchored off the smaller one and waited there on account of the winter. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^44] THESE ISLANDS ARE SITUATED CLOSE TO THE MAINLAND IN THE VICINITY OF THE IBER. THEY ARE THREE IN NUMBER AND THE GREEKS AND THE ROMANS ALIKE CALL THEM THE GYMNASIAN, BUT THE SPANIARDS THE BALEARES OR HYASOUSAE,[34] or, separately, the first Ebusus, the second the "Larger,"[35] and the third the "Smaller,"[36] exceedingly well named.—Gades was occupied by the Romans.

[Footnote 34: A corruption for Pityusae.]

[Footnote 35: Or, in other words, Balearis Major and Balearis Minor.]

[Footnote 36: [See previous footnote.]]

(BOOK 17, BOISSEVAIN.)

[Sidenote: FRAG. 56^45] IX, 11.—MASINISSA RANKED AMONG THE MOST PROMINENT MEN: IN FORCE AND IN PLANNING ALIKE HE DISPLAYED A SUPERIORITY, AS IT CHANCED, where warlike deeds were concerned. He had left the Carthaginians for the Romans as a result of circumstances now to be related. Hasdrubal the son of Gisco was a friend of his and had betrothed to him his daughter Sophonis. Hasdrubal, however, became acquainted with Syphax and perceiving that he favored the Romans did not keep his agreement with Masinissa any longer. He was so anxious to add Syphax, who was lord of a very great power, to the Carthaginian alliance that when his father about this time died he helped him to take possession of his domain, which properly belonged to Masinissa, and furthermore gave him Sophonis in marriage. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^46] SHE WAS CONSPICUOUS FOR BEAUTY, HAD BEEN TRAINED IN A LIBERAL LITERARY AND MUSICAL EDUCATION, WAS OF ATTRACTIVE MANNERS, COY, AND SO LOVABLE THAT THE MERE SIGHT OF HER OR EVEN THE SOUND OF HER VOICE VANQUISHED EVEN A PERSON QUITE DEVOID OF AFFECTION.

Syphax for these reasons attached himself to the Carthaginians, and Masinissa on the contrary took up with the Romans and from first to last proved very useful to them. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^47] SCIPIO AFTER WINNING OVER THE WHOLE TERRITORY SOUTH OF THE PYRENEES, PARTLY BY FORCE, PARTLY BY TREATY, EQUIPPED HIMSELF TO JOURNEY TO LIBYA. THE PEOPLE OF ROME, HOWEVER, THROUGH JEALOUSY OF HIS SUCCESSES AND THROUGH FEAR THAT HE MIGHT BECOME ARROGANT AND PLAY THE TYRANT SENT TWO OF THE PRAETORS TO RELIEVE HIM AND CALLED HIM HOME.

THUS HE WAS DEPOSED FROM HIS COMMAND. BUT SULPICIUS TOGETHER WITH ATTALUS OCCUPIED OREUS BY TREACHERY AND OPUS BY MAIN FORCE. PHILIP WAS UNABLE TO SEND THEM SPEEDY AID AS THE AETOLIANS HAD SEIZED THE PASSES IN ADVANCE. BUT AT LAST HE DID ARRIVE ON THE SCENE AND FORCED ATTALUS BACK TO HIS SHIPS. PHILIP, HOWEVER, WISHED TO CONCLUDE A TRUCE WITH THE ROMANS. AND AFTER SOME PRELIMINARY DISCUSSION THE PEACE PROPOSITION WAS WITHDRAWN, BUT HE MOVED THE AETOLIANS OUT OF THEIR POSITION OF ALLIANCE WITH THE ROMANS AND MADE THEM HIS OWN FRIENDS INSTEAD.

Hannibal for a time kept quiet, satisfied if he might only retain such advantages as were already his. And the consuls thinking that his power had slowly wasted away without a battle also waited.

[Sidenote: B.C. 205 (a.u. 549)] The succeeding year Publius Scipio and [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^48] LICINIUS CRASSUS BECAME CONSULS. And THE LATTER STAYED IN ITALY, but Scipio had received orders to leave there for Sicily and Libya to the end that in case he should not capture Carthage he might at least eventually draw Hannibal from Italy. He did not succeed in securing an army of any real value nor in getting an expenditure for triremes, because the honors accorded to his prowess had made him an object of jealousy. The people would scarcely supply him with the necessities. While he set out with the fleet of the allies and a few volunteers drawn from the populace, Mago left the island and after sailing along the Italian coast disembarked in Liguria. Crassus was in Bruttium lying in wait for Hannibal. Philip, however, had become reconciled with the Romans; for on ascertaining that Publius Sempronius had reached Apollonia with a large force he was glad to make peace.

[Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^50?)] Scipio the consul landed in Sicily and made ready to sail to Libya, but he could not do so because he did not have a complete force at his disposal and what he had was undisciplined. Therefore he resided there for the entire winter, drilling his followers and enrolling others in addition. As he was on the point of making the passage, a message came to him from Rhegium that some of the citizens of Locri would betray the city. Having denounced the commander of the garrison and obtained no satisfaction from Hannibal they were now ready to go over to the Romans. Accordingly he sent a detachment there and with the aid of the traitors seized a good part of the city during the night. The Carthaginians were huddled together in the citadel and sent for Hannibal, whereupon Scipio also set sail with speed and by a sudden sally repulsed Hannibal when the latter was close to the city. Next he captured the acropolis and, after entrusting the entire city to the care of the military tribunes, sailed back again. He was unable, however, to consummate his voyage to Libya. The Carthaginians so dreaded his advance that they despatched money to Philip to induce him to make a campaign against Italy, and sent grain and soldiers to Hannibal and to Mago ships and money that he might prevent Scipio from crossing. The Romans, led by certain portents to expect a brilliant victory, entrusted to Scipio the army of Libya and gave him permission to enroll as large an additional force as he should please. [Sidenote: B.C. 204 (a.u. 550)] Of the consuls they set Marcus Cethegus over against Mago and Publius Sempronius against Hannibal.

IX, 12.—The Carthaginians, fearing that Masinissa would join Scipio, persuaded Syphax to restore his domain to him, the giver receiving assurance that he would get the tract back again. Masinissa was suspicious of the transaction, yet agreed to peace, in order to win the confidence of the Carthaginians and so be able to plunge them into some great catastrophe. For he was more enraged over Sophonis than over the kingdom, and consequently worked for Roman interests while affecting to be for the Carthaginians. Syphax, who was a Libyan adherent, professed a friendliness for the Romans and sent to Scipio warning him against crossing over. Scipio heard this as a piece of secret information, and to prevent the knowledge of it from reaching the soldiers he sent the herald back post-haste before he had had time to meet anybody else. Then he called together the army and hastened forward the preparations for crossing; he declared that the Carthaginians were unprepared and that first Masinissa and now Syphax was calling for them and upbraiding them for lingering. After this speech he suffered no further delay but set sail. He brought his ships to anchor near the cape called Apollonium, and [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^51] PITCHED HIS CAMP, DEVASTATED THE COUNTRY, MADE ASSAULTS UPON THE CITIES AND CAPTURED A FEW. AS THE ROMANS WERE HARRYING THE COUNTRY, HANNO THE CAVALRY COMMANDER, WHO WAS A SON OF HASDRUBAL SON OF GISCO, WAS PERSUADED BY MASINISSA TO ATTACK THEM. SCIPIO ACCORDINGLY SENT SOME HORSEMEN AND WAS PLUNDERING SOME DISTRICTS THAT WERE SUITABLE FOR HIM TO OVERRUN, TO THE END THAT HIS MEN BY SIMULATED FLIGHT MIGHT DRAW UPON THEM THE PURSUERS. SO WHEN THEY TURNED TO FLEE, ACCORDING TO PREVIOUS ARRANGEMENTS, AND THE CARTHAGINIANS FOLLOWED THEM UP, MASINISSA WITH HIS FOLLOWERS GOT IN THE REAR OF THE PURSUERS AND ATTACKED THEM AND SCIPIO MAKING AN ONSET FROM HIS AMBUSH JOINED BATTLE WITH THEM. AND MANY WERE DESTROYED, MANY ALSO WERE CAPTURED, AMONG THEM HANNO HIMSELF. THEREFORE HASDRUBAL ARRESTED THE MOTHER OF MASINISSA, AND AN EXCHANGE OF THE TWO CAPTIVES WAS EFFECTED. SYPHAX NOW RENOUNCED EVEN THE APPEARANCE OF FRIENDSHIP FOR THE ROMANS AND OPENLY ATTACHED HIMSELF TO THE CARTHAGINIANS. AND THE ROMANS BOTH PLUNDERED THE COUNTRY AND RECOVERED MANY PRISONERS FROM ITALY WHO HAD BEEN SENT TO LIBYA BY HANNIBAL AND THEY WENT INTO WINTER QUARTERS WHERE THEY WERE.

