The Carthaginians at home, hearing this, sent Adherbal with a very large number of ships carrying grain and money to Lilybaeum. The leader waited for a time of storm and sailed in. Thereupon many others likewise ventured to attempt a landing, and some made it, others were destroyed.

As long as both the consuls were present, the conflicts were even. Pestilence and famine, however, came to harass them and these caused one of them with the soldiers of his division to return home. Hamilcar then took courage and made sorties in which he would set fire to the engines and slay the men defending them; his cavalry, starting from Drepanum, prevented the Romans from getting provisions and overran the territory of their allies; and Adherbal ravaged the shores now of Sicily, now of Italy, so that the Romans fell into perplexity. [Sidenote: B.C. 249 (a.u. 505)] Meantime, however, Lucius Junius was making ready a fleet, and Claudius Pulcher made haste to reach Lilybaeum, where he manned ships of war. With these he overhauled Hanno the Carthaginian as he was leaving harbor on a five-banked ship. The prize craft served the Romans as a model in shipbuilding.

The interests of their fleet were so frequently endangered that the Romans were disheartened by the constant destruction of their ships. In these they lost numbers of men and vast sums of money. Yet they would not give up; nay, they even executed a man who in the senate opened his mouth about reconciliation with the Carthaginians, and they voted that a dictator should be named. Collatinus[26] was therefore named dictator and Metellus became master of the horse, but they accomplished nothing worthy of remembrance. While Collatinus[27] was being named dictator, Junius had won over Eryx, and Carthalo had occupied AEgithallus and taken Junius alive.

[Footnote 26: A. Atilius Calatinus once more.]

[Footnote 27: [See previous footnote.]]

[Sidenote: B.C. 248 (a.u. 506)] VIII, 16.—The next year Gaius Aurelius and Publius Servilius took office and spent their time in harrying Lilybaeum and Drepanum, in keeping the Carthaginians off the land, and in devastating the region that was in alliance with them. Carthalo undertook many different kinds of enterprises against them, but, as he accomplished nothing, he started for Italy with the object of thus attracting the consuls to that country or, in any case, of injuring the district and capturing cities. Yet he made no headway even there and on learning that the praetor urbanus was approaching sailed back to Sicily. His mercenaries now rebelled about a question of pay, whereupon he put numbers ashore on desert islands and left them there, and sent many more off to Carthage. When the rest heard this, they became indignant and were on the point of an uprising. Hamilcar, Carthalo's successor, cut down numbers of them one night and had numerous others drowned. In the meantime the Romans had concluded a perpetual friendship with Hiero and they furthermore remitted all the dues which they were accustomed to receive from him annually.

[Sidenote: B.C. 247 (a.u. 507)] Next year the Romans officially refrained from naval warfare because of their misfortunes and expenses, but some private individuals asked for ships on condition of restoring the vessels but appropriating any booty gained; and among other injuries that they inflicted upon the enemy they sailed to Hippo, a Libyan city, and there burned to ashes all the boats and many of the buildings. The natives put chains across the mouth of their harbor and the invaders found themselves encompassed but saved themselves by cleverness and good fortune. They made a quick dash at the chains, and just as the beaks of the ships were about to catch in them the members of the crew went back to the stern, and so the prows being lightened cleared the chains: and again, by their making a rush into the prows, the sterns of the vessels were lifted high enough in the air. Thus they effected their escape, and later near Panhormus they conquered the Carthaginians with these ships.

Of the consuls Metellus Caecilius was in the vicinity of Lilybaeum, and Numerius Fabius was investing Drepanum, with additional designs upon the islet of Pelias. As this had been seized earlier by the Carthaginians, he sent soldiers by night who killed the garrison and took possession of the island. Learning this Hamilcar at dawn attacked the party that had crossed to it. Fabius not being able to ward them off led an assault upon Drepanum that he might either capture the city while deserted or bring back Hamilcar from the island. One of these objects was accomplished, for Hamilcar in fear retired within the fortifications. So Fabius occupied Pelias, and by filling in the strait (which happened to be shallow) between it and the mainland he made a clear stretch of solid ground and thus conducted with greater facility his hostile operations against the wall, which was rather weak at that point. Incidentally the Carthaginians caused the Romans excessive annoyance by undertaking circuitous voyages to Sicily and making trips across into Italy.—They exchanged each other's captives man for man; those left over (since the numbers were not equal) the Carthaginians got back for money.

In the subsequent period various persons became consuls but effected nothing worthy of record. The Romans owed the majority of their reverses to the fact that they kept sending out from year to year different and ever different leaders, and took away their office from them when they were just learning the art of generalship. It looked as if they were choosing them for practice and not for service.

The Gauls, who were acting in alliance with the Carthaginians and hated them because their masters treated them ill, abandoned to the Romans for money a position with the guarding of which they had been entrusted. The Romans secured for mercenary service the Gauls and other of the Carthaginian allies who had revolted from their service; never before had they supported foreigners in their army. Elated at this accession and furthermore by the ravaging of Libya on the part of the private citizens who were managing the ships, they were no longer willing to neglect the sea, and they again got together a fleet.

[Sidenote: B.C. 241 (a.u. 513)] VIII, 17.—And Lutatius Catulus was chosen consul and with him was sent out Quintus Valerius Flaccus as praetor urbanus. On coming to Sicily they assailed Drepanum both by land and by sea and demolished a section of the wall. They would have captured the town but for the fact that the consul was wounded and the soldiers were wholly engrossed in caring for him. During the delay which ensued they learned that a body of the enemy had come from home with a huge fleet commanded by Hanno, and they turned their attention to these new arrivals. When the forces had been marshaled in hostile array, a meteor like a star appeared above the Romans and after rising high to the left of the Carthaginians plunged into their ranks. The naval combat was a vigorous one on the part of both nations, and for several reasons; especially were the Carthaginians anxious to drive the Romans into complete despair of naval success, and the Romans to retrieve their former disasters. In spite of everything the Romans carried off the victory, for the Carthaginian vessels were impeded by the fact that they carried freight,—grain and money and other things.

Hanno escaped and hastened at once to Carthage. The Carthaginians, seized with wrath and fear, crucified him and sent envoys to Catulus regarding peace. And he was disposed to end the war since his office was soon to expire and he could not hope to destroy Carthage in so short a time; nor, again, did he care to leave his successors the glory of his own efforts. Consequently they effected an armistice by giving him money, grain, and hostages; these preliminaries secured them the right of sending envoys to Rome and proposing as conditions that they retire from Sicily entire, yielding it to the Romans, as well as abandon all the surrounding islands, that they carry on no war with Hiero, and pay an indemnity, a part at the time of making the treaty and a part later, and that they return the Roman deserters and captives free of cost, but ransom their own.

Such were the terms agreed upon. Hamilcar succeeded only in having the disgrace of going under the yoke left out. After settling these conditions he led his soldiers out of the fortifications and sailed for home before the oaths were imposed. The people of Rome soon learned of the victory and were greatly elated, feeling that their superiority was indisputable. Upon the arrival of envoys they could no longer restrain themselves and hoped to possess all of Libya. Therefore they would not abide by the terms of the consul: instead, they exacted from them a very much larger sum of money than had been promised. They forbade them also to sail past Italy or allied territory abroad in ships of war, or to employ mercenaries from such districts.

The first war between the Carthaginians and the Romans, then, ended this way in the twenty-fourth year. Catulus celebrated a triumph over its conclusion. Quintus Lutatius became consul and departed for Sicily, where with his brother Catulus he enforced order in all communities; and he deprived the islanders of arms. Thus Sicily, with the exception of Hiero's domain, was made a slave of Rome, and from this time its people were on a friendly footing with the Carthaginians.

Both soon were again involved in other wars outside. At Carthage the remnant of their mercenary force and the slave population in the city and a large proportion of their hostages (influenced by the disasters of the State) joined in an attack upon it. The Romans did not heed the invitations to aid the party that had assumed the offensive, but sent envoys in turn for discussion; and when they found themselves unable to reconcile the combatants, they released free of cost all the Carthaginian captives they were holding, sent grain to the city and permitted it to gather mercenaries from Roman allied territory. By this action they were seeking to gain a reputation for fairness rather than displaying a real interest in their own advantage, and this later caused them trouble. For the great Hamilcar Barca, after he had conquered his adversaries, did not dare to make a campaign against the Romans, much as he hated them; but he started for Spain contrary to the wishes of the magistrates at home.

VIII, 18.—This, however, took place later. At the time under discussion the Romans entered upon war with the Falisci, and Manlius Torquatus ravaged their country. In a battle with them his heavy infantry was worsted but his cavalry conquered. In a second engagement with them he was victorious and took possession of their arms, their cavalry, their furniture, their slaves, and half their country. Later on the original city, which was set upon a steep mountain, was torn down and another one was built, easily reached by road. After this the Romans again waged wars upon the Boii and upon the Gauls that were neighbors of the latter, and upon some Ligurians. The Ligurians were conquered in battle and otherwise injured by Sempronius Gracchus: Publius Valerius in a conflict with the Gauls was at first defeated, but soon, learning that troops had come from Rome to his assistance, he renewed the struggle with the Gauls, determined either to conquer by his own exertions or to die—he preferred that rather than to live and bear the stigma of disgrace; and by some fortune or other he managed to win the day.

[Sidenote: B.C. 238 (a.u. 516)] At this time these events befell the Romans as described. They also secured Sardinia from the Carthaginians and a new supply of money by charging them with harming Roman shipping. The Carthaginians, not having yet recovered strength, feared their threats.—Next year Lucius Lentulus and Quintus Flaccus made a campaign against the Gauls; and as long as they remained together, they were invincible, [Sidenote: B.C. 237 (a.u. 517)] but when they began to pillage districts separately with the idea of getting greater booty, the army of Flaccus fell into danger, being surrounded by night. Temporarily the barbarians were beaten back, but having gained accessions of allies they proceeded anew with a huge force against the Romans. [Sidenote: B.C. 236 (a.u. 518)] When confronted by Publius Lentulus and Licinius Varus, they hoped to overcome them by their numbers and prevail without a battle. So they sent and demanded the land surrounding Ariminum and commanded the Romans to remove from the city since it belonged to them. The consuls on account of their small numbers did not dare to risk a battle nor would they take the responsibility of releasing any territory, and accordingly they arranged a truce to confer with Rome. Gallic emissaries came before the senate with the aforementioned representations. As none of their demands was granted, the envoys returned to camp. There they found their cause was ruined. Some of their allies had repented and regarding the Romans with fear had turned upon the Boii, and many had been killed on both sides. Then the remainder had gone home and the Boii had obtained peace only at the price of a large portion of their land.

