So far the account concerns Lavinium and the people of Alba. At the beginning of Roman history we see Numitor and Amulius, who were grandsons of Aventinus and descendants of AEneas.

(BOOK 2, BOISSEVAIN.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 672 (a.u. 82)] VII, 6.—When Numa died leaving no successor, Tullus Hostilius was chosen by the people and the senate. He followed in the footsteps of Romulus, and both welcomed combats himself and encouraged the people to do the same. The Albanians having become the victims of a marauding expedition on the part of the the Romans, both sides proceeded into battle; before they came into actual conflict, however, they effected a reconciliation and both races decided to dwell together in one city. [Sidenote: FRAG. 6^2] BUT AS EACH CLUNG TO HIS OWN TOWN AND INSISTED THAT THE OTHER RACE SHOULD REMOVE TO IT, THEY FAILED OF THEIR OBJECT. NEXT THEY DISPUTED ABOUT THE LEADERSHIP. As neither one would yield it to the other, [Sidenote: FRAG. 6^2] THEY ARRANGED TO HAVE A CONTEST FOR THE SOVEREIGNTY. They did not care to fight with entire armies nor yet to let the decision be made by a duel of champions. But there were on both sides brethren born three at a birth, the offspring of twin mothers, of like age and alike in strength: the Roman brethren were called Publihoratii and the Albanian Curiatii. These they set into battle over against one another, paying no heed to their relationship. So they, having armed themselves and having arrayed themselves in opposing files in the vacant space between the camps, called upon the same family gods and cast repeated glances upward at the sun. Having joined issue they fought now in groups, now in pairs. Finally, when two of the Romans had fallen and all of the Albanians had been wounded, the remaining Horatius, because he could not withstand the three at once, even were he unwounded, gave way in order that in pursuing him they might be scattered. And when they had become separated in the pursuit, [Sidenote: FRAG. 6^2] ATTACKING EACH ONE he despatched them all. Then he was given honors. But because he further killed his sister when she lamented on seeing Horatius carrying the spoils of her cousins, he was tried for murder; and having taken an appeal to the people he was released.

The Albanians now became subjects of the Romans, but later they disregarded the compact; and having been summoned, in their capacity of subjects, to serve as allies, they attempted at the crisis of the battle to desert to the enemy and to join in the attack upon the Romans. They were detected, however, and punished: many (including their leader, Mettius) were put to death, and the rest suffered deportation; their city Alba was razed to the ground, after being deemed for five hundred years the mother city of the Romans.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 6^4] NOW AGAINST THE ENEMY TULLUS WAS THOUGHT TO BE VERY EFFICIENT, BUT HE NEGLECTED RELIGION. WHEN, HOWEVER, A PESTILENCE WAS INCURRED AND HE HIMSELF FELL SICK, HE TURNED ASIDE TO A GODFEARING COURSE. He is said to have reached the end of his life by being consumed by lightning[5] or else as the result of a plot formed by Ancus Marcius, who happened to be (as has been stated) a son of Numa's daughter. He was king of the Romans thirty-two years.

[Footnote 5: The first alternative agrees with Plutarch, who, at the end of his life of Numa (chapter 22), says that this death by lightning of Tullus Hostilius caused many among the population at large to revere that religion which their king had for so long a time neglected.]