[Sidenote: B.C. 203 (a.u. 551)] After this Gnaeus Scipio[37] and Gaius Servilius became consuls, and during their year of office the Carthaginians, having got the worst of it in the struggle, felt a desire to arrange terms of peace and furthermore both Hannibal and Mago were driven out of Italy. It was the consuls who made a stand against Hannibal and Mago, while Scipio was inflicting damage upon Libya and assailing the cities. Meantime [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^52] HE HAD CAPTURED A CARTHAGINIAN VESSEL, BUT RELEASED IT WHEN THEY FEIGNED TO HAVE BEEN COMING ON AN EMBASSY TO HIM. HE KNEW, TO BE SURE, THAT IT WAS ONLY A PRETEXT, BUT PREFERRED TO AVOID THE POSSIBILITY OF IT BEING SAID AGAINST HIM THAT HE HAD DETAINED ENVOYS. AND IN THE CASE OF SYPHAX, WHO WAS STILL ENDEAVORING TO NEGOTIATE A RECONCILIATION ON THE TERMS THAT SCIPIO SHOULD SAIL FROM LIBYA AND HANNIBAL FROM ITALY, HE RECEIVED HIS PROPOSITION NOT IN A TRUSTFUL MOOD, BUT TO THE END THAT HE MIGHT RUIN HIM. For on the excuse afforded by the postponed truce he sent various bodies of soldiers at various times into the Carthaginian camp and into that of Syphax; and when they had carefully inspected everything on the side of their opponents, he put aside the treaty on a plausible pretext, which was the more readily found because Syphax had been detected in a plot against Masinissa. And Scipio went by night to where their two camps were located, not very far apart, and secretly set fire to Hasdrubal's camp at many points at once. It rapidly blazed up—for their tents had been made of corn-stalks and leafy branches—and the Carthaginians fared badly. The followers of Syphax in attempting to aid them encountered the Romans, who closed in the place, and were themselves destroyed; and their own camp was set on fire in addition, and in it many men and horses perished. The Romans escaped injury during the rest of the night following the exploit, but just after daylight Spaniards who had lately arrived as an accession to the Carthaginian alliance fell upon them unexpectedly and killed a large number.

[Footnote 37: Dio probably wrote Caepio here.]

As a result of all this Hasdrubal straightway retired to Carthage and Syphax to his own country. Scipio set Masinissa and Gaius Laelius to oppose Syphax while he himself marched against the Carthaginians. The Carthaginians for their part sent ships toward the Roman stronghold, which the enemy were using as winter quarters and as a storehouse for all their goods. In this way they might either capture it or draw Scipio away from themselves. Such also was the result. As soon as he heard of the manoeuvre, he withdrew and hurried to the harbor, which he placed under guard. And on the first day the Romans easily repulsed their assailants, but on the next they had decidedly the worst of the encounter. The Carthaginians even went so far as to take away Roman ships by seizing them with grappling irons. They did not venture, however, to disembark but finally sailed homewards, after which they superseded Hasdrubal and chose a certain Hanno in his place. From this time Hanno was the general, but his predecessor privately got hold of some slaves and deserters whom he welded together into a fairly strong force; he then quietly persuaded some of the Spaniards who were serving in Scipio's army to help him and attempted one night to carry out a plot against the Roman's camp. Something would have come of it, had not the soothsayers, dismayed by the actions of birds, and the mother of Masinissa, as a result of divinations, caused an investigation of the Spaniards to be made. So their treachery was anticipated and punished, and Scipio again made a campaign against Carthage; he was engaged in devastating their fields [IX, 13.] while Syphax was waging war upon the followers of Laelius. That prince offered successful resistance for some time, but eventually the Romans prevailed, slaughtered many, took many alive, and captured Syphax. They also acquired possession of Cirta, his palace, without a contest by displaying to the guardians within their king, now a prisoner.

It was there that Sophonis also was. Masinissa at once rushed toward her and embracing her said: "I hold Syphax that snatched thee away. I hold thee also. Fear not. Thou hast not become a captive, since thou hast me as an ally." After these words he married her on the spot, anticipating any action on the part of the Romans out of fear that he might somehow lose her, were she reckoned among the spoil. Then he assumed control of the rest of the cities of Syphax also. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^53] AND THEY BROUGHT TO SCIPIO ALONG WITH THE OTHER PROPERTY SYPHAX HIMSELF. AND THE COMMANDER WOULD NOT CONSENT TO SEE HIM REMAIN BOUND IN CHAINS, BUT CALLING TO MIND HIS ENTERTAINMENT AT THE OTHER'S COURT AND REFLECTING ON HUMAN POSSIBILITIES HE LEAPED FROM HIS CHAIR, LOOSED HIM, EMBRACED HIM, AND TREATED HIM WITH RESPECT. Once he asked him: "What possessed you to go to war with us?" Syphax excused himself skillfully and at the same time made himself secure against Masinissa by declaring that Sophonis had been responsible for his attitude. To please her father Hasdrubal she had ensnared him by witchcraft against his will to espouse the Carthaginian cause. "At any rate," he went on, "I have paid a proper penalty for being hoodwinked by a woman, and in the midst of my evils have at least one consolation,—that Masinissa has married her. For she will certainly bring about his utter ruin likewise."

Scipio feeling suspicious about this action of Masinissa called him and censured him for having so speedily married a woman taken captive from the enemy without the commanding officer's consent, and he bade him give her up to the Romans. Masinissa, thoroughly distracted, rushed into the tent where Sophonis was and cried out to her: "If I might by my own death ensure thee liberty and freedom from outrage, I would cheerfully die for thee; but since this is impossible, I send thee before me whither I and all shall come." With these words he held out poison to her. And she uttered neither lament nor groan but with much nobility made answer: "Husband, if this is thy will, I am content. My soul shall after thee know no other lord: for my body, if Scipio require it, let him take it with life extinct." Thus she met her death, and Scipio marveled at the deed.

Laelius conducted to Rome Syphax and his son Vermina and some others of the foremost men; and the citizens gave Syphax an estate at Alba, where at his death they honored him with a public funeral, and confirmed Vermina in the possession of his father's kingdom besides bestowing upon him the captured Nomads.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 56^54] THE CARTHAGINIANS WHILE MAKING PROPOSITIONS TO SCIPIO THROUGH HERALDS GAVE HIM MONEY AT ONCE AND GAVE BACK ALL THE PRISONERS, BUT IN REGARD TO THE REMAINING MATTERS THEY DESPATCHED AN EMBASSY TO ROME. HOWEVER, THE ROMANS WOULD NOT RECEIVE THE ENVOYS AT THAT TIME, DECLARING THAT IT WAS A TRADITION IN THE STATE NOT TO ADMIT AN EMBASSY FROM ANY PARTIES AND NEGOTIATE WITH THEM IN REGARD TO PEACE WHILE THEIR ARMIES WERE STILL IN ITALY. LATER, WHEN HANNIBAL AND MAGO HAD EMBARKED, THEY ACCORDED THE ENVOYS AN AUDIENCE AND VOTED THE PEACE. But Hannibal and Mago departed from Italy not on account of the tentative arrangements but through haste to reach the scene of war at home.

The Carthaginians in Libya were not thinking seriously of peace even before this and had made propositions about a truce only for the purpose of using up time and with a view to securing Hannibal's presence. When they heard that Hannibal was really drawing near, they took courage [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^55] AND ATTACKED SCIPIO BOTH BY LAND AND BY SEA. WHEN THE LATTER COMPLAINED TO THEM ABOUT THIS, THEY RETURNED NO PROPER ANSWER TO THE ENVOYS AND ACTUALLY PLOTTED AGAINST THEM WHEN THEY SAILED BACK; AND HAD NOT A WIND FORTUNATELY ARISEN TO HELP THEM, THEY WOULD HAVE PERISHED. HENCE SCIPIO, THOUGH AT THIS TIME THE VOTE REGARDING PEACE WAS BROUGHT TO HIM, REFUSED ANY LONGER TO MAKE IT. So the Carthaginians sent Mago back to Italy, but deposed Hanno from his command and appointed Hannibal general with full powers. Hasdrubal they even voted to put to death, and finding that he had by poison intentionally compassed his own destruction they abused his dead body. Hannibal having secured complete leadership invaded the country of Masinissa, where he proceeded to do mischief and made ready to fight against the Romans. Counter-preparations were made by the followers of Scipio.