The Gallic wars having now ceased, Lentulus conducted a campaign against the Ligurians. He drove off the attacking parties and gained possession of several fortresses.—Varus took Corsica as his objective point, and inasmuch as he lacked the necessary ships to carry him over, he sent a certain Claudius Clineas in advance with troops. The latter terrified the Corsicans, held a conference with them, and made peace as though he had full authority to do so. But Varus, paying no attention to the covenant, fought against the Corsicans until he had subjugated them. [Sidenote: FRAG. 44^2] THE ROMANS TO DIVERT THE BLAME FOR BREAKING THE COMPACT FROM THEMSELVES SENT TO THE PEOPLE OFFERING TO GIVE CLAUDIUS UP. WHEN HE WAS NOT RECEIVED, THEY DROVE HIM INTO EXILE. [Sidenote: FRAG. 45^1] THEY WERE ON THE POINT OF LEADING AN EXPEDITION AGAINST THE CARTHAGINIANS ALLEGING THAT THE LATTER WERE COMMITTING OUTRAGES UPON THE MERCHANTS; BUT INSTEAD OF DOING THIS THEY EXACTED MONEY AND RENEWED THE TRUCE. Yet the agreements were not destined even so to be of long standing.—The case of the Carthaginians was accordingly postponed and they made an expedition against the Sardinians, who would not yield obedience, and conquered them. Subsequently the Carthaginians persuaded the Sardinians to plan a secret uprising against the Romans. Besides these the Corsicans also revolted and the Ligurians did not remain at rest.

[Sidenote: B.C. 234 (a.u. 520)] The following year the Romans divided their forces into three parts in order that all the rebels, finding war waged upon them at once, might not render assistance to one another; and they sent Postumius Albinus into Liguria, Spurius Carvilius against the Corsicans, and Publius Cornelius, the praetor urbanus, into Sardinia. And the consuls not without trouble, yet with some speed, accomplished their missions. The Sardinians, animated by an immoderate amount of spirit, were vanquished by Carvilius in a fierce battle, for Cornelius and many of his soldiers had been destroyed by disease. When the Romans left their country, the Sardinians and the Ligurians revolted again. [Sidenote: B.C. 233 (a.u. 521)] Quintus Fabius Maximus was accordingly sent to Ligurian territory and Pomponius Manius into Sardinia. The Carthaginians, as the cause of the wars, were adjudged enemies, and they sent to them and demanded money and ordained that they should remove their ships from all the islands, since these ports were hostile to them. In making known their attitude the Romans despatched to their rivals a spear and a herald's staff, bidding them choose one, whichever they pleased. But the Carthaginians without shrinking made a rather rough answer and declared that they chose neither of the articles sent them, but were ready to accept either that the challengers might leave there. Henceforth the two nations hated each other but hesitated to begin war.

[Sidenote: B.C. 232 (a.u. 522)] As there was again a hostile movement of the Sardinians against the Romans, both the consuls took the field, Marcus Malleolus and Marcus AEmilius. And they secured rich spoils, which, however, were taken away from them by the Corsicans when they touched at their island. Hence the Romans next turned their attention to both. [Sidenote: B.C. 231 (a.u. 523)] Marcus Pomponius harried Sardinia, but could not find most of the inhabitants, who, as he learned, had slipped into caves of the forest, difficult to locate; therefore he sent for keen-scented dogs from Italy and with their aid he discovered the trail of both men and cattle and cut off many such parties. Gaius Papirius drove the Corsicans from the plains, but in attempting to force his way to the mountains he lost numerous men through ambush and would have suffered loss of still more through lack of water, had not water after a great while been found; then he persuaded the Corsicans to come to terms.

VIII, 19.—About this time also Hamilcar the Carthaginian general was defeated by the Spaniards and lost his life. For, on the occasion of his being arrayed in battle against them, they led out in front of the Carthaginian army wagons full of pine wood and pitch and as they drew near they set fire to these vehicles, then hurried on with goads the animals that were drawing them. Forthwith their opponents were thrown into confusion, were disorganized and turned to flight, and the Spaniards pursuing killed Hamilcar and a very great number of others. He having reached the very highest pinnacle of fame thus met his end, and at his death his brother-in-law Hasdrubal succeeded him. The latter acquired a large portion of Spain and founded a city called Carthage, after his native town.

As the Boii and the rest of the Gauls were continually offering for sale many articles and an especially large number of captives, the Romans became afraid that they might some day use the money against them, and accordingly forbade everybody to give to a Gaul either silver or gold coin.—[Sidenote: B.C. 230 (a.u. 524)] Soon after the Carthaginians,[28] learning that the consuls Marcus AEmilius and Marcus Junius had started for Liguria, made preparations to march upon Rome. The consuls became aware of this and proceeded toward them in force, whereupon the Carthaginians became frightened and met them with all appearances of friendliness. The consuls likewise feigned that they had not set out against them but were going through their country into the Ligurian territory.

[Footnote 28: This is a mistake, due to the carelessness of Zonaras. Some Gallic tribe is evidently meant.]

Now the Romans crossed the Ionian Gulf and laid hands upon the Greek mainland. They found an excuse for the voyage in the following circumstances. [Sidenote: FRAG. 47^1] ISSA IS AN ISLAND SITUATED IN THE IONIAN GULF. ITS DWELLERS, KNOWN AS ISSAEANS, HAD OF THEIR OWN FREE WILL SURRENDERED THEMSELVES TO THE ROMANS because they were angry with their ruler Agro, king of the Ardiaeans and of Illyrian stock. [Sidenote: FRAG. 47^2] TO HIM THE CONSULS SENT ENVOYS. But he had died, leaving a son as his successor who was still a mere child, [Sidenote: FRAG. 47^2] AND HIS WIFE, THE BOY'S STEPMOTHER, WAS ADMINISTERING THE DOMAIN OF THE ARDIAEANS. HER DEALINGS WITH THE AMBASSADORS WERE CHARACTERIZED BY A LACK OF MODERATION, AND WHEN THEY SPOKE FRANKLY SHE CAST SOME OF THEM INTO PRISON AND KILLED OTHERS. IMMEDIATELY THE ROMANS VOTED FOR WAR AGAINST HER, HOWEVER, SHE WAS PANIC-STRICKEN, PROMISED TO RESTORE THE AMBASSADORS THAT WERE LEFT ALIVE, AND DECLARED THAT THE DEAD HAD BEEN SLAIN BY ROBBERS. WHEN THE ROMANS DEMANDED THE SURRENDER OF THE MURDERERS, SHE DECLARED THAT SHE WOULD NOT GIVE THEM UP AND DESPATCHED AN ARMY AGAINST ISSA. THEN SHE AGAIN GREW FEARFUL AND SENT A CERTAIN DEMETRIUS TO THE CONSULS, ASSURING THEM OF HER READINESS TO HEED THEM IN EVERY DETAIL. A TRUCE WAS MADE WITH HER EMISSARY UPON THE LATTER'S AGREEING TO GIVE THEM CORCYRA. YET WHEN THE CONSULS HAD CROSSED OVER TO THE ISLAND, SHE, POSSESSING WOMAN-LIKE A LIGHT AND FICKLE DISPOSITION, FELT IMBUED WITH NEW COURAGE, AND SENT OUT AN ARMY TO EPIDAMNUS AND APOLLONIA. AT THE NEWS THAT THE ROMANS HAD RESCUED THE CITIES, THAT THEY HAD DETAINED SHIPS OF HERS LADEN WITH TREASURE WHICH WERE SAILING HOME FROM THE PELOPONNESUS, THAT THEY HAD DEVASTATED THE COAST REGIONS, THAT DEMETRIUS AS A RESULT OF HER CAPRICIOUSNESS HAD TRANSFERRED HIS ALLEGIANCE TO THE ROMANS BESIDES PERSUADING SOME OTHERS TO DESERT, SHE BECAME UTTERLY TERRIFIED AND WITHDREW FROM HER SOVEREIGNTY. Demetrius as destined guardian of the child was given charge of the ex-queen also. The Romans were thanked by the Corinthians for this action and took part in the Isthmian contest, Plautus winning the stadium race in it. Moreover they formed a friendship with the Athenians and took part in their government and in the Mysteries.

The name Illyricum was anciently applied to various regions, but later it was transferred to the upper mainland, that above Macedonia and Thrace, located this side of Haemus and toward Rhodope: it lies between these mountains and the Alps, also between the river AEnus and the Ister, extending as far as the Euxine Sea,—indeed, its boundaries at some points extend beyond the Ister.

[Sidenote: (FRAG. 48?)] AS AN ORACLE HAD ONCE COME TO THE ROMANS THAT GREEKS AND GAULS SHOULD OCCUPY THE CITY, TWO GAULS AND A COUPLE OF GREEKS, MALE AND FEMALE, WERE BURIED ALIVE IN THE FORUM, that in this way destiny might seem to have fulfilled itself and they be properly regarded, since buried alive, as possessing a part of the city.

After this the Sardinians, deeming it a calamity that a Roman praetor was forever set over them, made an uprising. They were again enslaved, however.

VIII, 20.—The Insubres, a Gallic tribe, having gained allies among their kinsmen beyond the Alps turned their arms against the Romans, and the latter accordingly made counter-preparations. The barbarians plundered some towns, but at last a great storm occurred in the night and they began to suspect that Heaven was against them. Consequently they lost heart and falling into a panic attempted to entrust their safety to flight. [Sidenote: B.C. 225 (a.u. 529)] Regulus pursued them and brought on an engagement with the rear guards in which he was defeated and lost his life. AEmilius occupied a hill and remained quiet. The Gauls in turn occupied another one and for several days were inactive; then the Romans through anger at what had taken place and the barbarians from arrogance born of the victory charged down from the heights and came to blows. For a long time the battle was evenly contested, but finally the Romans surrounded them with their horse, cut them down, seized their camp, and got back the spoils. After this AEmilius wrought havoc among the possessions of the Boii and [Sidenote: FRAG. 49^3] CELEBRATED A TRIUMPH, IN WHICH HE CONVEYED THE FOREMOST CAPTIVES CLAD IN ARMOR UP TO THE CAPITOL, MAKING JESTS AT THEIR EXPENSE FOR HAVING SWORN NOT TO REMOVE THEIR BREASTPLATES BEFORE THEY HAD MOUNTED THE CAPITOL. The Romans now secured control of the entire territory of the Boii and for the first time crossed the Po to take the offensive against the Insubres; and they continued to ravage their country.