VII, 7.—When Hostilius died, Marcius succeeded to the kingdom, receiving it as a voluntary gift from the Romans. And he was not perfect in his arm, for he was maimed at the joint (or bend), whence he got the title Ancus (bent arm). Though gentle he was compelled to [Sidenote: FRAG. 7] CHANGE HIS HABITS and he turned his attention to campaigns. For the rest of the Latins, on account of the destruction of Alba and in fear that they themselves might suffer some similar disaster, were angry at the Romans. As long as Tullus survived, they humbled themselves, dreading his reputation for warfare: but thinking that Marcius was easy to attack because of his peaceful disposition, they assailed his territory and pillaged it. He, [Sidenote: FRAG. 7] COMPREHENDING THAT PEACE COULD BE CAUSED BY WAR, attacked the attackers, defended his position, and captured their cities, one of which he razed to the ground, and treated many of the men taken as slaves and transferred many others to Rome. As the Romans grew and land was added to their domain, the neighboring peoples were displeased and set themselves at odds with the Romans. Hence the latter had to overcome the Fidenates by siege, and they damaged the Sabines by falling upon them while scattered and seizing their camp, and by terrifying others they got them to embrace peace even contrary to inclination. After this the life-stint of Marcius was exhausted, when he had ruled for twenty-four years, being a man that paid strict attention to religion according to the manner of his grandfather Numa.

VII, 8.—The sovereignty was now appropriated by Lucius Tarquinius, who was the son of Demaratus a Corinthian, borne to the latter by a native woman after he had been exiled and had taken up his abode in Tarquinii, an Etruscan city; the boy had been named Lucumo. And though he inherited much wealth from his father, yet, because as an immigrant he was not deemed worthy of the highest offices by the people of Tarquinii, he removed to Rome, changing his appellation along with his city; and he changed his name to Lucius Tarquinius,—from the city in which he dwelt. It is said that as he was journeying to his new home an eagle swooped down and snatched the cap which he had on his head, and after soaring aloft and screaming for some time placed it again exactly upon his head: wherefore he was inspired to hope for no small advancement and eagerly took up his residence in Rome. Hence not long after he was numbered among the foremost men. [Sidenote: FRAG. 8] FOR BY USING HIS WEALTH QUITE LAVISHLY AND BY WINNING OVER THE NOBLES THROUGH HIS INTELLIGENCE AND WIT HE WAS INCLUDED AMONG THE PATRICIANS AND IN THE SENATE BY MARCIUS, WAS APPOINTED PRAETOR, AND WAS ENTRUSTED WITH THE SUPERVISION OF THE KING'S CHILDREN AND OF THE KINGDOM. HE SHOWED HIMSELF AN EXCELLENT MAN, SHARING HIS MONEY WITH THOSE IN NEED AND BESTOWING HIS SERVICES READILY IF ANY ONE NEEDED HIM TO HELP. HE NEITHER DID NOR SAID ANYTHING MEAN TO ANY ONE. IF HE RECEIVED A KINDNESS FROM PERSONS HE MADE MUCH OF THE ATTENTION, WHEREAS IF ANY OFFENCE WAS OFFERED HIM, HE EITHER DISREGARDED THE INJURY OR MINIMIZED IT AND MADE LIGHT OF IT, AND FAR FROM MAKING REPRISALS UPON THE MAN THAT HAD DONE THE INJURY, HE WOULD EVEN BENEFIT HIM. THUS HE CAME TO DOMINATE BOTH MARCIUS HIMSELF AND HIS CIRCLE, AND ACQUIRED THE REPUTATION OF BEING A SENSIBLE AND UPRIGHT MAN.

But the aforesaid estimate of him did not continue permanently. For at the death of Marcius he behaved in a knavish way to the latter's two sons and made the kingdom his own. The senate and the people were intending to elect the children of Marcius, when Tarquinius made advances to the most influential of the senators;—he had first sent the fatherless boys to some distant point on a hunting expedition:—and by his talk and his efforts he got these men to vote him the kingdom on the understanding that he would restore it to the children when they had attained manhood. And after assuming control of affairs he so disposed the Romans that they should never wish to choose the children in preference to him: the lads he accustomed to indolence and ruined their souls and bodies by a kind of kindness. As he still felt afraid in spite of being so placed, he secured some extra strength for himself in the senate. Those of the populace who felt friendly towards him he enrolled (to the number of about two hundred) among the patricians and the senators, and thus he put both the senate and the people within his own control. He altered his raiment, likewise, to a more magnificent style. It consisted of toga and tunic, purple all over and shot with gold, of a crown of precious stones set in gold, and of ivory sceptre and chair, which were later used by various officials and especially by those that held sway as emperors. He also on the occasion of a triumph paraded with a four-horse chariot and kept twelve lictors for life.