IX, 14.—The people of Rome were regretting that they had not prevented the return voyage of Hannibal, and when they learned that he was consolidating the opposition in Libya, they were again terrified beyond measure. [Sidenote: B.C. 202 (a.u. 552)] Accordingly they sent Claudius Nero, one of the consuls, to attend to him, and allotted to Marcus Servilius the protection of Italy. Nevertheless Nero was not able to reach Libya, being detained in Italy by stormy weather and again at Sardinia. After that he progressed no farther than Sicily, for he learned that Scipio had proved the victor. Scipio, indeed, was afraid that Nero might be so prompt as to appropriate the glory that properly was the fruit of his own toils, and so, at the very first glimmer of spring, he took up his march against Hannibal; he had already received information that the latter had conquered Masinissa. Hannibal, upon ascertaining the approach of Scipio, did not wait, but went out to meet him. They encamped opposite each other and did not at once come to blows, but delayed several days; and each commander addressed words to his own army and incited it to battle.

When it seemed best to Scipio not to delay any further but to involve Hannibal in conflict whether he wished it or not, he set out for Utica, that by creating an impression of fear and flight he might gain a favorable opportunity for attack; and this was what took place. Hannibal, thinking that he was in flight and being correspondingly encouraged, pursued him with cavalry only. Contrary to his expectations Scipio resisted, engaged in battle and came out victorious. After routing this body he directed his next attentions not to pursuing them but to their equipment train, which chanced to be on the march, and he captured it entire. This behavior caused Hannibal alarm, an alarm increased by the news that Scipio had done no injury to three Carthaginian spies whom he had found in his camp. Hannibal had learned this fact from one of them, for the other two had chosen to remain with the Romans. Disheartened and confused he no longer felt the courage to carry on a decisive engagement with the Romans, but determined to make efforts for a truce as quickly as possible, in order that if this attempt should not be successful, it might at least cause a temporary delay and cessation of hostilities. So he sent to Masinissa, and through him as a man of the same stock asked for a truce. And he secured a conference with Scipio, but accomplished nothing. For Scipio avoided a definite answer as much as he did a harsh one, but throughout pursued a middle course, albeit preserving an agreeable tone, in order to lead Hannibal into careless behavior by pretending a willingness to come to terms. Such was the result. Hannibal now gave no thought to battle, but concerned himself with a desire to change his camp to a more favorable location. Scipio, gaining this information from deserters, broke up beforehand by night and occupied the spot which was the goal of Hannibal's striving. And when the Carthaginians had reached a depressed part of the road unsuited for encampment he suddenly confronted them. Hannibal refused to fight and in his efforts to locate a camp there and to dig wells he had a hard time of it all night long. Thus Scipio forced the enemy, while at a disadvantage from weariness and thirst, to offer battle whether pleased or not.

Accordingly, the Romans entered the conflict well marshaled and eager, but Hannibal and the Carthaginians listlessly and in dejection, a dejection for which a total eclipse of the sun at this time was largely accountable. From this combination of circumstances Hannibal suspected that this, too, foreboded to them nothing auspicious. In this frame of mind they stationed the elephants in front of them as a protection. Suddenly the Romans emitted a great, bloodcurdling shout, and smiting their spears against their shields advanced with determination and on a run against the elephants. Thrown into a panic by the onset most of the beasts did not await the enemy's approach, but turned to flee and receiving frequent wounds wrought greater turmoil among their keepers. Others entered the fray, and then the Romans would stand apart and the animals ran through the spaces in their ranks, getting struck and wounded from close at hand as they passed along. For a time the Carthaginians resisted, but at length, when Masinissa and Laelius fell upon them from the rear with horsemen, they all fled. The majority of them were destroyed and Hannibal came very near losing his life. As he fled, Masinissa pursued him at breakneck speed, giving his horse free rein. Hannibal turned and saw him in mad career; he swerved aside just slightly, [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^57] AND CHECKED HIS FORWARD COURSE: Masinissa rushed by and Hannibal got behind and wounded him. Shortly after with a few attendants the Carthaginian leader made good his escape.

[Sidenote: B.C. 201 (a.u. 553)] Scipio followed up his victory by a rapid advance against Carthage and proceeded to besiege it by land and sea at once. The Carthaginians at first set themselves in readiness as though to endure the siege, but later, brought to the end of their resources, [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^62] THEY MADE OVERTURES TO SCIPIO FOR PEACE. Scipio accepted their proposals and discussed with them the articles of the compact. THE TERMS AGREED UPON WERE: THAT THE HOSTAGES AND THE CAPTIVES AND THE DESERTERS SHOULD BE GIVEN UP BY THE CARTHAGINIANS, THAT ALL THE ELEPHANTS AND THE TRIREMES (SAVE TEN) SHOULD BE DELIVERED OVER, AND THAT IN THE FUTURE THEY SHOULD NOT KEEP ELEPHANTS NOR MORE SHIPS OF WAR THAN TEN, NOR MAKE WAR UPON ANY ONE CONTRARY TO THE ADVICE AND CONSENT OF THE ROMANS, and a few other points.

WHEN AN AGREEMENT OF THIS NATURE HAD BEEN REACHED, THE CARTHAGINIANS DESPATCHED AMBASSADORS TO ROME. [Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^63?)] SO THEY WENT THEIR WAY, BUT THE SENATE DID NOT RECEIVE THE EMBASSY READILY; INDEED, ITS MEMBERS DISPUTED FOR A LONG TIME, ONE PARTY BEING OPPOSED TO ANOTHER. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^64] THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY, HOWEVER, UNANIMOUSLY VOTED FOR PEACE AND ACCEPTED THE AGREEMENT AND SENT TEN MEN THAT IN CONJUNCTION WITH SCIPIO THEY MIGHT SETTLE ALL THE DETAILS. AND THE TREATY WAS ACCEPTED, THE TRIREMES WERE GIVEN UP AND BURNED, AND OF THE ELEPHANTS THE LARGER NUMBER WERE CARRIED OFF TO ROME, AND THE REST WERE PRESENTED TO MASINISSA. THE ROMANS NOW ABANDONED LIBYA, AND THE CARTHAGINIANS ITALY.

THE SECOND WAR, THEN, WITH THE CARTHAGINIANS RESULTED IN THIS WAY AT THE END OF SIXTEEN YEARS. BY IT SCIPIO HAD BEEN MADE ILLUSTRIOUS, AND HE WAS GIVEN THE TITLE OF AFRICANUS (AFRICA WAS THE NAME OF THAT PART OF LIBYA SURROUNDING CARTHAGE), AND MANY ALSO CALLED HIM "LIBERATOR" BECAUSE HE HAD BROUGHT BACK MANY CAPTIVE CITIZENS. HE THEREFORE ATTAINED GREAT PROMINENCE BY THESE DEEDS, BUT HANNIBAL WAS ACCUSED BY HIS OWN PEOPLE OF HAVING REFUSED TO CAPTURE ROME WHEN HE WAS ABLE TO DO SO, AND OF HAVING APPROPRIATED THE PLUNDER IN ITALY. HE WAS NOT, HOWEVER, CONVICTED, BUT WAS SHORTLY AFTER ENTRUSTED WITH THE HIGHEST OFFICE IN CARTHAGE.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 57^1] IX, 15.—THE ROMANS NOW BECAME INVOLVED IN OTHER WARS, which were waged against Philip the Macedonian and against Antiochus.

(BOOK 18, BOISSEVAIN.)

As long as the struggle with the Carthaginians was at its height they treated Philip with consideration even if his attitude toward them was not one of friendliness; for they wished to prevent him from consolidating with the Carthaginians or leading an expedition into Italy. But when the previous hostilities had come to a standstill, they did not wait a moment, but embarked upon open warfare with him, which they justified by the presentation of many complaints. Accordingly, the Romans sent envoys to him, and when he complied with none of their orders, voted for war. They used his descent upon the Greeks as a pretext, but their real reason was irritation at his general behavior and a determination to anticipate him, so that he should not be able to enslave Greece and conduct a campaign against Italy after the fashion of Pyrrhus. [Sidenote: B.C. 200 (a.u. 554)] As a consequence of their vote they made effective preparations in all departments and they associated with Sulpicius Galba Lucius Apustius as legatus in charge of the fleet. Galba after crossing the Ionian Gulf was sick for some time; accordingly the aforementioned legatus and the sub-lieutenant Claudius Cento assumed charge of his entire force. The second of these with the aid of the fleet rescued Athens, which was being besieged by the Macedonians, and sacked Chalcis, which was occupied by the same enemy. Philip returned just then, having finished his campaign against Athens, but Cento drove him back at his first approach and repulsed him again on the occasion of a subsequent assault. Apustius, while Philip was busy with Greece, had invaded Macedonia, and was plundering the country as well as making garrisons and cities subject. For these reasons Philip found himself in a quandary, and for a time scurried about hither and thither, defending now one place, now another. This he did until Apustius proved himself a mighty menace to his country and the Dardanians were injuring the part of Macedonia close to their borders [Sidenote: FRAG. 57^2] (THIS PEOPLE DWELL ABOVE THE ILLYRIANS AND THE MACEDONIANS) and some Illyrians together with Amynander king of the Athamanians, a Thessalian tribe, though they had previously been his allies now transferred themselves to the Roman side. In view of these events he conceived a suspicion of AEtolian loyalty and began to fear for his interests at home, and he hastened thither with the larger part of his army. Apustius, apprised of his approach, retired, for by this time it was winter.