Meanwhile portents had occurred which threw the people of Rome into great fear. A river in Picenum ran the color of blood, in Etruria a good part of the heavens seemed to be on fire, at Ariminum a light like daylight blazed out at night, in many portions of Italy the shapes of three moons became visible in the night time, and in the Forum a vulture roosted for several days. [Sidenote: B.C. 223 (a.u. 531)] Because of these portents and inasmuch as some declared that the consuls had been illegally chosen, they summoned them home. The consuls received the letter but did not open it immediately, since they were just entering upon war: instead, they joined battle first and came out victorious. After the battle the letter was read, and Furius was for obeying without discussion; but Flaminius was elated over the victory and pointed out that it had proved their choice to be correct, and he went on with vehement assertions that it was because they were jealous of him that the influential men were even falsifying heavenly warnings. Consequently he refused to depart until he had settled the whole business in hand, and he said he would teach the people at home, too, not to be deceived by relying on birds or any other such thing. So he was anxious to remain on the ground and made repeated attempts to detain his colleague, but Furius would not heed him. But since the men who were going to be left behind with Flaminius dreaded lest in their isolation they might suffer some disaster at the hands of their opponents and begged him to stay by them for a few days, he yielded to their entreaties but did not take part in any action. Flaminius traveled about laying waste the country, subjugated a few forts, and bestowed all the spoils upon the soldiers as a means of winning their favor. At length the leaders returned home and were put on trial by the senate for their disobedience (on account of their anger towards Flaminius they subjected Furius also to disgrace); but the populace was against the senate and showed emulation in Flaminius's behalf, so that it voted them a triumph. After celebrating it they laid down their office.

[Sidenote: B.C. 222 (a.u. 532)] Other consuls, Claudius Marcellus and Gnaeus Scipio, chosen in their stead, made an expedition against the Insubres, for the Romans had not complied with the latter's requests by voting for peace. Together at first they carried on the war and were in most cases victorious. Soon, learning that the allied territory was being plundered, they severed their forces. Marcellus made a quick march against those plundering the land of the allies, but did not find them on the scene; he then pursued them as they fled and when they made a stand overcame them. Scipio remained where he was and proceeded to besiege Acerrae; he took it and made it a base for the war, since it was favorably located and well walled. Starting from that point they subdued Mediolanum and another village-town. After these had been captured the rest of the Insubres also made terms with them, giving them money and a section of the land.

[Sidenote: B.C. 221 (a.u. 533)] Thereafter Publius Cornelius and Marcus Minucius made a campaign to the Ister regions and brought into subjection many of the nations there, some by war and some on terms agreed upon. [Sidenote: B.C. 220 (a.u. 534)] Lucius Veturius and Gaius Lutatius went as far as the Alps and without any fighting established Roman sovereignty over many people. The prince of the Ardiaeans, however, [Sidenote: FRAG. 51] DEMETRIUS, WAS, AS HAS BEEN STATED ABOVE, HATEFUL TO THE NATIVES AND INJURED THE PROPERTY OF NEIGHBORING TRIBES; AND IT APPEARED THAT IT WAS BY MISUSING THE FRIENDSHIP OF THE ROMANS THAT HE WAS ABLE TO WRONG THOSE PEOPLES. [Sidenote: B.C. 219 (a.u. 535)] AS SOON AS THE CONSULS, AEMILIUS PAULUS AND MARCUS LIVIUS, HEARD OF THIS THEY SUMMONED HIM BEFORE THEM. WHEN HE REFUSED COMPLIANCE AND ACTUALLY ASSAILED THEIR ALLIES, THEY MADE A CAMPAIGN AGAINST ISSA, WHERE HE WAS. And having received advance information that he was lying secretly at anchor somewhere in the vicinity of the landing-places they sent a portion of their ships to the other side of the island to bring on an engagement. When the Illyrians accordingly fell upon the reconnoitering party, thinking them alone, the main body approached at leisure in their ships and after pitching camp in a suitable place repulsed the natives, who, angry at the trick, lost no time in attacking them. Demetrius made his escape to Pharos, another island, but they sailed to that, overcame resistance, and captured the city by betrayal, only to find Demetrius fled. He at this time reached Macedonia with large amounts of money and went to Philip, the king of the country. He was not surrendered by him, but on returning to the Illyrians was arrested by the Romans and was executed.

(BOOK 13, BOISSEVAIN.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 218 (a.u. 536)] VIII, 21.—In the succeeding year the Romans became openly hostile to the Carthaginians, and the war, though of far shorter duration than the previous one, proved to be both greater and more baneful in its exploits and effects. It was brought on chiefly by Hannibal, general of the Carthaginians. This Hannibal was a child of Hamilcar Barca, and from his earliest boyhood had been trained to fight against the Romans. Hamilcar said he was raising all his sons like so many whelps to fight against them, but as he saw that this one's nature was far superior to that of the rest, he made him take an oath that he would wage war upon them, and for this reason he instructed the boy in warfare above all else when only fifteen years old. On account of this youthfulness Hannibal was not able, when his father died, to succeed to the generalship. But when Hasdrubal was dead, he delayed no longer, being now twenty-six years of age, but at once took possession of the army in Spain and after being acclaimed as leader by the soldiers brought it about that his right to lead was confirmed also by those in authority at home. After effecting this he needed a plausible excuse for his enterprise against the Romans, and this he found in the Saguntines of Spain. These people, dwelling not far from the river Iber and a short distance above the sea, were dependents of the Romans, and the latter held them in honor and in the treaty with the Carthaginians had made an exception of them. For these reasons, then, Hannibal began a war with them, knowing that the Romans would either assist the Saguntines or avenge them if they suffered injury. Hence for these reasons as well as because he knew that they possessed great wealth, which he particularly needed, and for various other causes that promised him advantages against the Romans he made an attack upon the Saguntines.

Spain, in which the Saguntines dwell, and all the adjoining land is in the western part of Europe. It extends for a considerable distance along the inner sea, beside the Pillars of Hercules, and along the ocean; furthermore it occupies the upper part of the mainland for a very great distance, as far as the Pyrenees. [Sidenote: FRAG. 53] THIS RANGE, BEGINNING AT THE SEA CALLED ANCIENTLY THE SEA OF THE BEBRYCES BUT LATER THE SEA OF THE NARBONENSES, REACHES TO THE GREAT OUTER SEA, AND CONFINES MANY DIVERSE NATIONALITIES; IT ALSO SEPARATES SPAIN FROM THE NEIGHBORING LAND OF GAUL. The tribes did not employ the same language nor carry on a common government. This resulted in their not having a single name. The Romans called them Hispanii, but the Greeks Iberians, from the river Iber.

These Saguntines, then, being besieged sent to those near them and to the Romans asking for aid. But Hannibal checked any local movement, and the Romans sent ambassadors to him bidding him not come near the Saguntines, and threatening in case he should not obey to sail to Carthage at once and lay accusations against him. When the envoys were now close at hand, Hannibal sent some of the natives who were to pretend that they were kindly disposed to them and were instructed to say that the general was not there but had gone some distance away into parts unknown; they advised the enemy, therefore (they were to say), to depart as quickly as possible and before their presence should be reported lest in the disorder prevailing because of the absence of the general they should lose their lives. The envoys accordingly believed them and set off for Carthage. An assembly being called some of the Carthaginians counseled maintaining peace with the Romans, but the party attached to Hannibal affirmed that the Saguntines were guilty of wrongdoing and the Romans were meddling with what did not concern them. Finally those who urged them to make war won the day.

Meanwhile Hannibal in the course of his siege was conducting vigorous assaults. Many kept falling and many more were being wounded on Hannibal's side. One day the Carthaginians succeeded in shaking down a portion of the outer circuit and had been daring enough to enter through the breach, when the Saguntines made a sortie and scared them away. This gave the besieged strength and the Carthaginians fell back in dejection. They did not leave the spot, however, till they had captured the city, though the siege dragged on to the eighth month. Many unusual events happened in that time, one of which was Hannibal's being dangerously wounded. The place was taken in this manner. They brought to bear against the wall an engine much higher than the fortification and carrying heavy-armed soldiers, some visible, some concealed. While the Saguntines, therefore, were quite strenuously fighting against the men they saw, thinking them the only ones, those hidden had dug through the wall from below and found their way inside. The Saguntines overwhelmed by the unexpectedness of the event ran up to the citadel and held a conference to see whether by any reasonable concessions they might be preserved. But as Hannibal held out no moderate terms and no assistance came to them from the Romans, they begged for a cessation of the assaults until they should deliberate a little about their position. During this respite they gathered together the most highly prized of their treasures and cast them into the fire; then such as were incapable of fighting committed suicide, and those who were in their prime advanced in a body against their opponents and in a desperate struggle were cut down.

VIII, 22.—For their sakes the Romans and the Carthaginians embarked upon war. Hannibal after gaining numerous allies was hastening toward Italy. The Romans on ascertaining this assembled in their senate-hall, and many speeches were delivered. Lucius Cornelius Lentulus addressed the people and said they must not delay but vote for war against the Carthaginians and separate consuls and armies into two detachments, and send the one to Spain and the other to Libya, in order that at one and the same time the land of the enemy might be desolated and his allies injured; thus neither would he be able to assist Spain nor could he himself receive assistance from there. To this Quintus Fabius Maximus rejoined that it was not so absolutely and inevitably necessary to vote for war, but they could first employ an embassy, and then if the Carthaginians persuaded them that they were guilty of no wrong, they should remain quiet, but if the same people were convicted of wrongdoing, they might thereupon wage war against them, "in order," he said, "that we may cast the responsibility for the war upon them." [Sidenote: FRAG. 54^9] THE OPINIONS OF THE TWO MEN WERE SUBSTANTIALLY THESE. THE SENATE DECIDED TO MAKE PREPARATIONS, TO BE SURE, FOR CONFLICT, BUT TO DESPATCH ENVOYS TO CARTHAGE AND DENOUNCE HANNIBAL; AND IF THE CARTHAGINIANS REFRAINED FROM APPROVING THE EXPLOITS, THEY WOULD ARBITRATE THE MATTER, OR IF ALL RESPONSIBILITY WERE LAID UPON HIS SHOULDERS, THEY WOULD DEMAND HIS EXTRADITION, AND IF HE WERE NOT GIVEN UP, THEY WOULD DECLARE WAR UPON THE NATION.