He would certainly have introduced still other and more numerous innovations, had not Attus Navius prevented him, when he desired to rearrange the tribes: this man was an augur whose equal has never been seen. Tarquinius, angry at his opposition, took measures to abase him and to bring his art into contempt. So, putting into his bosom a whetstone and a razor, he went among the populace having in his mind that the whetstone should be cut by the razor,—a thing that is impossible. He said all that he wished, and when Attus vehemently opposed him, he said, still yielding not a particle: "If you are not opposing me out of quarrelsomeness, but are speaking the truth, answer me in the presence of all these witnesses whether what I have in mind to do shall be performed." Attus, having taken an augury on almost the very spot, replied immediately: "Verily, O King, what you intend shall be fulfilled." "Well, then," said the other, "take this whetstone and cut it through with this razor; this is what I have had in mind to come to pass." Attus at once took the stone and cut it through. Tarquinius, in admiration, heaped various honors upon him, accorded him the privilege of a bronze image, and did not again make any change in the established constitution, but employed Attus as a counselor on all matters.

He fought against the Latins who had revolted, and afterwards against the Sabines, who, aided by the Etruscans as allies, had invaded the Roman country; and he conquered them all. He discovered that one of the priestesses of Vesta, who are required by custom to remain virgins all their life, had been seduced by a man, whereupon he arranged a kind of underground chamber with a long passage, and after placing in it a bed, a light, and a table nearly full of foods, he brought thither the unchaste woman escorted by a procession and having introduced her alive into the room walled it up. From his institution this plan of punishing those of the priestesses that do not keep their virginity has continued to prevail. The men that outrage them have their necks inserted in cloven pillars in the Forum, and then are maltreated naked until they give up the ghost.

However, an attack was made upon Tarquinius by the children of Marcius because he would not yield the sovereignty to them, but instead placed a certain Tullius, borne to him by a slave woman, at the head of them all. This more than anything else displeased the patricians. The young men interested some of the latter class in their cause and formed a plot against the king. They arrayed two men like rustics, equipped with axes and scythes, and made them ready to attack him. So these two, when they did not find Tarquinius in the Forum, went to the royal court (pretending, of course, to have a dispute with each other) and asked for admission to his presence. Their request was granted and they began to make opposing arguments, and while Tarquinius was giving his attention to one of them pleading his cause, the other slew him.

VII, 9.—Such was the end that befell Tarquinius who had ruled for thirty-eight years. By the cooeperation of Tanaquil, wife of Tarquinius, Tullius succeeded to the kingdom of Rome. He was the child of a certain woman named Ocrisia, the wife of Spurius Tullius, a Latin; she had been captured in the war and chosen by Tarquinius: she had either become pregnant at home or conceived after her capture; both stories are current. When Tullius had reached boyhood he went to sleep on a chair once in the daytime and a quantity of fire seemed to leap from his head. Tarquinius, seeing it, took an active interest in the child and on his arriving at maturity had him enrolled among the patricians and in the senate.

The murderers of Tarquinius were arrested and his wife and Tullius learned the plan of the plot; but instead of making Tarquinius's death known at once, they took him up and tended him (pretending that he was still alive), and meantime exchanged mutual pledges that Tullius should take the sovereignty but surrender it to Tanaquil's sons when they became men. And when the multitude ran together and raised an outcry, Tanaquil, leaning out of an upper story, said: "Be not afraid. My husband both lives and shall be seen by you shortly. But in order that he may regain health at leisure and that no hindrance to business may arise from his being incapacitated, he entrusts the management of the public weal for the present to Tullius." These were her words and the people not unwillingly accepted Tullius: for he was thought to be an upright man.