Galba on recovering from his illness made ready a still larger force and at the beginning of spring pushed forward into Macedonia. When the two leaders drew near each other they [Sidenote: FRAG. 57^3] BOTH PITCHED CAMP AND CONDUCTED SKIRMISHES OF THE HORSE AND LIGHT-ARMED TROOPS. WHEN THE ROMANS TRANSFERRED THEIR CAMP TO A CERTAIN SPOT FROM WHICH THEY COULD GET FOOD MORE EASILY, PHILIP DECIDED THAT THEY HAD SHIFTED POSITION OUT OF FEAR OF HIM; THEREFORE HE ATTACKED THEM UNEXPECTEDLY WHILE THEY WERE ENGAGED IN PLUNDERING AND KILLED A FEW OF THEM. AND GALBA ON PERCEIVING THIS MADE A SORTIE FROM THE CAMP, ATTACKED HIM AND SLEW MANY MORE IN RETURN. PHILIP, THEN, IN VIEW OF HIS DEFEAT AND THE FACT THAT HE WAS WOUNDED, WITHDREW JUST AFTER NIGHTFALL. GALBA, HOWEVER, DID NOT FOLLOW HIM UP BUT RETIRED TO APOLLONIA. APUSTIUS WITH THE RHODIANS AND WITH ATTALUS CRUISED ABOUT AND SUBJUGATED MANY OF THE ISLANDS.

About the same time [Sidenote: FRAG. 57^4] HAMILCAR, A CARTHAGINIAN WHO HAD MADE A CAMPAIGN WITH MAGO IN ITALY AND REMAINED THERE UNNOTICED, AFTER A TERM OF QUIET CAUSED THE GAULS AS SOON AS THE MACEDONIAN WAR BROKE OUT TO REVOLT FROM THE ROMANS; THEN WITH THE REBELS HE MADE AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE LIGURIANS AND WON OVER SOME OF THEM ALSO. THEY FOUGHT WITH LUCIUS FURIUS THE PRAETOR, WERE DEFEATED, AND SENT ENVOYS ABOUT PEACE. THE LIGURIANS OBTAINED THIS, but it was not granted to the others. Instead, Aurelius the consul, who was jealous of the praetor's victory, led a new campaign against them.

[Sidenote: B.C. 199 (a.u. 555)] The succeeding year a great deal of havoc was wrought by Hamilcar and the Gauls. They conquered the praetor Gnaeus Baebius, overran the territory which was in alliance with the Romans, besieged Placentia, and capturing it razed it to the ground.

IX, 16.—To return to the campaign in Greece and Macedonia—Publius Villius the consul was encamped opposite Philip, who had occupied in advance the passes of Epirus through which are the entrances to Macedonia. Philip had extended a wall across the entire mountain region in between and held a formidable position, [Sidenote: B.C. 198 (a.u. 556)] but the consul Titus Flamininus[38] at the conclusion of winter got around the circumvallation with a few followers by a narrow path. And appearing suddenly on higher ground he terrified Philip, who thought that the whole army of Titus had come up through the pass. Hence he fell back into Macedonia at once. The consul did not pursue him, but assumed control of the cities in Epirus. He also went into Thessaly and detached a good part of it from Philip and then retired into Phocis and Boeotia. While he was besieging Elatea his brother Lucius Flamininus in company with Attalus and the Rhodians was subduing the islands. Finally, after the capture of Cenchrea, they learned that envoys had been sent to the Achaeans to see about an alliance and they despatched some themselves in turn, the Athenians associating in the embassy. And at first the opinions of the Achaeans were divided, some wanting to vote their alliance to Philip and some to the Romans; eventually, however, they voted assistance to the latter. And they joined in an expedition against Corinth, where they succeeded in demolishing portions of the wall, but retired after losses suffered through sallies of the citizens.

[Footnote 38: Zonaras consistently spells Flaminius.]

Then Philip, growing afraid that many cities might be taken, made overtures to the consul regarding peace. The latter accepted his representations and they and their allies met, but nothing was accomplished except that permission was granted Philip to send envoys to Rome. Nor was anything done there. For, when the Greeks insisted that he depart from Corinth and Chalcis and from Demetrias in Thessaly, the envoys of Philip said they had received no instructions on this point and closed an ineffectual mission.

The people of Rome in voting to Flamininus the supreme direction in Greece for another year also committed to his charge the case of Philip as well. The Roman leader, since he was to remain at his post, prepared for war, and the more so because the Lacedaemonian tyrant Nabis, although a friend of Philip from whom he had received Argos, had made a truce with him. The Macedonian monarch being unable to administer many districts at once and fearing that the city might be seized by the Romans had deposited it with Nabis to be restored again.

In a campaign of the consul AElius Paetus against the Gauls many perished on both sides in the stress of conflict and no advantage was achieved. And the Carthaginian hostages together with the slaves accompanying them and the captives who had been sold to various persons had the hardihood to take possession of the several cities in which they were living; and after slaughtering many of the native population were overthrown by the praetor Cornelius Lentulus before they had wrought any more mischief. The Gauls, however, elated by their successes and aware of the fact that it was only a secondary war the Romans were waging against them prepared as if to march upon Rome. [Sidenote: B.C. 197 (a.u. 557)] The Romans consequently became afraid and sent both the consuls, Cornelius Cethegus and Minucius Rufus, against the Gauls. They parted company and individually ravaged different tracts of country. The enemy accordingly also divided forces to meet the consuls. One band under Hamilcar encountered Cethegus and was defeated; the rest when made aware of this showed the white feather and would no longer face Rufus; consequently the latter overran the country at will. Those who had fought against Cethegus then made peace; the remainder still continued under arms.

At this time Flamininus in company with Attalus reduced the whole of Boeotia. Attalus expired of old age in the midst of a speech which he was making to the people there. Flamininus went into Thessaly and came into collision with Philip. It was only a cavalry skirmish in which they engaged, for the ground was not suitable for a battle on a vaster scale; hence both withdrew. And having reached a certain hill, the top ridge of which is called Dog's Head (Cynoscephale), they bivouacked, one on one side, the other on the other. Here also they fought with their entire armies, and the outcome would have left both with equal honors if the AEtolians had not made the Romans superior. So [Sidenote: FRAG. 58] PHILIP WAS DEFEATED and fled, and afterward, learning that Larissa and the cities surrounding it had chosen to follow the fortunes of the victors, HE SENT HERALDS TO FLAMININUS. AND HE MADE A TRUCE as soon as Philip had given money and hostages, among them his own son Demetrius, and had sent out envoys to Rome in regard to peace.

During the period of these transactions Androsthenes also had been vanquished by the Achaeans and had lost Corinth. And Lucius Flamininus who was in charge of the fleet, when he could not persuade the Acarnanians to refrain from allying themselves with Philip, besieged and captured Leucas; later they became aware of Philip's defeat and he secured their submission with greater ease.

Thus was the Macedonian war terminated and the people of Rome very readily became reconciled with Philip upon the following terms. He should restore the captives and deserters; give up the elephants and triremes save five (including the flagship, a vessel of sixteen banks), pay an indemnity, part at once, the rest in definite installments; be king of Macedonia alone; not keep more than five thousand soldiers, nor make war with any person outside his own country. For the rest of the cities situated in Asia and Europe which were previously subservient to him they let go free.

The consuls waged once more with the Gauls a war not unfraught with difficulties, yet in spite of all they got the better of this people, too.

[Sidenote: B.C. 195 (a.u. 559)] IX, 17.—Porcius Cato being chosen consul won back Spain, which had been almost entirely alienated. He was a man who surpassed those of his age in every virtue. Now after the defeat inflicted upon the Romans at Cannae a law had been passed to the effect that women should not wear gold nor be carried in chairs nor make use at all of variegated clothing; and the people were deliberating as to whether they ought to abolish this law. And on this subject Cato delivered a speech in which he made out that the law ought to prevail, and finally he added these words: "Let the women, then, be adorned not with gold nor precious stones nor with any bright and transparent clothing, but with modesty, with love of husband, love of children, persuasion, moderation, with the established laws, with our arms, our victories, our trophies."—Lucius Valerius, a tribune, spoke in opposition to Cato, urging that the privilege of the old-time ornament be restored to the women. After speaking at length in this vein to the people he then directed his discourse to a consideration of Cato, and said: "You, Cato, if you are displeased at women's ornaments and wish to do something magnificent and befitting a philosopher, clip their hair close all around and put on them short frocks and tunics with one shoulder; yes, by Jove, you go ahead and give them armor and mount them on horses and, if you like, take them to Spain; and let's bring them in here, so that they may take part in our assemblies." Valerius said this in jest, but the women hearing him (many of them were hanging about near the Forum inquisitive to know how the affair would come out) rushed into the assembly denouncing the law; and accordingly, as it was speedily repealed, they put on some ornaments right there in the assembly and went out dancing.