The envoys set out and the Carthaginians considered what must be done. And a certain Hasdrubal, one of those who had been primed by Hannibal, counseled them that they ought to get back their ancient freedom and shake off by means of money and troops and allies, all welded together, the slavery imposed by peace, adding: "If you only permit Hannibal to act as he wishes, the proper thing will be done and you will have no trouble." After such words on his part the great Hanno, opposing Hasdrubal's argument, gave it as his opinion that they ought not to draw war upon themselves lightly nor for small complaints concerning foreigners, when it was in their power to settle a part of the difficulty and divert the rest of it upon the heads of those who had been active in the matter. With these remarks he ceased, and the elder Carthaginians who remembered the former war sided with him, but those in robust manhood and especially all the partisans of Hannibal violently gainsaid him. [Sidenote: FRAG. 54^10] INASMUCH, THEN, AS THEY MADE NO DEFINITE ANSWER AND SHOWED CONTEMPT FOR THE ENVOYS, MARCUS FABIUS THRUSTING HIS HANDS BENEATH HIS TOGA AND HOLDING THEM WITH PALMS UPWARD SAID: "HERE I BRING TO YOU, CARTHAGINIANS, BOTH WAR AND PEACE: DO YOU CHOOSE WHICHEVER OF THEM YOU WISH." UPON THEIR REPLYING THAT THEY CHOSE NEITHER, BUT WOULD READILY ACCEPT EITHER THAT THE ROMANS SHOULD LEAVE, HE IMMEDIATELY DECLARED WAR UPON THEM.

In this way, then, and for these reasons the Romans and the Carthaginians became involved in war for the second time. And the Divinity beforehand indicated what was to come to pass. For in Rome an ox talked with a human voice, and another at the Ludi Romani threw himself out of a house into the Tiber and was lost, many thunderbolts fell, and blood in one case was seen coming from sacred statues whereas in another it dripped from the shield of a soldier, and the sword of another soldier was snatched by a wolf from the very midst of the camp. Many unknown wild beasts went before Hannibal leading the way, as he was crossing the Iber, and a vision appeared to him in a dream. He thought that the gods once, sitting in assembly, sent for him and bade him march with all speed into Italy and receive from them a guide for the way, and that by this guide he was commanded to follow without turning around. He did turn around, however, and saw a great tempest moving and an immense serpent accompanying it. In surprise he asked his conductor what these creatures were; and the guide said: "Hannibal, they are on their way to help you in the sack of Italy."

(BOOK 14, BOISSEVAIN.)

VIII, 23.—These things inspired Hannibal with a firm hope, but threw the Romans into a state of profound terror. The Romans divided their forces into two parts and sent out the consuls,—Sempronius Longus to Sicily and Publius Scipio to Spain. Hannibal, desiring to invade Italy with all possible speed, marched on hurriedly and traversed without fighting the whole of Gaul lying between the Pyrenees and the Rhone. As far as the Rhone river no one came to oppose him, but at that point Scipio showed himself although he had no troops with him. Nevertheless with the help of the natives and their nearest neighbors he had already destroyed the boats in the river and had posted guards over the stream. Hannibal therefore used up some time in building rafts and skiffs, some of them out of a single log of wood, but still with the help of a large corps of workers had everything in readiness that was needful for crossing before Scipio's own army could arrive. He sent his brother Mago accompanied by the horsemen and a few light troops to cross at a point where the river is scattered over considerable breadth, with branches separated by islands; he himself, of course, proceeded by way of the natural ford, his object being that the Gauls should be deceived and array themselves against him only, while they set their guards with less care at other points along the river. This object was accomplished. Mago had already got across the river when Hannibal and his followers were crossing by the ford. On reaching the middle of the stream they raised a war cry and the trumpeters joined with the blare of their instruments, and Mago fell upon their antagonists from the rear. In this way the elephants and all the rest were ferried safely over. They had just finished crossing when Scipio's own force arrived. Both sides, then, sent horsemen to reconnoitre, after which they entered upon a cavalry battle with the same results as attended the war as a whole. The Romans, that is, after first seeming to get the worst of it and losing a number of men were victorious.

Then Hannibal, in haste to set out for Italy but suspicious of the more direct roads, turned aside from them and followed another, on which he underwent bitter hardships. The mountains there are exceedingly precipitous and the snow falling in great quantities was driven by the winds and filled the chasms, and the ice was frozen to a great thickness. These things conspired to cause them fearful suffering, and many of his soldiers perished through the winter cold and lack of food; many also returned home. There is a story to the effect that he himself would also have turned back but for the fact that the road already traversed was longer and more difficult than the portion left before him. For this reason he did not retrace his steps, but suddenly appearing south of the Alps spread astonishment and terror among the Romans.

So he advanced taking possession of whatever lay before him. Scipio sent his brother Gaius[29] Scipio, who was serving as a lieutenant under him, into Spain to either seize and hold it or bring Hannibal back, but he himself marched against Hannibal. They waited a few days; then both moved into action. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^4] BEFORE BEGINNING OPERATIONS, HANNIBAL CALLED TOGETHER THE SOLDIERS AND BROUGHT IN THE CAPTIVES WHOM HE HAD TAKEN BY THE WAY: HE ASKED THE LATTER WHETHER THEY CHOSE TO UNDERGO IMPRISONMENT AND TO ENDURE A GRIEVOUS SLAVERY, OR TO FIGHT IN SINGLE COMBAT WITH ONE ANOTHER ON CONDITION THAT THE VICTORS SHOULD BE RELEASED WITHOUT RANSOM. WHEN THEY ACCEPTED THE SECOND ALTERNATIVE, HE SET THEM TO FIGHTING. AND AT THE END OF THE CONFLICT HE ADDRESSED his own soldiers, encouraging them and whetting their eagerness for war. Scipio also did this on the Roman side. Then the contest began and looked at the outset as if it would involve the entire armies: but Scipio in a preliminary cavalry skirmish was defeated, lost many men, was wounded and would have been killed, had not his son Scipio, though only seventeen years old, come to his aid; he was consequently alarmed lest his infantry should similarly meet with a reverse, and he at once fell back and that night withdrew from the field.

[Footnote 29: Gnaeus Scipio is meant whenever Zonaras writes this form.]

VIII, 24.—Hannibal did not learn of his withdrawal till daybreak and then went to the Po, and finding there neither rafts nor boats,—for they had been burned by Scipio,—he ordered his brother Mago to swim across with the cavalry and pursue the Romans, whereas he himself marched up toward the sources of the river and commanded that the elephants cross where the tributary streams converged. In this manner, while the water was temporarily dammed and torn piecemeal by the animals' bulk, he effected a crossing more easily below them. Scipio overtaken stood his ground and would have offered battle but for the fact that by night the Gauls in his army deserted. Embarrassed by this occurrence and still suffering from his wound he once more broke up at night and located his entrenchments on high ground. He was not pursued, but subsequently the Carthaginians came up and encamped, with the river between the two forces.

Scipio on account of his wound and because of what had taken place was inclined to wait and send for reinforcements; and Hannibal after many attempts to provoke him to battle, finding that he could not do this and that he was short of food, attacked a fort where a large supply for the Romans was stored. As he made no headway he employed money to bribe the commander of the garrison, which thus came into his possession by betrayal. He hoped also to attain his other objects, partly by arms and partly by gold. Meanwhile Longus had entrusted Sicily to his lieutenant and had come in response to Scipio's call. Not much later influenced by ambition on the one hand and also by the fact of a victory over some marauders he presented himself in battle array. He lost the day by falling into an ambuscade, and when Hannibal appeared upon the scene with his infantry and elephants the followers of the Roman leader turned to flight and many were put to the sword, many also heedless of the river fell in and were choked. Only a few saved themselves with Longus. However, Hannibal though victorious was not happy, because he had lost many soldiers and all of his elephants, except one, as a result of the winter and from wounds.

Accordingly, they arranged an armistice without any desire for peace implied and both sides retired to the territory of their allies and passed the winter in the cities there. Plenty of provisions kept coming to the Romans, but Hannibal, not satisfied with the contributions of the allies, made frequent raids upon the Roman villages and cities and sometimes would conquer, sometimes be repulsed. Once he was beaten by Longus with the cavalry and received a wound. Some of the Roman settlers encouraged by this came out by themselves to oppose him when he assailed them. These would-be warriors he destroyed and received the capitulation of the place, which he razed to the ground. Of the captives taken he killed the Romans but released the rest. This he did also in the case of all those taken alive, hoping to conciliate the cities by their influence. And, indeed, many of the Gauls as well as Ligurians and Etruscans either murdered the Romans dwelling within their borders or surrendered them and then transferred their allegiance.

As Hannibal was advancing toward Etruria Longus attacked him in the midst of a great storm. Many fell on both sides and Hannibal entered Ligurian territory and delayed some time. He was suspicious of even his own men and was free to trust no one, but made frequent changes of costume, wore false hair, spoke different languages at different times (for he knew a number, including Latin) and both night and day he would frequently make the rounds of his camp. He was always listening to some conversations in the guise of an entirely different person from Hannibal and occasionally he talked thus in character.

VIII, 25.—While this was going on in Italy the other Scipio, Gaius, had sailed along the coast to Spain, and had won over, partly by force and partly without opposition, all the districts to the Iber that border on the sea and considerable of the upper peninsula. He had also defeated Banno in battle and had taken him prisoner. Hasdrubal, the brother of Hannibal, on learning this crossed the Iber and reduced some of the rebels, but at Scipio's approach he fell back.