So, having been granted the administration of public affairs, he managed them for the most part according to orders supposed to emanate from Tarquinius. [Sidenote: FRAG. 9] BUT WHEN HE SAW THE PEOPLE OBEYING HIM IN ALL POINTS, he brought the assassins of Tarquinius before the senate, though, to be sure, only because of their plot; for he was still pretending that the king was still alive. They were sentenced and put to death, and the sons of Marcius through fear took refuge among the Volsci. Then did Tullius reveal the death of Tarquinius and openly take possession of the kingdom. At first he put forward the children of Tarquinius as his excuse and caused it to be understood that he was the guardian of their royal office, but afterward he proceeded to pay court to the people, believing that he could secure control of the multitude very much more easily than of the patricians. He gave them money, assigned land to each individual, and made preparations to free the slaves and adopt them into tribes. As the nobles were irritated at this, he gave instructions that those liberated should perform some services, in requital, for the men that had liberated them. Now since the patricians were disaffected in the matter of his aspirations and circulated among other sayings one to the effect that no one had chosen him to hold the sovereignty, he gathered the people and harangued them. And by the use of many alluring statements he so disposed them toward himself that they at once voted the kingdom to him outright. He in return bestowed many gifts upon them and enrolled some of them in the senate. These originally in most matters were at a disadvantage as compared with the patricians, but as time went on they shared equally with the patricians in everything save the office of interrex and the priesthoods, and were distinguished from them in no respect except by their shoes. For the shoes of the patricians were made ornate by the addition of straps and the imprint of the letter, which were intended to signify that they were descended from the original hundred men that had been senators. The letter R, they say, either indicates the number of the hundred men referred to or else is used as the initial of the name of the Romans.

In this way Tullius gained control of the populace, but fearing that some rebellion might take place he delivered the greater number and the more important of the public positions to the care of the more powerful citizens. Thus they became harmonious in their views and transacted the public business in the best manner. He also conducted a few wars against the Veians and against all the Etruscans, in the course of which nothing was done worthy of record. Wishing to affiliate the Latins still more closely with the Romans he persuaded them to construct in Rome a temple out of common funds. This he devoted to Minerva. But differences arose in regard to its superintendence. Meantime a Sabine brought to Rome an exceedingly fine cow, intending to sacrifice her to Minerva in accordance with an oracle. The oracle said that he who should sacrifice her would enlarge his country. One of the Romans learning this went to the man and told him that it was requisite for the victim first to be purified in the river, and by his talk persuaded him. Having persuaded him he took the cow under the pretence of keeping her safe and having taken her he sacrificed her. When the Sabine made known the oracle the Latins both yielded the presidency of the shrine to the Romans and in other ways honored them as superior to themselves.

This was the course these matters took. Now Tullius joined his daughters in marriage with the Tarquins, and though he announced that he was going to restore the kingdom to them he kept putting it off, now on one excuse and now on another. And they were not at all disposed to be complaisant, but were indignant. The king paid no heed to them and urged the Romans to democracy and freedom. Then were the Tarquins all the more disquieted. But the younger one, however ill at ease he was, still endured it, until in the course of time he thought he could bear Tullius no longer. And when he found that his wife did not approve his attitude, nor did his brother, he put to death his own wife [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^1] AND COMPASSED HIS BROTHER'S DEATH BY POISON ADMINISTERED BY THE LATTER'S WIFE. Then, uniting his fortunes with his brother's spouse, he plotted with her help against Tullius. After persuading many of the senators and patricians whose reputations were under a cloud to cooeperate with him against Tullius he unexpectedly repaired with them to the senate, his wife Tullia also following him. He there spoke many words to remind them of his father's worth and uttered many jests at the expense of Tullius. When the latter on hearing of it hastily made his appearance and said a word or two, the pretender seized him, and thrusting him out cast him down the steps in front of the senate-house. So the king, bewildered by the audacity of Tarquin and surprised that no one came to his assistance, did not say or do anything more. Tarquin at once obtained the kingdom from the senate, and sent some men who despatched Tullius while he was on his way home. The latter's daughter, after embracing her husband in the senate-house and saluting him as king, departed to the palace and drove her chariot over the dead body of her father as he lay there.