Cato sailed away and reached Spain. There he learned that all the dwellers as far as the Iber had united in order to wage war against him in a body. After organizing his army he attacked and defeated them and forced them to submit to him. They did so in the fear that otherwise they might lose the cities at a single stroke. At the time he did them no harm, but later when some of them incurred his suspicion, he deprived them all of arms and made the natives themselves tear down their own walls. Letters were sent in every direction with orders that they should be delivered to everybody on the same day; and in these he commanded the people to raze the circuit of their fortifications instanter, threatening the disobedient with death. Those occupying official positions when they had read them thought in each case that the message had been written to them alone, and without taking time for deliberation they all threw down their walls.

Cato now crossed the Iber, and though he did not dare to contend with the Celtiberian allies of the enemy on account of their number, yet he handled them in marvelous fashion, now persuading them by a gift of larger pay to change front and join him, now admonishing them to return home, sometimes even announcing a battle with them for a stated day. The result of it all was that they broke up into separate factions and became so fearful that they no longer ventured to fight with him.

(BOOK 19, BOISSEVAIN.)

IX, 18.—At this time Flamininus, too, made a campaign against Argos, for the Romans seeing that Nabis was not loyal to them and was a source of terror to the Greeks treated him as an enemy. With an accession of allies from Philip Flamininus marched upon Sparta, crossed Taygetus without effort and advanced toward the city, meeting with no opposition. For Nabis, being afraid of the Romans and suspicious of the natives, did not rouse himself to the point of meeting Flamininus at a distance; but when the latter came nearer he made a hostile excursion from the town, thinking lightly of his opponent because of the fatigue of the journey and because Flamininus was kept employed by the business of encamping; and he did cause a few flurries. The next day he came out to face the Romans when they assaulted, but as he lost large numbers he did not come out again. So Flamininus, leaving a portion of his army there to prevent a warlike demonstration anywhere, with the rest turned his attention to the country districts; these he ravaged with the aid of his brother and the Rhodians and Eumenes, son of Attalus. Nabis was consequently in despair and despatched a herald to Flamininus about peace. The latter listened to his proposals but did not immediately cease hostilities. For Nabis did not dare to refuse the arrangements which he was asked to make, nor yet would he consent to make them. And the populace prevented him from coming to an agreement. So temporarily Nabis did not come to terms, but when the Romans attacked again and captured almost all of Sparta (it was in part destitute of a wall), he would wait no longer, but made a truce with Flamininus and by sending an embassy to Rome effected a settlement.

Flamininus hereupon set all the Greeks free; [Sidenote: B.C. 194 (a.u. 560)] later he convened them in session and after reminding them of the benefits they had received urged them to maintain a kindly attitude toward the Romans: he then withdrew all their garrisons and departed with his entire army.

Upon the arrival of Flamininus at Rome Nabis rebelled. And straightway the whole Greek world, so to speak, was thrown into a turmoil which the AEtolians did their best to increase. They were making ready for war and were sending embassies to Philip and Antiochus. They persuaded the latter to assume a position of hostility to the Romans, promising him that he should be king of both Greece and Italy. Roman interests were so upset that they had no hope of overcoming Antiochus, but were satisfied if they could preserve their former conquests. Antiochus was regarded as a mighty personage both in the light of his own power, through which he had performed distinguished exploits and above all had subjugated Media, [Sidenote: B.C. 193 (a.u. 561)] and he loomed far mightier still for having attached to his cause Ptolemy, king of Egypt, and Ariarathes, monarch of Cappadocia, as a kinsman by marriage.

Antiochus being so esteemed, the Romans as long as they were at war with Philip were careful to court his favor, keeping up friendly relations with him through envoys and sending him gifts. But when they had vanquished their other enemy, they despised also this king whom they had formerly feared. Antiochus himself crossed over into Thrace and gained control of many districts. [Sidenote: B.C. 192 (a.u. 562)] He helped colonize Lysimachia, which had been depopulated, intending to use it as a base. It was Philip and Nabis who had invited his assistance. Hannibal, too, had been with him and had caused him to hope that he might sail to Carthage and from there to Italy, and further that he could subjugate the races along the Ionian Gulf and with them set out against Rome. Twice before, indeed, Antiochus had crossed into Europe and had reached Greece. This time he learned that Ptolemy was dead, and deeming it all important that he should obtain the sovereignty of Egypt he left his son Seleucus with a force at Lysimachia and himself set out on the march. He found out, however, that Ptolemy was alive, and so kept away from Egypt and made an attempt to sail to Cyprus. Baffled by a storm he returned home. The Romans and he both despatched envoys to each other submitting mutual complaints that they might get an excuse for the war and inspect conditions on each side betimes.

Hannibal had obtained the most important office at Carthage and in his tenure of it had offended the most powerful nobles and incurred their hatred. Malicious reports about him were conveyed to the Romans to the effect that he was rousing the Carthaginians to revolt and was negotiating with Antiochus. Learning that some men from Rome were at hand and fearing possible arrest he escaped from Carthage by night. He came then to Antiochus and paved the way for his own restoration to his native country and for war against the Romans by promising the king that he would secure to him the rulership of Greece and Italy. All went well until Scipio Africanus joined them. Scipio had been sent to Libya as arbitrator between Masinissa and the Carthaginians, who were at variance over some land boundaries, and had left their dispute still hanging in the air that they might continue to quarrel and neither of them be angry at the Romans on account of a definite decision. From there he crossed into Asia nominally as an envoy to Antiochus but in reality to smite both him and Hannibal with terror by his appearance and accomplish what was for the advantage of the Romans. After his arrival Antiochus no longer bestowed a similar degree of attention upon Hannibal. He suspected him of secret dealings with Scipio, and found him burdensome besides, because everybody ascribed every plan to Hannibal and all placed in him their hope for success in the war. For these reasons, then, he became both jealous and afraid of Hannibal, dreading that he might change his demeanor, should he get control of any power. So he neither supplied him with an army nor sent one to Carthage; and he did not favor him very much with audiences but made it a practice not to sanction any of his proposals.

IX, 19.—The rumors about Antiochus occupied a large share of Rome's attention and caused the Romans no small degree of uneasiness. The name of Antiochus was in many mouths: some said that he already held the whole of Greece, others talked to the effect that he was hastening toward Italy. The Romans accordingly despatched envoys to Greece, among them Flamininus, who was on intimate terms with the people, in order to prevent them and Philip from creating any disturbance; and of the praetors they sent Marcus Baebius to Apollonia, in case Antiochus should undertake to cross over into Italy that way, and Aulus Atilius to attend to Nabis. The second of these had no work to do, for Nabis had ere this perished, the victim of a plot on the part of the AEtolians, and Sparta had been captured by the Achaeans: Baebius and Philip confirmed the loyalty of many portions of Thessaly. The Macedonian king was true to his agreement with the Romans principally for the reason that Antiochus had attached some settlements belonging to him in Thrace.

Flamininus went about Greece, and some he persuaded not to revolt, others already revolted he won back, except the AEtolians and a few towns elsewhere. The AEtolian league had bound itself to Antiochus and was forming a union out of some states that were willing and others that were unwilling. Antiochus in spite of the winter time hastened forward to fulfill the hopes of the AEtolians, and this explains why he did not bring along a respectable force. With what he had, however, he took Chalcis and gained control of the rest of Euboea. Finding some Romans among the captives he released them all. Then he entered Chalcis to spend the winter, [Sidenote: FRAG. 59^1] WITH THE RESULT THAT HE HIMSELF AND HIS GENERALS AND HIS SOLDIERS HAD THEIR MENTAL ENERGIES RUINED BEFOREHAND; FOR BY HIS GENERAL INDOLENCE AND HIS PASSION FOR A CERTAIN GIRL HE DRIFTED INTO LUXURIOUS LIVING AND AT THE SAME TIME RENDERED THE BEST UNFIT FOR WARFARE.

The people of Rome learning that he was in Greece and had captured Chalcis took up the war in earnest. [Sidenote: B.C. 191 (a.u. 563)] Of the consuls they retained Scipio Nasica to guard Italy and sent Manius Glabrio with a large army into Greece. Nasica conducted a war against the Boii, and Glabrio drove Antiochus out of Greece. He also went to Thessaly and with the help of Baebius and Philip gained control of many of the towns there. He captured Philip of Megalopolis and sent him to Rome, and drove Amynander out of his domain, which he then gave to the Macedonian ruler.