[Sidenote: B.C. 217 (a.u. 537)] The people of Rome again chose Flaminius and Geminus consuls. Just after the advent of spring Hannibal was apprised that Flaminius together with Servilius Geminus would march against him with a large force, and he devoted his attention to deceiving them. He pretended that he was going to spend his time and meet the issue where he was, and when the Romans, thinking that he was permanently located, began to show carelessness in their line of march, he started just after nightfall, leaving his cavalry behind at camp, noiselessly traversed the passes and hastened on toward Aretium; and the cavalry, after he had got far ahead, set out to follow him. When the consuls found out that they had been tricked, Geminus stayed behind to harass the revolted districts and prevent them from assisting the Carthaginians, and Flaminius alone pursued, eager that his alone should be the credit of the expected victory. He succeeded in occupying Aretium beforehand, for Hannibal in taking a shorter road had encountered difficult marching, and had lost numerous men, many pack animals, and one of his eyes. It was late, then, before he reached Aretium and found there Flaminius, whom he regarded with contempt. He did not give battle, for the situation was unsuitable, but by way of testing his enemy's disposition he laid waste the country. At this the Romans made a sally and he retired, to give them the idea that he was afraid. During the night he broke up and found a satisfactory spot for battle, where he remained. He arranged that most of the infantry should form an ambush along the mountain sides and ordered all the cavalry to lie in wait concealed from view outside the pass; he himself encamped with a few followers on the hilltop. Flaminius was in good spirits and when he saw him with but a few men on the high ground he believed that the rest of the army must have been sent to some distant point and hoped to take him easily thus isolated. So he carelessly entered the mouth of the pass and there (for it was late) pitched camp. About midnight, when they were sleeping unguarded through scorn of their enemies, the Carthaginians surrounded them on every side at once and by using from a distance javelins, slings, and arrows they killed some still in their beds, others just seizing their arms, without receiving any serious harm in return. The Romans, having no tangible adversaries and with darkness and mist prevailing, found no chance to employ their valor. So great was the uproar and of such a nature the disordered alarm that seized them, that they were not even aware of earthquakes then prevailing, although many buildings fell in ruins and many mountains either were cleft asunder or collapsed so that they blocked up ravines, and rivers shut off from their ancient outlet sought another. Such were the earthquakes which overwhelmed Etruria, yet the combatants were not conscious of them. Flaminius himself and a vast number of others fell, though not a few managed to climb a hill. When it became day, they started to flee and being overtaken surrendered themselves and their arms on promise of free pardon. Hannibal, however, recking little of his oaths, imprisoned and kept under guard the Romans themselves, but released their subjects and allies among all the captives he had in his army. After this success he hastened toward Rome and proceeded as far as Narnia devastating the country and winning over the cities, save Spoletium; there he surrounded and slew the praetor Gaius Centenius who was in ambush. He made an attack upon Spoletium, but was repulsed, and as he saw that the bridge over the Nar had been torn down and ascertained that this had been done also in the case of the other rivers which he was obliged to cross, he ceased his headlong rush upon Rome. Instead, he turned aside into Campania, for he heard that the land was excellent and that Capua was a great city, and thought that if he should first occupy these he might acquire the rest of Italy in a short time.

The people of Rome when informed of the defeat were grieved and lamented both for themselves and for the lost. They were in sore straits and tore down the bridges over the Tiber, save one, and proceeded hurriedly to repair their walls, which were weak in many places. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^9] WISHING TO HAVE A DICTATOR READY, THEY HAD PROCLAIMED ONE IN ASSEMBLY. SATISFIED IF THEY THEMSELVES ONLY SHOULD BE SAVED, THEY HAD DESPATCHED NO AID TO THE ALLIES. BUT NOW, LEARNING THAT HANNIBAL HAD SET OUT INTO CAMPANIA, THEY DETERMINED TO ASSIST THE ALLIES ALSO. To Hannibal they opposed the dictator Fabius and the master of horse Marcus Minucius. These leaders set out in his direction but did not come into close quarters with him. They followed and kept him in view in the hope that a favorable opportunity for battle might possibly befall. Fabius was unwilling to risk a conflict with cowed and beaten soldiers against a greater number who had been victorious. Furthermore he hoped that the more his foes should injure the country, the sooner would they be in want of food. Calculating in this way he did not defend Campania nor any other district. For these reasons he confined hostilities entirely within Campania; unknown to the enemy he had surrounded them on every side and now kept guard over them. He himself secured an abundance of provisions both from the sea and from the territory of allies, but the invaders, he knew, had only the products of the land which they were devastating to depend upon. Therefore he waited and did not mind the delay. Hence also he was blamed by his fellow-citizens and was even given the name of The Delayer.

VIII, 26.—When it came to be nearly winter and Hannibal could not pass that season where he was owing to a lack of the necessities of life and had been checked in many attempts to get out of Campania, he devised a plan of this kind. He first slew all the captives, that no one of them might escape and acquaint the Romans with what was being done. Then he gathered the cattle which were in camp, affixed torches to their horns, and went at nightfall to the mountains forming the boundary of Samnium, where he lighted the torches and threw the cattle into a fright. They, maddened by the fire and the driving, set fire to the forest in many places and consequently rendered it easy for Hannibal to cross the mountains. The Romans in the plain as well as those on the heights dreaded an ambuscade and would not budge. Thus Hannibal got across and made his way into Samnium.

Fabius, ascertaining the next day what had been done, gave chase and routed those left behind on the road to hinder his men's progress, afterward defeating also troops that came to the assistance of the first party. He then encamped not far from the enemy, yet would not come into conflict with them. However, he prevented them from scattering and foraging, so that Hannibal in perplexity at first started for Rome. As Fabius would not fight, but quietly accompanied him, he again turned back into Samnium. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^10] AND FABIUS FOLLOWING ON CONTINUED TO BESIEGE HIM FROM A SAFE DISTANCE, BEING ANXIOUS NOT TO LOSE ANY OF HIS OWN TROOPS, especially since he could obtain necessities in abundance, whereas he saw that his foe actually possessed nothing outside of his weapons and that no assistance was sent to him from home. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^11] FOR THE CARTHAGINIANS WERE DISPOSED TO MAKE SPORT OF HIM IN THAT HE WROTE OF HIS SPLENDID PROGRESS AND HIS MANY SUCCESSES AND IN THE SAME BREATH ASKED SOLDIERS OF THEM AND MONEY. THEY SAID THAT HIS REQUESTS WERE NOT IN ACCORD WITH HIS SUCCESSES: CONQUERORS OUGHT TO FIND THEIR ARMY SUFFICIENT, AND TO FORWARD MONEY TO THEIR HOMES INSTEAD OF DEMANDING MORE.

As long as Fabius was in the field, no disaster happened to the Romans, but when he started for Rome on some public business, they met with a setback. Rufus, his master of horse, was only a young man and therefore full of empty conceit; he was not observant of the errors of warfare and was wearied by the delays of Fabius: hence, when he once held the leadership of the army alone, he disregarded the injunctions of the dictator and hastened to bring on a set battle, in which at first he seemed to be victorious, but was soon defeated. Indeed, he would have been utterly destroyed, had not some Samnites arrived by chance to aid the Romans and impressed the Carthaginians with the idea that Fabius was approaching. When for this reason they retired he thought that he had vanquished them and sent messages to Rome magnifying his exploit and also slandering the dictator; he called Fabius timorous and hesitating and a sympathizer with the enemy.

The people of Rome believed that Rufus had really conquered, and in view of this unexpected encouragement they commended and honored him. They were suspicious of Fabius both because of the outcome and because he had not ravaged his own land in Campania, and it would have taken but little to make them depose him from his command. However, as they believed him useful, [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^14] THEY DID NOT DEPOSE HIM BUT THEY ASSIGNED EQUAL POWER TO HIS MASTER OF HORSE SO THAT BOTH HELD COMMAND ON AN EQUAL FOOTING. WHEN THIS HAD BEEN DECREED, FABIUS HARBORED NO WRATH AGAINST EITHER THE CITIZENS OR RUFUS; BUT RUFUS, WHO HAD NOT SHOWN THE RIGHT SPIRIT IN THE FIRST PLACE, WAS NOW ESPECIALLY PUFFED UP AND COULD NOT CONTAIN HIMSELF. HE KEPT ASKING FOR THE RIGHT TO HOLD SOLE SWAY A DAY AT A TIME, OR FOR SEVERAL DAYS ALTERNATELY. FABIUS, POSSESSED WITH DREAD THAT HE MIGHT WORK SOME HARM IF HE SHOULD GET POSSESSION OF THE UNDIVIDED POWER, WOULD NOT CONSENT TO EITHER PLAN OF HIS, BUT DIVIDED THE ARMY IN SUCH A WAY THAT THEY EACH, THE SAME AS THE CONSULS, HAD A SEPARATE FORCE. AND IMMEDIATELY RUFUS ENCAMPED APART, IN ORDER TO ILLUSTRATE THE FACT THAT HE WAS HOLDING SWAY IN HIS OWN RIGHT AND NOT SUBJECT TO THE DICTATOR. Hannibal, accordingly, perceiving this came up as if to seize a position, and drew him into battle. He then encompassed him about by means of an ambuscade and plunged him into danger, to such an extent, indeed, that he would have annihilated his entire army, if Fabius had not assailed Hannibal in the rear and prevented it.

After this experience [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^16] RUFUS ALTERED HIS ATTITUDE, LED THE REMNANT OF THE ARMY IMMEDIATELY INTO FABIUS'S QUARTERS AND LAID DOWN HIS COMMAND. HE DID NOT WAIT FOR THE PEOPLE TO REVOKE IT, BUT VOLUNTARILY GAVE UP THE LEADERSHIP WHICH HE, A MERE MASTER OF THE HORSE, HAD OBTAINED FROM HIS SUPERIOR. AND FOR THIS ALL PRAISED HIM. AND FABIUS AT ONCE, NOTHING DOUBTING, ACCEPTED ENTIRE CONTROL AND THE PEOPLE SANCTIONED IT. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^17] THEREAFTER AS HEAD OF THE ARMY HE AFFORDED GREATEST SECURITY, AND WHEN ABOUT TO RETIRE FROM OFFICE SENT FOR THE CONSULS, SURRENDERED THE ARMY TO THEM, AND ADVISED THEM VERY FULLY REGARDING ALL THE DETAILS OF WHAT MUST BE DONE. AND THEY WERE NOT UNDULY BOLD, BUT ACTED ENTIRELY ON THE SUGGESTION OF FABIUS, notwithstanding that Geminus had had some previous success. He had seen the Carthaginian fleet at anchor off Italy but not venturing to display any hostility because of the Roman ability to meet it, and he had started on a retaliatory voyage, first making sure the good conduct of the Corsicans and Sardinians by a cruise past their coasts; he had then landed in Libya and plundered the shore district. In spite of this achievement he was not so puffed up by it as to risk a decisive engagement with Hannibal, but was willing to abide by the injunctions of Fabius. One consequence was that the cities were no longer found siding with the Carthaginians, as they had done; for they feared that Hannibal would be driven out of Italy and they themselves suffer some calamity at the hands of the Romans since they were their kinsmen. The majority were engaged in trying to read the future, but a few again espoused the Roman cause, and some sent them offerings. And though Hiero often sent grain (and also sent a statue of Victory), the Romans accepted it only once. Yet they were in such hard straits for money that the silver coinage which was previously unalloyed and pure was now mixed with copper.