VII, 10.—Thus ruled Tullius and thus he died after a reign of forty-four years. Tarquin, who succeeded to the kingdom, stationed body-guards around him after the manner of Romulus, and used them both night and day, at home and abroad. For, as a result of what he had done to his father-in-law, and his wife to her father, they in turn were afraid of other people. [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^2] AND WHEN HE HAD EQUIPPED HIMSELF TO RULE OVER THEM TYRANNICALLY HE ARRESTED AND PUT TO DEATH THE MOST POWERFUL MEMBERS OF THE SENATE AND OF THE REST, EXECUTING PUBLICLY THOSE AGAINST WHOM HE WAS ABLE TO BRING A CHARGE, AND OTHERS SECRETLY; SOME ALSO HE BANISHED. HE DESTROYED NOT MERELY THOSE WHO WERE ATTACHED TO THE PARTY OF TULLIUS, BUT IN ADDITION THOSE WHO HAD COOPERATED WITH HIM IN SECURING THE MONARCHY, AND THUS HE MADE AWAY WITH THE BEST PART OF THE SENATE AND OF THE KNIGHTS. HE UNDERSTOOD THAT HE WAS HATED BY THE ENTIRE POPULACE; HENCE HE DID NOT APPOINT ANY PERSONS WHATEVER TO TAKE THE PLACES OF THOSE WHO KEPT PERISHING, BUT UNDERTAKING TO ABOLISH THE SENATE ALTOGETHER HE DID NOT APPOINT A SINGLE NEW PERSON TO IT AND COMMUNICATED NO NEWS OF IMPORTANCE TO THOSE WHO STILL WERE MEMBERS. HE CALLED THE SENATORS TOGETHER NOT TO HELP HIM IN THE ADMINISTRATION OF ANY IMPORTANT MEASURES, BUT IN ORDER THAT THEIR FEWNESS MIGHT BE MADE EVIDENT TO ALL AND THEY BE CONSEQUENTLY DESPISED. MOST OF HIS BUSINESS HE CARRIED ON BY HIMSELF OR WITH THE AID OF HIS SONS. IT WAS HARD TO APPROACH AND HARD TO ACCOST HIM, AND HE SHOWED GREAT HAUGHTINESS AND BRUTALITY TOWARD ALL ALIKE, AND HE AS WELL AS HIS CHILDREN ADOPTED A MORE TYRANNICAL BEARING TOWARD ALL PERSONS. Hence he also cast eyes of suspicion upon the members of his guard and secured a new body-guard from the Latin nation, intermingling the Latins with Romans in the ranks. He intended that the Latins by obtaining equal privileges with the Romans should owe him gratitude therefor, and that the Romans should cause him less terror, since they no longer had a place of their own but bore arms only in association with the Latins.

He also joined battle with the people of Gabii and fared ill in the conflict, but by treachery overcame them; for he suggested to his son Sextus that he desert to their side. Sextus, in order to get some plausible pretext for the desertion, [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^3] REVILED HIS FATHER PUBLICLY AS A TYRANT AND FORESWORN, and the latter flogged his son and took measures of defence. Then, according to arrangement, the son made his treacherous desertion to the people of Gabii, taking along with him money and companions. The enemy believed the trick on account of the cruelty of Tarquin and because at this time the son spoke many words of truth in abusing his father and by his conduct seemed to have become thoroughly estranged from him. So they were very glad to receive him, and in his company made many incursions into Roman territory and did it no slight damage. For this reason and because he privately furnished some persons with money and spent it lavishly for public purposes he was chosen praetor by them and was entrusted with the management of the government among them. At that he secretly sent a man and acquainted his father with what had occurred, asking him for his intentions with regard to the future. The king made no answer to the emissary, in order that he might not, being equally informed, either willingly or unwillingly reveal something; but leading him into a garden where there were poppies he struck off with a rod the heads that were prominent and strewed the ground with them; hereupon he dismissed the message-bearer. The latter, without comprehending the affair, repeated the king's actions to Sextus, and he understood the sense of the suggestion. Therefore he destroyed the more eminent men of Gabii, some secretly by poison, others by robbers (supposedly), and still others he put to death after judicial trial by contriving against them false accusations of traitorous dealings with his father.