Antiochus meanwhile was staying at Chalcis and keeping quiet. Afterward he entered Boeotia and at Thermopylae withstood the Romans who came to meet him. Considering the fewness of his soldiers he thought it best to seek an ally in the natural advantages of his position. And in order to avoid having himself such an experience as the Greeks had met who were arrayed there against the Persian he sent a division of the AEtolians up to the summit of the mountains to keep guard there. Glabrio cared little for the location and did not postpone a battle: however, he despatched his lieutenants Porcius Cato and Valerius Flaccus by night against the AEtolians on the summit and himself engaged in conflict with Antiochus just about dawn. As long as he fought on level ground he had the best of it, but when Antiochus fell back to a position higher up, he found himself inferior till Cato arrived in the enemy's rear. Cato had come upon the AEtolians asleep and had killed most of them and scattered the rest; then he hurried down and participated in the battle going on below. So they routed Antiochus and captured his camp. The king forthwith retired to Chalcis, but learning that the consul was approaching went back unobserved to Asia.

Glabrio at once occupied Boeotia and Euboea, and proceeded to deliver assaults upon Heraclea, since the AEtolians were unwilling to yield to him. The lower city he captured by means of a siege and received the capitulation of those who had fled to the acropolis. Among the prisoners taken at this time was found Democritus the AEtolian general, who had once refused alliance to Flamininus, and when the latter asked for a decree that he might send it to Rome, had said: "Don't worry. I will carry it there with my army and read it to you all on the banks of the Tiber."—Philip was engaged in besieging Lamia when Glabrio came against it and appropriated both victory and booty. Though the remainder of the AEtolians wanted to become reconciled, still they made no truce because Antiochus sent them envoys and money; and they set themselves in readiness for war. Philip affected friendliness toward the Romans, but his heart was with Antiochus. Meantime Glabrio was besieging Naupactus which belonged to the AEtolians, and Flamininus coming to them persuaded the inhabitants to make peace, for he was well known to them. They as well as the Epirots despatched envoys to Rome. Philip for sending a triumphal crown to Capitoline Jupiter received in return among other presents his son Demetrius, who was living at Rome a hostage. A truce was not made with the AEtolians, for they would not submit to any curtailment of privilege.

[Sidenote: B.C. 190 (a.u. 564)] IX, 20.—The Romans set against Antiochus the Scipios, Africanus and his brother Lucius. They granted the AEtolians a respite for the purpose of once more conducting an embassy to Rome regarding peace, and hurried on against Antiochus. On reaching Macedonia they secured allies from Philip and marched on to the Hellespont. After crossing into Asia they occupied most of the coast districts which had previously been occupied by the Romans who had gone there first, as well as by Eumenes and the Rhodians; the latter had also conquered Hannibal in the region of Pamphylia, as he was taking some ships out from Phoenicia. Eumenes and his brother Attalus proceeded to injure the country of Antiochus, and cities kept coming over, some under compulsion, some voluntarily, to the Romans, with the ultimate result that Antiochus was obliged to abandon Europe entirely and to recall his son Seleucus from Lysimachia. When this son had accomplished the return journey, he sent him with troops against Pergamum. Inasmuch, however, as his investment of the town proved ineffectual and the Scipios soon reached his vicinity, Antiochus lost no time in concluding a truce with them; for he expected to obtain terms since [Sidenote: FRAG. 59^2] HE HAD GOT POSSESSION OF THE SON OF AFRICANUS AND WAS ACCORDING HIM THE KINDEST TREATMENT. AND FINALLY, THOUGH HE FAILED OF SECURING PEACE, HE RELEASED HIM WITHOUT RANSOM. The peace project, however, came to nothing, because Antiochus would not agree to accede to the Roman demands.

Still, for a long time their attitude was marked by inaction. Finally they fell to fighting again. The following may serve as a general description of the contest. Antiochus put the chariots in front, with the elephants next, and behind these the slingers and the archers. But the Romans anticipated the charge of the chariots by a charge of their own and with a great clamor they rushed straight at them and repulsed them, so that most of these vehicles turned in the direction of the elephants. In their backward career they threw their own contingent into confusion,—for their erratic course terrified and dispersed the men marshaled close to them,—and a heavy rain which now came up rendered weak the detachment of archers and slingers. A heavy, all-enveloping mist succeeded, which was of no hindrance to the Romans, who had the upper hand and were fighting at close range; but in the case of their opponents, who were in dread and employed cavalry and archers for the most part, it made it out of the question to see which way to shoot their arrows and caused them to stumble over one another, like men in the dark. Nevertheless Antiochus developed sufficient power, by means of his armored cavalry, to rout the antagonists directly confronting him and to advance in pursuit of them as far as their camp. Indeed, he would have taken it, had not Marcus AEmilius Lepidus, who was charged with guarding it, killed the first Romans that came in after they had refused to heed his exhortations to check their flight. As a result the rest of the party turned back and the commander himself made a sortie with members of the garrison who were free from the prevailing demoralization, and their united efforts repulsed Antiochus. While this action was taking place, Zeuxis had assailed the ramparts in another quarter, had succeeded in getting within them, and continued to pillage until Lepidus became aware of it and came to the rescue of his own interests. At the same time Scipio captured the camp of Antiochus, wherein he found many human beings, many horses, baggage animals, silver and gold coins, elephants, and a number of precious objects besides. Antiochus after this defeat at once retired into Syria, and the Asiatic Greeks made common cause with the Romans.

After this, upon overtures made by Antiochus, an armistice was arranged. Africanus was well disposed toward him for his son's sake, and the consul, too, did not want to leave the victory to be grasped by his successor, now approaching; consequently they laid upon Antiochus conditions no more severe than those they had originally set, before the battle. [Sidenote: B.C. 189 (a.u. 565)] Indeed, Gnaeus Manlius who succeeded them in office was not pleased with the agreement reached, and he made additional demands upon the king, requiring him besides to give hostages, one of whom should be his son Antiochus, and to deliver up all the deserters, among whom was Hannibal. Antiochus reluctantly yielded obedience on all points: to give up Hannibal, however, was out of his power, since that prince had taken seasonable refuge with Prusias, king of Bithynia. On these terms Antiochus was able to send envoys to Rome and effect a cessation of hostilities. Lucius Scipio received praise for his victory, and it gave him the title of Asiaticus in the same way as his brother had been called Africanus for conquering Carthage, which had possessed the most considerable power in Africa.

These brothers who had proved themselves men of such valor and as a result of excellence had attained such a height of reputation were not long afterward brought to court and handed over to the populace. Lucius was condemned on the suspicion of his having appropriated no inconsiderable share of the spoil, and Africanus nominally for having made the conditions lighter out of gratitude for kindness shown his son; (the true cause of his conviction was jealousy). [Sidenote: FRAG. 60] THAT THEY COULD NOT JUSTLY BE CHARGED WITH WRONGDOING IS MADE PLAIN BOTH BY OTHER EVIDENCE AND MOST OF ALL BY THE FACT THAT WHEN THE PROPERTY OF ASIATICUS WAS CONFISCATED IT WAS FOUND TO CONSIST MERELY OF HIS ORIGINAL INHERITANCE, AND THAT THOUGH AFRICANUS RETIRED TO LITERNUM AND ABODE THERE TO THE END, NO ONE EVER AGAIN PASSED SENTENCE OF CONDEMNATION UPON HIM.

Manlius all this time was engaged in winning over Pisidia, Lycaonia, and Pamphylia, and a large district of Galatia in Asia. For there exists in that region too a race of Gauls which broke off from the European stock. Years ago with their king, Brennus, at their head they overran Greece and Thrace, and crossing thence to Bithynia they detached certain portions of Phrygia, Paphlagonia, Mysia adjacent to Olympus, and Cappadocia, and took up their residence in them; and they constitute to-day a separate nation bearing the name of Gauls. This people caused Manlius trouble, but he managed to overcome them too, capturing their city Ancyra by assault and gaining control of the rest of the towns by capitulation. This effected, he set sail for home after he had received a large price for peace from Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia.

IX, 21.—The AEtolians when they had sent ambassadors to Rome the second time in regard to peace themselves raised the standard of rebellion. Hence the Romans immediately dismissed the ambassadors and referred the conduct of affairs in Greece to Marcus Fulvius. He set out first for the large city of Ambracia (it had once been the royal residence of Pyrrhus and was now occupied by the AEtolians) and proceeded to besiege it. So the AEtolians held a conference with him about peace, but finding him disinclined to a truce they sent a part of their army into Ambracia. The Romans undertook to capture the town by an underground passage and pushed their mine straight forward, temporarily eluding the notice of the besieged party; but the latter began to suspect the true state of affairs when the excavated earth attained some dimensions. As they were not aware in what direction the trench was being dug, they kept applying a bronze shield to the surface of the ground all about the circuit of the walls. By means of the resonance they found out the place and went to work in their turn to dig a tunnel from inside and approached the Romans, with whom they battled in obscurity. Finally they devised the following sort of defence. They filled a huge jar with feathers and put fire in it. To this they attached a bronze cover that had a number of holes bored in it. Then, after carrying the jar into the mine and turning the mouth of it toward the enemy, they inserted a bellows in the bottom, and by blowing this bellows with vigor they caused a tremendous amount of unpleasant smoke, such as feathers would naturally create, to pour out, so that not one of the Romans could endure it. Hence the Romans in despair of succeeding made a truce and raised the siege. When they had agreed to treat, the AEtolians also changed their course and secured an armistice. Subsequently they obtained a peace from the People by the gift of considerable money and many hostages. Fulvius induced Cephallenia to capitulate and reduced to order the Peloponnesus, which was in a state of factional turmoil.