IX, 1.—All this is what took place in Italy at that period. Some slaves also formed a conspiracy against Rome, but were apprehended in advance. And a spy caught in the city had his hands cut off and was released that he might tell the Carthaginians his experience with his own lips.—In Spain in a sea-fight near the mouth of the Iber Scipio was victorious; for when the struggle proved to be too even, the sails were cut down in order that the men being placed in a desperate position might struggle more zealously. He also ravaged the country, got possession of numerous fortresses and through his brother Publius Scipio gained control of some Spanish cities. A Spaniard named Habelux affecting loyalty to the Carthaginians but in reality in the Roman service persuaded the Carthaginian guardian of the Spanish hostages to send them to their homes, in order that they might use their influence to bring their cities into friendly relations. Habelux naturally took charge of them, inasmuch as he had been the one to suggest the idea, but first sent to the Scipios and held a discussion about what he desired; then, while he was secretly taking the hostages away by night, he of course got captured. In this way it was the Romans who obtained possession of these men and acquired control of their native states by returning them to their homes.

(BOOK 15, BOISSEVAIN.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 216 (a.u. 538)] Though in these matters they were fortunate, they encountered elsewhere a fearful disaster, than which they never suffered one more terrible either earlier or subsequently. It was preceded by certain portents and the solemn verses of the Sibyl which had prophesied the disaster to them so many years before. Remarkable was also the prediction of Marcius. He also was a soothsayer and it was his rede that, inasmuch as they were Trojans of old, they should be overthrown in the Plain of Diomed. This was in Daunian Apulia and took its name from the settlement of Diomed, which he made there in the course of his wanderings. In that plain is also Cannae, where the present misfortune occurred, close to the Ionian Gulf and near the mouths of the Aufidus. The Sibyl had urged them to beware of the spot, yet said it would avail them naught, even if they should keep it under strictest guard.

Such were the oracular utterances: now what befell the Romans was this. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^21] THE COMMANDERS WERE AEMILIUS PAULUS AND TERENTIUS VARRO, MEN NOT OF SIMILAR TEMPERAMENT. FOR THE ONE WAS A PATRICIAN, POSSESSED OF THE GRACES OF EDUCATION, AND ESTEEMED SAFETY BEFORE HASTE: BUT TERENTIUS HAD BEEN BROUGHT UP AMONG THE RABBLE, WAS PRACTICED IN VULGAR BRAVADO, AND SO DISPLAYED LACK OF PRUDENCE IN NEARLY ALL RESPECTS, THINKING, FOR INSTANCE, THAT HE ALONE SHOULD HAVE THE LEADERSHIP IN VIEW OF THE QUIET BEHAVIOR OF HIS COLLEAGUE. NOW THEY BOTH REACHED THE CAMP AT A MOST OPPORTUNE TIME: HANNIBAL HAD NO LONGER ANY PROVENDER; SPAIN WAS IN TURMOIL; THE AFFECTION OF THE ALLIES WAS BEING ALIENATED FROM HIM; AND IF THEY HAD WAITED FOR EVEN THE BRIEFEST POSSIBLE PERIOD, THEY WOULD HAVE CONQUERED. AS MATTERS WENT, HOWEVER, THE RECKLESSNESS OF TERENTIUS AND THE SUBMISSIVENESS OF PAULUS COMPASSED THEIR DEFEAT. Hannibal attempted to lead them into a conflict at once, and with a few followers drew near their stronghold: then, when a sortie was made, he purposely fell back to create the impression of being afraid and so drew them the more surely into a set battle. But, as Paulus restrained his own soldiers from pursuit, Hannibal simulated terror and that night packed up as if to depart; and he left behind him numerous articles lying within the palisade and ordered the rest of the baggage to be escorted with a considerable show of carelessness so as to make the Romans devote their attention to plundering it and give him thereby a chance to attack them. He would have translated his wish into fact, if Paulus had not held back his soldiers, in spite of their reluctance, and held back Terentius as well.

So Hannibal, having failed in this essay also, came by night to Cannae, and since he knew the place as one fit for ambuscades and for a pitched battle, he encamped there. And first he ploughed the whole site over, because it had a sandy subsoil and his object was to have a cloud of dust raised in the conflict; the wind generally springs up there in summer toward noon, and he contrived to get it behind his back. The consuls seeing at dawn that his stockade was empty of men at first waited, apprehending ambush, but later in the broad daylight came to Cannae. Each of the Roman leaders bivouacked apart beside the river, for since they were not congenial they avoided association together. Paulus remained quiet, but Terentius was anxious to force the issue; when he saw, however, that the soldiers were rather listless, he gave up the idea. But Hannibal, who was determined to goad them into battle even against their will, shut them off from their sources of water, prevented their scattering into small parties, and threw the bodies of the slain into the stream above their intrenchments and in plain sight, in order to disgust them with the drinking supply. Then the Romans started to array themselves for battle. Hannibal anticipating this movement had planted ambuscades at the foot of the hills but held the remainder of his army drawn up. He also ordered some men at a given signal to simulate desertion; they were to throw away their shields and spears and larger swords but secretly to retain their daggers, so that after his antagonists had received them as unarmed, they might attack them unexpectedly.

The Romans having had in view since early morning the troops arrayed about Hannibal were now arming themselves and taking their places. The trumpets incited both parties, the signals were raised, and then ensued the clash of battle and a contest which assumed a variety of aspects. Until noon the advantage had not fallen distinctly to either side. Then the wind came up and the false deserters were received as men destitute of arms and got behind the Romans, alleging the very natural reason that they wanted to be out of the way of the Carthaginian attack. At this moment the men rose from ambush on both sides, Hannibal with his cavalry charged the front ranks, the enemy confused the Romans on every hand, the wind and the dust cloud assailed their faces violently, causing perplexity, and interfered with their breathing, which was already growing quick and labored from exertion, so that deprived of sight, deprived of voice, they perished in a wild melee, preserving no semblance of order. So great a multitude fell that Hannibal did not even try to find out the number of the common people, and in regard to the number of the knights and members of the senate he did not write to the Carthaginians at home but indicated it by the finger-rings; these he measured off by the quart and sent away. Only the senators and the knights wore finger-rings. Yet after all a number made good their escape even on this occasion, among them Terentius; Paulus was killed. Hannibal did not pursue nor did he hasten to Rome. He might have set out at once for Rome with either his entire army or at least a portion of it and have quickly ended the war; yet he did not do so, although Maharbal urged him to do so. Hence he was censured as being able to win victories but not understanding how to use them. Since they had delayed this time, they could never again have an opportunity to make haste. Therefore Hannibal regretted it, feeling that he had committed a blunder, and was ever crying out: "Oh Cannae, Cannae!"

IX, 2.—The Romans, who had been in such imminent danger of being destroyed, won back their superiority through Scipio. He was a son of the Publius Scipio in Spain, and had saved the life of his father when the latter was wounded: [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^24] HE WAS AT THIS TIME SERVING IN THE ARMY, HAD FLED TO CANUSIUM, AND LATER ACHIEVED RENOWN. BY COMMON CONSENT OF THE FUGITIVES ASSEMBLED AT CANUSIUM HE RECEIVED THE LEADERSHIP, SET IN ORDER AFFAIRS AT THAT PLACE, SENT GARRISONS TO THE REGIONS IN PROXIMITY, AND BOTH PLANNED AND EXECUTED ALL MEASURES WELL.

The people of Rome heard of the defeat but did not believe it. When they at last came to believe it, they were filled with sorrow and met in the senate-house, but were ready to break up without accomplishing anything, when finally Fabius proposed that they send scouts to bring a report of what had really happened and what Hannibal was doing. He advised them not to lament but to go about in silence that the necessary measures might be taken, and furthermore to collect as large a force as they might and to call upon adjoining settlements for aid. After this, upon learning that Hannibal was in Apulia and receiving a letter from Terentius stating that he was alive and what he was doing, they recovered a little of their courage. Marcus Junius was named dictator and Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus master of the horse. Immediately they enrolled not only those of the citizens who were in their prime but also those even who were past the fighting age; they added to their forces prisoners on promise of pardon and slaves on promise of freedom and a brigand here and there; moreover they called on their allies to help, reminding them of any kindness ever shown them and promising in addition to give to some of them grain, to others money, as they had never done before; they also sent emissaries to Greece to either persuade or hire men to serve as their allies.

Hannibal, learning that the Romans had united their troops and were engaged in preparations, still delayed at Cannae despairing of a capture by assault. Of the captives he released the allied contingent without ransom as before, but the Romans he kept, hoping to dispose of them by sale, since this would make him better off but the Romans worse off. When no one came from Rome in quest of the captives, he ordered them to send some of their number home after ransom, provided they had first taken oath to return. When even then the Romans refused to ransom them, he shipped those who were of any value to Carthage, and of the rest he put some to death after maltreating them and forced the others to fight as gladiators, pitting friends and relatives against each other. Those who were sent for ransom returned in order to be true to their oaths, but later fled. They were disfranchised by the censors and committed suicide.

Hannibal sent his brother Mago to report the victory to the Carthaginians and to ask them for money and troops. He on his arrival counted over the rings and described the success naturally in even more glowing terms than it deserved; everything that he asked was voted and they would not listen to Hanno who opposed it and advised them to end the war while they seemed to have the upper hand. However, they never put their vote into effect, but delayed. Hannibal meanwhile had advanced into Campania, had seized a Samnite fortress, and marched upon Neapolis. He sent before him a few soldiers with the booty and when the people of the city, thinking them alone, rushed out upon them, he unexpectedly appeared in person and slew a large number. He did not capture the city, nor did he lay siege to it for long. The reason will presently be plain. Of the Campanian inhabitants of Capua a part clung to Roman friendship, but others favored Hannibal. After his success at Cannae and when some of their men taken captive had been released the populace was clamorous to revolt to Hannibal, but the men of rank waited for some time. Finally the crowd made a rush upon them as they were assembled in the senate-house and would have made away with them all but for the action of some one of the crowd who saw how great a misfortune this would be. This person denounced the senators as by all means deserving to perish, but said that they ought first to choose others to fill their places, for the State could not endure without some men to concert measures for them. Having gained the assent of the Capuan people he ejected each one of them from the senate-house, asking the populace, as he did so, whom they chose in his place. Thus, as they found themselves unable to choose others on short notice, they let all the old senators go unharmed, because they appeared to be necessary. Later they became reconciled with one another and made peace with Hannibal. This is why he quickly retired from Neapolis and came to Capua. He held a conference with the people and made many attractive offers, among other things promising to give them the supreme direction of Italy; for he was anxious that they should be animated by hope and, feeling that they would be working for themselves, develop greater zeal in the struggle.