Thus did Sextus visit sorrow upon the men of Gabii and destroyed their superior citizens, distributing their money among the crowd. Later, when some had already perished and the rest had been cozened and thoroughly believed in him, assisted by the Roman captives and the deserters (many of whom he had gathered for his projects), he seized the city and surrendered it to his father. The king bestowed it upon his son, but himself made war upon other nations.

VII, 11.—The oracles of the Sibyl to the Romans he obtained even against his will. A woman whom they called Sibyl, gifted with divine inspiration, came to Rome bringing [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^4] THREE OR NINE books, offered these to Tarquin for purchase, and stated the value of the books. As he paid no attention to her, she burned one or three of the books. When again Tarquin scorned her, she destroyed part of the rest in a similar way. And she was about to burn up also those still left when the augurs compelled him to purchase the few that were intact. He bought these for the price for which he might have secured them all, and delivered them to two senators to keep. As they did not entirely understand the contents, they sent to Greece and hired two men to come from there to read and interpret these things. The dwellers in the vicinity, desiring to learn what was revealed by the books, [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^4] MANAGED TO BRIBE MARCUS ACILIUS,[6] ONE OF THE CUSTODIANS, AND HAD SOME STATEMENTS COPIED OUT. THE AFFAIR BECAME PUBLIC AND MARCUS AFTER BEING THROWN INTO TWO HIDES SEWN TOGETHER was drowned (and beginning with him this punishment has ever since prevailed in the case of parricides), in order that earth nor water nor sun might be defiled by his death.

[Footnote 6: Zonaras spells Acillius.]

The temple on the Tarpeian rock he constructed according to the vow of his father. And the earth having yawned even to the substructure of the foundations there appeared the head of a man freshly slain, still with blood in it. Accordingly the Romans sent to a soothsayer of Etruria to ask what was signified by the phenomenon. And he, desiring to make the portent apply to Etruria, made a diagram upon the ground and in it laid out the plan of Rome and the Tarpeian rock. He intended to ask the envoys: "Is this Rome? Is this the Rock? Was the head found here?" They would suspect nothing and agree in their assent, and so the efficacy of the portent would be transferred to the place where it had been shown in the diagram. This was his design, but the envoys learned from his son what his device was, and when the question was put to them, they answered: "The settlement of Rome is not here, but in Latium, and the hill is in the country of the Romans, and the head was found on that hill." Thus the design of the soothsayer was thwarted and they learned the whole truth and reported it to their fellow-citizens, to wit, that they should be very powerful and rule very many people. So this was another event that imbued them with hope. Then the hill was renamed by them "Capitolium": for capita in the Roman speech means "the head."