[Sidenote: B.C. 187 (a.u. 567)] After a little, in the consulship of Gaius Flaminius and AEmilius Lepidus, Antiochus died and his son Seleucus succeeded him. Much later, at the demise of Seleucus, the Antiochus who spent some time as a hostage in Rome became king. [Sidenote: B.C. 183 (a.u. 571)] And Philip had courage enough to revolt because he had been deprived of some towns in Thessaly and of AEnus and Maronea besides, but he was unable to do so on account of his age and what had happened to his sons.—Some Gauls crossed the Alps and desired to found a city to the south of the mountains. Marcus Marcellus took away their arms and everything that they had brought: the Romans in the capital, however, upon receiving an embassy from them restored everything on condition that they should at once retire.

These years also saw the death of Hannibal. Envoys had been sent from Rome to Prusias, monarch of Bithynia, and a part of their errand was to make him give up Hannibal, who was at his court. The Carthaginian had advance information of the facts and being unable to escape committed suicide. [Sidenote: cp. FRAG. 64.] AN ORACLE HAD ONCE ANNOUNCED TO HIM THAT HE SHOULD DIE IN THE LAND OF LIBYSSA, AND HE WAS EXPECTING TO DIE IN LIBYA, HIS NATIVE COUNTRY, BUT, AS IT HAPPENED, HIS DEMISE OCCURRED WHILE HE CHANCED TO BE STAYING IN A CERTAIN PLACE CALLED LIBYSSA. Scipio Africanus also died at this time.

(BOOK 20, BOISSEVAIN.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 179 (a.u. 575)] IX, 22.—Philip, king of Macedonia, had put to death his son Demetrius and was about to slay his other son Perseus, when death overtook him. Because Demetrius had gained the affection of the Roman people through his sojourn as hostage and because he himself and the rest of the Macedonian people hoped that he would secure the kingdom after Philip was done with it, Perseus, who was his elder, became jealous of him and falsely reported him to be plotting against his father. Thus Demetrius was forced to drink poison and perished. Philip not long after ascertained the truth and desired to take measures against Perseus; he did not, however, possess sufficient strength and death overtook him. Perseus succeeded to the kingdom. The Romans confirmed his claims to it and renewed the compact of friendship enjoyed by his father.

In the period immediately following some events of importance took place, yet they were not of so vital a character that one should deem them worthy of record. Still later Perseus put himself in the position of an enemy to the Romans, and in order to delay actual warfare until he should reach a state of preparation he sent envoys to Rome presumably to make a defence on the charges which were being pressed against him. These messengers the Romans would not receive within the wall, but they transacted business with them in the space before the city; and no other answer was vouchsafed them than that they would send a consul with whom he might confer on whatever topics he pleased. They also caused them to depart the same day, having given them guides to prevent their associating with anybody. And Perseus was forbidden in the future to set foot on the soil of Italy.

The Romans next sent out Gnaeus Sicinius, a praetor, with a small force (they had not yet made ready their greater armament) and Perseus made a tentative invasion of Thessaly in which he won over the greater part of that country. [Sidenote: B.C. 171 (a.u. 583)] When spring opened they sent Licinius Crassus against him as well as a praetor, Gaius Lucretius, in charge of the fleet. The latter first encountered Perseus near Larissa and was worsted in a cavalry skirmish: later, though, he got the best of him and Perseus accordingly retreated into Macedonia. As for Crassus, he assailed the Greek cities which were held in subjection by Philip and was repulsed from the majority of them, although he did get possession of a few. Some he razed to the ground and sold the captives. When the inhabitants of Rome learned these details, they became indignant and later they imposed a money fine on Crassus, liberated the captured cities, and bought back from the purchasers such of their inhabitants as had been sold and were then found in Italy.

So fared the Romans in these undertakings, but in the war against Perseus as a whole they suffered many great reverses and their fortunes at many points were at a low ebb. Perseus occupied the greater part of Epirus and Thessaly, having gathered a large body of troops. As a measure of defence against the Romans' elephants he had trained a phalanx of heavy-armed warriors whose shields and helmets he had taken care should be studded with sharp iron nails. Also, in order to make sure that the beasts should not prove a source of terror to the horses he constructed images of elephants that were smeared with some kind of ointment to give them a fearful odor and were frightful both to see and to hear (for a mechanical device enabled them to emit a roar resembling thunder); and he kept continually leading the horses up to these representations until they took courage. Perseus, then, as a result of all this had acquired great confidence and entertained hope that he might surpass Alexander in glory and in the size of his domain; the people of Rome [Sidenote: B.C. 169 (a.u. 585)] when they learned this sent out with speed Marcius Philippus, who was consul. He, on reaching the camp in Thessaly, drilled the Romans and the allies so that Perseus, becoming afraid, remained quietly in Dium of Macedonia and close to Tempe, and continued to keep watch of the pass. Philippus, encouraged by this behavior of his, crossed the mountain range in the center and occupied some possessions of Perseus. But as he was progressing toward Pydna he fell short of provisions and turned back to Thessaly. Perseus gained boldness anew, recovered the places that Philippus had occupied, and with his fleet damaged the Romans at numerous points. He also secured allies [Sidenote: FRAG. 65^1] AND HOPED TO EJECT THE ROMANS FROM GREECE ALTOGETHER, BUT THROUGH HIS EXCESSIVE AND INOPPORTUNE PARSIMONY AND THE CONSEQUENT CONTEMPT OF HIS ALLIES HE BECAME WEAK ONCE MORE. SO SOON AS ROMAN INFLUENCE WAS DECLINING SLIGHTLY AND HIS OWN WAS INCREASING, HE WAS FILLED WITH SCORN AND THOUGHT HE HAD NO FURTHER NEED OF HIS ALLIES, AND WOULD NOT GIVE THEM THE MONEY WHICH HE HAD OFFERED. THE ZEAL OF SOME ACCORDINGLY BECAME BLUNTED AND OTHERS ABANDONED HIM ENTIRELY, WHEREUPON HE WAS SO OVERWHELMED BY DESPAIR AS ACTUALLY TO SUE FOR PEACE. AND HE WOULD HAVE OBTAINED IT THROUGH EUMENES BUT FOR THE PRESENCE OF RHODIANS ALSO IN THE EMBASSY. THEY, BY ADOPTING A HAUGHTY TONE WITH THE ROMANS, PREVENTED HIM FROM OBTAINING PEACE.

[Sidenote: B.C. 168 (a.u. 586)] IX, 23.—At this point the war waged against him was entrusted to AEmilius Paulus, now for the second time consul. He rapidly traversed the distance separating him from Thessaly and having first set the affairs of the soldiers in order forced his way through Tempe, which was being guarded by only a few men, and marched against Perseus. The latter had ere this erected breastworks along the river Elpeus which intervened, had occupied and rendered impassable by means of stone walls and palisades and buildings all the ground between Olympus and the sea, and was encouraged by the lack of water in the place. Yet even so the consul sought to effect a passage and found a means of overcoming the prevailing drought. By piercing the sand bed at the foot of Olympus he found water that was delicious as well as drinkable.—Meanwhile envoys of the Rhodians reached him animated by the same insolence which they had displayed on their former embassy to Rome. He would make no statement to them beyond saying that he would return an answer in a few days, and dismissed them.—Since he could accomplish nothing by direct assault, but learned that the mountains were traversable here and there, he sent a portion of his army toward that pass across them which was the more difficult of approach, to seize opportune points along the route (on account of its difficulty of access it had an extremely small guard); and he himself with the remainder of his army attacked Perseus that the latter might not entertain any suspicion which might lead to his guarding the mountains with especial care. After this, when the heights had been occupied, he set out by night for the mountains and by passing unnoticed at some points and employing force at others he crossed them. Perseus on learning it became afraid that his enemy might assail him from the rear or even get control of Pydna before he could (for the Roman fleet was simultaneously sailing along the coast), and he abandoned his fortification near the river and hastening to Pydna encamped in front of the town. Paulus, too, came there, but instead of immediately beginning an engagement they delayed for a number of days. Paulus had found out prior to the event that the moon was about to suffer an eclipse, and after collecting his army on the evening when the eclipse was due to occur gave the men notice of what would happen and warned them not to let it disturb them at all. So the Romans on beholding the eclipse looked for no evil to come from it, but it made an impression of terror upon the Macedonians and they thought that the prodigy had a bearing on the cause of Perseus. While each side was in this frame of mind an entirely accidental occurrence the next day threw them into a fierce conflict and put an end to the war. One of the Roman pack-animals had fallen into the water from which a supply was being drawn, and the Macedonians laid hold of him, while the water-carriers in turn tightened their grasp. At first they fought by themselves; then the remainder of the forces gradually issued from the respective camps to the assistance of their own men and everybody on both sides became engaged. A disordered but sharp conflict ensued in which the Romans were victorious and pursuing the Macedonians as far as the sea slaughtered numbers of them by their own efforts and allowed the fleet, which was drawing inshore, to slay numbers more. Not one of them would have been left alive but for the timely succor of night (for the battle had raged during the late afternoon).