At the revolt of Capua the rest of Campania also became restive, and the news of the town's secession troubled the Romans. As for Hannibal, he started on a campaign against the Nucerini. Under stress of siege and owing to lack of food they thrust out that portion of the population which was not available for fighting. Hannibal would not receive them, however, and gave them assurance of safety only in case they should go back to the city. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^25] THEREFORE THE REST ALSO AGREED TO LEAVE THE CITY CARRYING ONE CHANGE OF CLOTHING. AS SOON, HOWEVER, AS HANNIBAL WAS MASTER OF THE SITUATION, HE SHUT THE SENATORS INTO BATH-HOUSES AND SUFFOCATED THEM, AND IN THE CASE OF THE OTHERS, ALTHOUGH HE HAD TOLD THEM TO GO AWAY WHERE THEY PLEASED, HE CUT DOWN ON THE ROAD MANY EVEN OF THEM. A NUMBER OF THEM SAVED THEIR LIVES ONLY BY TAKING REFUGE IN THE WOODS. THEREUPON THE REST BECAME AFRAID AND WOULD NO LONGER COME TO TERMS WITH HIM, BUT RESISTED WHILE THEY WERE ABLE. The people of Nola were planning to range themselves under his banner, but when they saw what had been done to their countrymen, they quietly let Marcellus in and later repulsed Hannibal when he assaulted their city. Repelled from Nola he captured the people of Acerrae by starving them out. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^29] HE MADE THE SAME TERMS WITH THEM AS WITH THE DWELLERS IN NUCERIA AND ALSO ACCORDED THEM THE SAME TREATMENT. After that he directed his forces against Casilinum in which Romans and about a thousand of the allies had taken refuge. These put to death the native citizens who were meditating how to betray them, repulsed Hannibal several times and held out nobly against hunger. When food was failing them they sent a man across the river on an inflated skin to inform the dictator. The latter put jars filled with wheat into the river at night and bade them keep their eyes on the current in the darkness. For a while he thus supplied them with nutriment without being discovered, but eventually a jar was dashed against some obstacle and shattered; then the Carthaginians became aware of what was going on and put chains across the river. After a number had perished of hunger and of their wounds, they abandoned one half of the city, cut down the bridge, and held out in the other half. They now threw turnip seed from the wall upon a spot outside, doing this in order to alarm the enemy and make them believe that they were likely to endure for a long time. Hannibal, indeed, thinking that they must have plenty of food and astonished at their endurance invited them to capitulate and released them for money. The Romans outside were glad to ransom them, and more than that they showed them honor.

IX, 3.—While these events took place the messengers returned from Delphi saying that the Pythia admonished them to shake off sloth and devote themselves to the war. Then they were filled with new strength. They overtook Hannibal and encamped near him so as to watch his movements. Junius the dictator ordered the Romans to do exactly as the Carthaginians were commanded to do. So they took their food and sleep at the same time, visited the sentries in the same manner, and were doing everything else in similar fashion. When Hannibal understood the situation, he waited for a stormy night and announced to some of his soldiers a skirmish for after nightfall. Junius did the same thing. Thereupon Hannibal ordered different detachments to attack him in succession at different times in order that his opponent might be involved in constant labor as a result of sleeplessness and the storm. He himself rested with the troops not in action. When day was about to break, he recalled the army, as was expected, and the Romans put away their weapons and retired to rest; then all of a sudden he attacked them, with the result that he killed a number and captured the entrenchments, which were deserted.

Conditions in Sicily and Sardinia grew unsettled but did not receive any consideration at the hands of the Romans. [Sidenote: B.C. 215 (a.u. 539)] The consuls chosen were Gracchus, previously master of the horse, and Postumius Albinus. Albinus was ambuscaded and destroyed with his entire army by the Boii as he was traversing a wooded mountain. The barbarians cut off his head, scooped out the interior and after gilding it used it for a bowl in their sacred ceremonials.—Portents occurred at this time. A cow brought forth a horse and fire shone out at sea. The consuls Gracchus and Fabius encamped and kept watch of Hannibal while he stayed in Capua, to see what he did. They spent their time in sending scouts in every direction, defending the allies, trying to win back the revolted and injuring their adversaries' interests. Hannibal, so long as he obtained a barely sufficient supply of food at the cost of encountering dangers, led a temperate life, as did his army; but after they had taken Capua and wintered there in idleness with ample provisions, they began to lose their physical strength by not laboring and their intellectual force by tranquillity, and in changing their ancestral habits they learned an accomplishment new to them,—that of being defeated in battle.—When the work of war finally became pressing, Hannibal transferred his quarters to the mountains and gave the army exercise. But they could not get strong in a short space of time. He was encouraged by the arrival of reinforcements from home, especially in the matter of elephants. He now set out against Nola intending to capture it or else to draw Marcellus, who was ravaging Samnium, away from that region. As he could accomplish nothing, he withdrew from the city and laid waste the country, until he suffered a decisive defeat in battle,—an event which grieved him. Many Spaniards and even many Libyans now forsook him and deserted to the Romans,—a new experience for him. Consequently, despairing of his own and the soldiers' prospects he abandoned that entire region and retired to Capua. Afterward he left there also to take up a different position.

[Sidenote: B.C. 217 (a.u. 537)] The Scipios had crossed the river Iber and were ravaging the country; they had secured control of various cities and when Hasdrubal for this reason hastened to oppose them, they had conquered him in battle. The Carthaginians learning this thought that Hasdrubal needed more assistance than did Hannibal, and fearing that the Scipios might attempt to cross into Libya also they sent only a small body of troops to Hannibal, but despatched the largest detachment with Mago to Spain with the utmost speed; and they bade him after the reduction of Spain to remain to guard their interests there, whereas Hasdrubal was to be sent with a body of troops against Italy. [Sidenote: B.C. 216 (a.u. 538)] The Scipios, made aware of the plan, no longer gave battle for fear that Hasdrubal perhaps might win a victory and then hasten to Italy. However, as the Carthaginians went on injuring the part of the country that was friendly to the Romans, Publius engaged in a struggle with such of his opponents as attacked him and won a victory; Gnaeus intercepted the enemy who were retiring from this battle and annihilated them. As a result of this disaster and because numerous cities were transferring their allegiance to the Romans and some of the Libyans had gone over to their side, Hasdrubal remained there longer than he was intending. The Scipios sent their accessions at once to Italy, and they themselves continued to adjust affairs in Spain. They captured the subjects of Saguntum who had caused them the war and their reverses, and they tore down the hostile settlement and sold the men. After this they took possession of Saguntum and restored it to its original inhabitants. They were so scrupulous in regard to the plunder that they sent nothing home. They allowed the partners of their campaign to do so, but for themselves they sent only some jackstones to their children. Hence the senate upon the request of Gnaeus for leave of absence that he might go home and borrow a dowry for his daughter, who was of age to be married, voted that a dowry be given her from the public funds.

IX, 4.—In the course of the same period both Sicily and Sardinia had become openly hostile. But the disturbance in these regions soon subsided. [Sidenote: B.C. 215 (a.u. 539)] Hasdrubal, who was aiding them, was captured and Manlius Torquatus recovered almost the entire island. For the time being affairs in Sicily were quiet, but afterward disturbance reigned anew. King Philip of Macedonia showed himself a most open partisan of the Carthaginians. In his desire to add Greece to his possessions he made an agreement with Hannibal that they should conduct the war in common, and that the Carthaginians should get Italy but he should have Greece and Epirus together with the islands. The agreement was made on this basis, but through the capture of the herald who had been sent to Hannibal by Philip the Romans learned what was taking place and forthwith despatched the praetor Marcus Valerius Laevinus[30] against him. They intended to make him anxious about internal affairs, so that he should stay at home. The plan worked. [Sidenote: B.C. 214 (a.u. 540)] Philip had progressed as far as Corcyca with the intention of sailing to Italy, but on learning that Laevinus was already at Brundusium he returned home. When Laevinus had sailed as far as Corcyca, Philip set out against the Roman allies; he had captured Oricum and was besieging Apollonia. Laevinus made an expedition against him anew, recovered Oricum and rescued Apollonia. Then Philip after burning the ships which he had used retired homewards overland.

[Footnote 30: Zonaras consistently spells this name Lavinius.]

The people of Rome chose Fabius and Marcellus consuls. Hannibal was then traveling about in what is called Calabria and in adjacent regions, and they assigned the care of him to Gracchus, who had held office before them. The latter routed Hanno (who had come from Bruttium and confronted him near Beneventum), and then going on he watched Hannibal closely, kept ravaging the possessions of rebels and won some cities safely back. The consuls themselves turned their steps toward Campania, for they were anxious to subdue it and so leave no element of hostility behind their backs when they should march against Hannibal. They then divided forces. Fabius overran the districts of Campania and Samnium. Marcellus crossed into Sicily and proceeded to besiege Syracuse. The town had submitted to him, but then had revolted again through the treachery of some men by the use of a false message. He would have subdued it very speedily,—for he assaulted the wall by both land and sea at once,—had not Archimedes with his inventions enabled the citizens to resist an extremely long time. By his devices he suspended stones and heavy-armed soldiers in the air whom he would let down suddenly and soon draw up again. Even ships that carried towers he would dash one upon another; he would pull them up and [Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^31?)] LIFTING THEM HIGH WOULD LET GO ALL IN A MASS so that when they fell into the water they were sunk by the impact. At last in an incredible manner he destroyed the whole Roman fleet by conflagration. By tilting a kind of mirror toward the sun he concentrated the sun's beams on it; and as the thickness and smoothness of the mirror cooeperated to ignite the air from these beams he kindled a great flame, all of which he directed upon the ships that lay at anchor in the path of the fire, and he consumed them all. Marcellus, therefore, despairing of capturing the city on account of the inventiveness of Archimedes thought to take it by famine after a regular investment. This duty he assigned to Pulcher while he himself turned his attention to those who had participated in the revolt of Syracuse. Any who yielded were granted pardon, but those who resisted he treated harshly, and he captured a number of the cities by force, some also by betrayal. In the meantime Himilco had come from Carthage with an army, had occupied Agrigentum and Heraclea and had reached Syracuse. There he was first defeated, then was in turn victorious, and finally was beaten by a sudden assault on the part of Marcellus.