Perseus consequently made his escape to Amphipolis, where he intended to rally the survivors and reorganize the campaign; but as nobody came to him save Cretan mercenaries and he learned that Pydna and other cities had espoused the Roman cause, he removed thence, and after putting aboard some vessels all the money that he was carrying he sailed away by night to Samothrace. Before long he ascertained that Octavius was approaching at the head of his fleet and that Paulus was in Amphipolis; so he sent him a letter requesting permission to confer about terms. Since, however, he described himself in the letter as "king", he did not get any answer. Subsequently he despatched a letter without any such appellation contained in it and was granted a conference to consider the question of peace, but the victor declared that he would not sanction any conditions that did not include Perseus's surrender of his person and all his possessions to the Romans' keeping. Hence they failed to come to an agreement. [Sidenote: FRAG. 65^3] AFTER THIS A DEMAND WAS MADE UPON PERSEUS BY THE ROMANS FOR THE SURRENDER OF ONE EVANDER, A CRETAN, WHO HAD ASSISTED HIM IN MANY SCHEMES AGAINST THEM AND WAS MOST FAITHFUL TO HIM. THE PRINCE, FEARING THAT HE MIGHT DECLARE ALL THE INTRIGUES TO WHICH HE HAD BEEN PRIVY, DID NOT DELIVER HIM BUT SECRETLY SLEW HIM AND HAD IT RUMORED THAT THE MAN HAD PERISHED BY HIS OWN HAND. THEN THE ASSOCIATES OF PERSEUS, FEARING HIS TREACHERY (for they were not ignorant of what had occurred), BEGAN TO DESERT HIS STANDARD. Perseus, then, being afraid that he should be delivered up to the Romans tried one night to escape by flight and might have taken himself away unobserved to Cotys, a Thracian potentate, but for the fact that the Cretans abandoned him. They placed the money in boats and weighed anchor for home. So he remained there for some days with Philip, one of his sons, hidden from sight, but on ascertaining that the rest of his children and his retinue had fallen into the hands of Octavius [Sidenote: FRAG. 65^4] HE ALLOWED HIMSELF TO BE FOUND. UPON HIS BEING BROUGHT TO AMPHIPOLIS PAULUS DID HIM NO INJURY, BUT BOTH ENTERTAINED HIM AND HAD HIM SIT AT HIS TABLE, KEEPING HIM, LIKEWISE, ALTHOUGH A PRISONER, UNCONFINED, AND SHOWING HIM COURTESY. After this Paulus returned through Epirus to Italy.

IX, 24.—About the same time Lucius Anicius, a praetor sent to conduct operations against Gentius, both conquered those who withstood him and pursued Gentius, when he fled, to Scodra (where his palace was located) and shut him up there. The place was built on a spur of the mountain and had deep ravines containing boiling torrents winding about it, besides being girt by a steadfast wall; and so the Roman commander's siege of it would have come to naught, if Gentius presuming greatly upon his own power had not voluntarily advanced to battle. This act gave the control of his entire domain to Anicius, who then proceeded, before Paulus could arrive, to Epirus and tamed the quarrelsome pride of that district as well.

The Romans of the capital by some vague report heard of the victory of Paulus on the fourth day after the battle, but they placed no sure confidence in it. Then letters were brought from Paulus regarding his success and they were mightily pleased and plumed themselves not merely upon having vanquished Perseus and acquired Macedonia but upon having beaten the renowned Philip of old time and Alexander himself together with all that empire which he had held. When Paulus reached Rome many decrees in his honor were passed and the celebration of his triumph proved a most brilliant event. He had in his procession all the booty which he had captured, and he had also Bithys, the son of Cotys, besides Perseus and his wife and three children altogether in the garb of captives. Fearing that Heaven might wax envious of the Romans on account of their excess of good fortune he prayed, as Camillus had done before, that no ill to the State might result from it all but rather to him if it should be unavoidable: and, indeed, he lost two sons, one a little before the celebration and the other during the triumphal festival itself. [Sidenote: FRAG. 66] HE WAS NOT ONLY GOOD AT GENERALSHIP, BUT HE LOOKED DOWN UPON MONEY. OF THIS THE FOLLOWING IS A PROOF. THOUGH HE HAD AT THAT TIME ENTERED FOR A SECOND TERM UPON THE CONSULSHIP AND HAD GAINED POSSESSION OF UNTOLD SPOILS, HE CONTINUED TO LIVE IN SO GREAT INDIGENCE THAT WHEN HE DIED THE DOWRY WAS WITH DIFFICULTY PAID BACK TO HIS WIFE.

Of the captives Bithys was returned to his father without ransom, but Perseus with his children and attendants was settled in Alba. There he endured so long as he still hoped to recover his sovereignty, but when he despaired of doing so he despatched himself. His son Philip and his daughter also died shortly after: only the youngest son survived for a time and served in the capacity of under-secretary to the magistrates of Alba. Thus Perseus, who boasted of tracing his descent through twenty kings and often had Philip and still oftener Alexander in his mouth, lost his kingdom, became a captive, and marched in the procession of triumph wearing chains as well as his diadem.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 67^1] THE RHODIANS, WHO IN THEIR EARLIER DEALINGS WITH THE ROMANS DISPLAYED SELF-ESTEEM, NOW BEGGED THE LATTER NOT TO BEAR ILL-WILL TOWARD THEM: [Sidenote: FRAG. 67^2] AND WHEREAS THEY HAD PREVIOUSLY REFUSED TO ACCEPT THE TITLE OF ROMAN ALLIES, THEY WERE NOW ESPECIALLY ANXIOUS TO SECURE IT; and they obtained the object of their eagerness, but only after long delay. The Romans harbored resentment against the Cretans, too, but in response to a number of embassies on the part of this nation they eventually relaxed their anger. Their behavior was similar [Sidenote: FRAG. 68] IN THE CASE OF PRUSIAS AND EUMENES. THE FORMER CAME PERSONALLY TO THE CITY AND ENTERED THE SENATE-HOUSE, COVERED THE THRESHOLD WITH KISSES, AND WORSHIPPED THE SENATORS; THUS HE OBTAINED PITY and was held guiltless: Eumenes through Attalus his brother secured himself against any continuation of malice on their part.

At this time, too, the affairs of Cappadocia were settled in the following manner. The monarch of that country, Ariarathes, had a legitimate son Ariarathes. But since for a long time before she had this son his wife had failed to conceive, she had adopted a child whom she called Orophernes. When the true son was later born the position of the other was detected and he was banished. Naturally after the death of Ariarathes he headed an uprising against his brother. Eumenes allied himself with Ariarathes, and Demetrius the king of Syria with Orophernes. Ariarathes after sustaining a defeat found an asylum with the Romans and was appointed by them to share the kingdom with Orophernes. But the fact that Ariarathes had been termed "friend and ally" by the Romans enabled him subsequently to make the entire domain his own. Attalus soon succeeded Eumenes (who died) and drove Orophernes and Demetrius out of Cappadocia altogether.

IX, 25.—Ptolemy, ruler of Egypt, passed away leaving two sons and one daughter. When the brothers began to quarrel with each other about the supreme office, Antiochus the son of Antiochus the Great sheltered the younger, who had been driven out, in order that under the pretext of defending him he might interfere in Egyptian politics. In a campaign directed against Egypt he conquered the greater part of the country and spent some time in besieging Alexandria. As the unsubdued sought refuge with the Romans, Popilius was sent to Antiochus and bade him keep his hands off Egypt; for the brothers, comprehending the designs of Antiochus, had become reconciled. When the latter was for putting off his reply, Popilius drew a circle about him with his staff and demanded that he deliberate and answer standing where he was. Antiochus then in fear raised the siege. The Ptolemies (such was the name of both princes) on being relieved of foreign dread fell into renewed disputing. Then they were reconciled again by the Romans on the condition that the elder should have Egypt and Cyprus, and the other one the country about Cyrene, which was likewise part of Egypt at that time. The younger one was vexed at having the inferior portion and came to Rome where he secured from the government a grant of Cyprus in addition. Then the elder once more effected an arrangement with the younger son by giving him some cities in exchange for Cyprus and being rated to contribute money and grain.