IX, 5.—Thereafter Marcellus was still investing Syracuse. Hannibal was passing his time in Calabria. [Sidenote: B.C. 212 (a.u. 542)] The Romans, moreover, had again experienced many and disagreeable reverses. The consuls had received a setback near Capua, Gracchus had died in Lucania, Tarentum and other cities had revolted, Hannibal, previously cowed, remained in Italy and had marched upon Rome, and both the Scipios had perished. Elated by these events Hannibal undertook to render assistance to Capua. He went as far as Beneventum, then, ascertaining that Claudius had returned from Samnium into Lucania on account of the death of Gracchus, he became afraid that the Romans might secure control of parts of it, and he advanced no farther but turned to meet Claudius.—Upon the death of the Scipios the whole of Spain was thrown into disorder. Some towns voluntarily went over to the Carthaginians and others under compulsion, even if they did later swing back to the Roman side.

Marcellus, finding that he was accomplishing naught by assault on Syracuse, thought of the following scheme. There was a vulnerable spot in the Syracusans' wall, which they called Galeagra; it had never before been recognized as such, but the fact was at this time discovered. He waited till the whole town of Syracuse celebrated an all night festival to Artemis and then bade some soldiers scale the wall at that point. After that some gates were opened by them and, as soon as a few others had gone in, all, both inside and outside, at a given signal raised a shout and struck their spears upon their shields, and the trumpeters blew a blast, with the result that utter panic overwhelmed the Syracusans, who were anyway somewhat the worse for drink, and the city was captured with the exception of Achradina and what is called the "island." Marcellus plundered the captured town and attacked the portions not yet taken, and with time and labor but after all successfully he conquered the remainder of Syracuse. The Romans when they became masters of these districts killed many persons, among them Archimedes. He was constructing a geometrical figure and hearing that the enemy were at hand he said: [Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^32?)] "Let them come at my head, but keep their distance from my figure!" He was little perturbed when a hostile warrior confronted him, and by his words, "Fellow, stand away from my figure," he irritated the man and was cut down.

[Sidenote: B.C. 211 (a.u. 543)] Marcellus for his capture of Syracuse and his conciliation of most of the rest of Sicily received high praise and was appointed consul. They had nominated Torquatus, who once had put his son to death. He declined, however, saying: [Sidenote: cp. FRAG. 32^6] "I could not endure your blunders, nor you my punctiliousness," whereupon they elected Marcellus and Valerius Laevinus.

IX, 6.—After Marcellus left Sicily, Hannibal sent a troop of cavalry there and the Carthaginians despatched another. They won several battles and acquired some cities. And if the praetor Cornelius Dolabella had not come upon the scene, they would have subjugated all Sicily.

Capua was at this time taken by the Romans. It availed nothing that Hannibal marched upon Rome in order to draw away from Capua the forces besieging it, although he traversed Latium, came to the Tiber, and laid waste the suburbs of the city. The people of Rome were frightened, but still they voted that one of the consuls[31] should remain at Capua while the other defended them. It was Claudius who remained at Capua, for he had been wounded: Flaccus hastened to Rome.

[Footnote 31: Possibly an error on the part of Zonaras for proconsuls.]

Hannibal kept making raids all the time before their eyes and doing a great amount of harm, but for some time they were satisfied to preserve their possessions within the walls. When, however, he reached the point of assaulting the city and their armies at once, they risked the proverbial cast of the die and made a sortie. They were already engaged in skirmishing when [Sidenote: (FRAG. 56^33?)] AN EXTRAORDINARY STORM ACCOMPANIED BY AN INCONCEIVABLY STRONG WIND AS WELL AS THUNDER, HAIL, AND LIGHTNING, BROKE FROM A CLEAR SKY, so that both were glad enough to flee as if by mutual consent back to the place from which they had set out. They were just laying aside their arms when the sky became clear. Although Hannibal concluded that the event mentioned, coming as it did precisely at the moment of conflict, had not occurred without divine ordering, yet he did not desist from his siege operations and even attempted again on a subsequent occasion to force the issue. But when the same phenomena were met for the second time, he became terrified. What added to his alarm was that the enemy though in so great danger did not withdraw from Capua and were getting ready to send both soldiers and a praetor into Spain, and that being in need of funds they sold the spot where he was encamped, which was a piece of public property. In despair he retired, often crying aloud, "Oh, Cannae, Cannae!" And he no longer showed a disposition to render aid to Capua.

The people of that city although in extremities were nevertheless desperate, believing that they could not obtain pardon from the Romans, and they therefore held out and sent a letter to Hannibal begging him to assist them. The bearers of the letter were seized by Flaccus (Claudius had before this time died of his wound) and had their hands cut off. Seeing them the Campanians were terribly dismayed and took counsel as to what they should do. After considerable talk a certain Vibius Virius, one of the foremost men and most responsible for the revolt, spoke, saying: "Our only refuge and freedom lies in death. Escort me home. I have a poison made ready." So he took with him those who were willing to accept his advice and with them voluntarily gave up his life. The rest opened the gates to the Romans. Flaccus took possession of all their arms and money, killed some of the head men and sent others to Rome. The only ones that he left unmolested were the survivors of the common people, and he spared them only on condition that they receive a Roman governor, maintain no senate, and hold no assembly.

Later they subjected themselves to other disabilities by daring to accuse Flaccus. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^34] THE CAMPANIANS UNDERTOOK TO ACCUSE FLACCUS AND THE SYRACUSANS MARCELLUS, when the latter was already consul. And Marcellus made a defence, refusing to perform any of the duties of his office until he had defended himself. The Syracusans when given a hearing were rather sparing of their remarks and devoted themselves not to accusing Marcellus but to supplication and defence, showing that they had not of their own free will revolted from the Romans and begging that pardon be granted them. While uttering these words they fell upon the ground and bewailed their lot. When a decision was rendered, it was to the effect that Marcellus was not guilty; that the Syracusans, however, were deserving of a certain degree of kind treatment not for their acts but for their words and supplications. As Marcellus asked to be excused from returning to Sicily, they sent Laevinus. The Syracusans in this way obtained some consideration: the Campanians, however, were led by stupidity to deliver their accusation with too much audacity and were rebuked. Flaccus was not present, but one of his ex-lieutenants conducted his defence for him.

After the capture of Capua the other strongholds in the vicinity went over to the Romans, with the exception of Atellanae. The dwellers in this town abandoned their city and went in a body to Hannibal. Also the rest of Italy that favored the Carthaginian cause was being gradually estranged and the consuls in their tours of the country were taking possession of it. The Tarentini did not as yet openly avow their allegiance to the Romans, but secretly they were getting tired of the Carthaginians.

(BOOK 16, BOISSEVAIN.)

[Sidenote: FRAG. 56^35] THE ROMANS MADE PROPOSITIONS TO HANNIBAL THAT BOTH SIDES SHOULD RETURN THEIR PRISONERS. THEY DID NOT EFFECT THE EXCHANGE BECAUSE THEY WOULD NOT RECEIVE CARTHALO, AS BEING AN ENEMY, INSIDE OF THEIR WALLS. AND HE REFUSED TO HOLD ANY CONVERSATION WITH THEM, BUT IMMEDIATELY TURNED BACK IN A RAGE.

At this time, moreover, Laevinus made friends with the AEtolians, who were allies of Philip; and when Philip had advanced as far as Corcyra he scared him away again so that the king returned to Macedonia with speed.

[Sidenote: B.C. 210 (a.u. 544)] IX, 7.—The people of Rome sent Gaius Claudius Nero with soldiers into Spain. He followed the line of the coast with his fleet as far as the Iber, where he found the remainder of the Roman forces and confronted Hasdrubal before his presence had been made known. He enclosed the Carthaginians securely but was then cheated out of the advantage gained. Hasdrubal, seeing that he was cut off, sent heralds to Nero proposing to give up the whole of Spain and leave the country. Nero gladly accepted the offer and his opponent postponed the settlement of the terms to the following day. That night Hasdrubal quietly sent out a number of his men to various parts of the mountains, and they got safely away because the Romans, in expectation of a truce, were not keeping any guard. The next day he held a conference with Nero but used up the whole time without fixing upon anything definitely. That night he sent off other men in like manner. This he did similarly on several other days while disputing about some points in the treaty. When the entire infantry had gone in advance, he himself at last with the cavalry and elephants silently slipped away. He reached a place of safety and managed to make himself a source of anxiety to Nero subsequently.

On learning this the people of Rome condemned Nero and voted to entrust the leadership to somebody else. And they were at a loss whom to send, for the situation required no ordinary man and many were breaking away from allegiance on account of the untimely fate of the Scipios. [Sidenote: FRAG. 56^37] THEREUPON THE FAMOUS PUBLIUS SCIPIO, WHO SAVED HIS WOUNDED FATHER, OFFERED HIMSELF VOLUNTARILY FOR THE WORK OF THE CAMPAIGN. HE SURPASSED IN EXCELLENCE AND WAS ALSO RENOWNED FOR HIS EDUCATION. He was chosen forthwith, but his supporters not long after regretted their action because of his youth (he was in his twenty-fourth year) and because his house was in mourning for the loss of his father and uncle. Accordingly he made a second public appearance and delivered a speech; and his words put the senators to shame, so that they did not, to be sure, release him from his command, but sent Marcus Junius, an elderly man, to accompany him.

After these events matters progressed without catastrophes for the Romans and gradually grew better. Marcellus after his acquittal before the court had set out against Hannibal and was making nearly everything safe, though he was afraid to risk an engagement with men driven to desperation. At any time that he was forced into a combat he came out victorious as the result of prudence mingled with daring. Hannibal now undertook to inflict injury upon those regions which he was unable to occupy, being influenced by the reasons aforementioned as also by the fact that the cities in his alliance had either abandoned him or were intending to do so, and by some other causes. He hurt a great many and several towns deserted to the Romans for this reason.