Needing money for the building of the temple Tarquin waged war upon the inhabitants of Ardea; but from it he gained no money, and he was driven out of the kingdom. Signs also came in his way that indicated his expulsion. Out of his garden vultures drove the young of eagles, and in the men's hall, where he was having a banquet with his friends, a huge serpent appeared and caused him and his companions at table to decamp. In consequence of this he sent his sons Titus and Aruns to Delphi. But as Apollo declared that he should not be driven from his domain till a dog should use human speech, he was elated with hopes for the best, thinking that the oracle could never be fulfilled.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 10^5] NOW LUCIUS JUNIUS WAS A SON OF TARQUIN'S SISTER; HIS FATHER AND BROTHER TARQUIN HAD KILLED. SO HE, FEARING FOR HIS OWN PERSON, FEIGNED MADNESS, EMPLOYING THIS MEANS OF SAFETY AS A SCREEN FOR HIS LIFE. HENCE HE WAS DUBBED BRUTUS, FOR THIS IS THE NAME BY WHICH THE LATINS ARE ACCUSTOMED TO CALL IDIOTS. WHILE PRETENDING TO BE MAD HE WAS TAKEN ALONG AS A PLAYTHING BY THE CHILDREN OF TARQUIN, WHEN THEY JOURNEYED TO DELPHI. AND HE SAID THAT HE WAS CARRYING A VOTIVE OFFERING TO THE GOD; THIS WAS A STAFF, APPARENTLY POSSESSING NO POINT OF EXCELLENCE, so that he became a laughing stock for it all the more. It furnished a kind of image of the affliction that he feigned. For he had hollowed it out and had secretly poured in gold, indicating thereby that the disesteem which he suffered for his madness served to conceal a sound and estimable intelligence. [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^7] TO THE QUERY OF THE SONS OF TARQUIN AS TO WHO SHOULD SUCCEED TO THEIR FATHER'S SOVEREIGNTY THE GOD REPLIED THAT THE FIRST WHO KISSED HIS MOTHER SHOULD OBTAIN THE POWER. AND BRUTUS, COMPREHENDING, FELL DOWN AS IF ACCIDENTALLY AND COVERED THE EARTH WITH KISSES, RIGHTLY DEEMING HER TO BE THE MOTHER OF ALL.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 10^8] THIS BRUTUS OVERTHREW THE TARQUINS, taking as his justification the case of Lucretia, though these rulers were even without that hated by all for their tyrannous and violent characteristics. Lucretia was a daughter of Lucretius Spurius, a man that was a member of the senate, and she was wife of the distinguished Tarquinius Collatinus and was renowned, as it chanced, for her beauty and chastity. [Sidenote: FRAG. 10^8] SEXTUS, THE SON OF TARQUIN, SET HIS HEART UPON OUTRAGING HER, NOT SO MUCH BECAUSE HE WAS INSPIRED WITH PASSION BY HER BEAUTY AS BECAUSE HE CHOSE TO PLOT AGAINST HER CHASTE REPUTATION. SO, HAVING WATCHED FOR COLLATINUS TO BE AWAY FROM HOME, HE CAME BY NIGHT TO HER AND LODGED AT HER HOUSE, SINCE SHE WAS THE WIFE OF A RELATIVE. AND FIRST HE TRIED BY PERSUASION TO SECURE ILLICIT PLEASURE FROM HER AND THEN HE RESORTED TO VIOLENCE. AS HE COULD NOT SUCCEED, HE THREATENED TO CUT HER THROAT. BUT INASMUCH AS SHE DESPISED DEATH, HE THREATENED FURTHERMORE TO LAY A SLAVE BESIDE HER AND TO KILL THEM BOTH AND TO SPREAD THE REPORT THAT HE HAD FOUND THEM SLEEPING TOGETHER AND KILLED THEM. THIS RENDERED LUCRETIA DISTRAUGHT, AND IN FEAR THAT THIS MIGHT BE BELIEVED TO HAVE SO HAPPENED SHE SURRENDERED. AND AFTER THE ACT OF ADULTERY SHE PLACED A DAGGER BENEATH THE PILLOW AND SENT FOR HER HUSBAND AND HER FATHER. WHEN THEY CAME, ACCOMPANIED BY BRUTUS AND PUBLIUS VALERIUS, SHE SHED MANY TEARS AND WITH MOANS RELATED THE ENTIRE TRANSACTION. THEN SHE ADDED: "AND I WILL TREAT MY CASE AS BECOMES ME, BUT DO YOU, IF YOU ARE MEN, AVENGE ME, YOURSELVES, AND SHOW THE TYRANTS WHAT MANNER OF CREATURES YOU ARE AND WHAT MANNER OF WOMAN THEY HAVE OUTRAGED." HAVING SPOKEN TO THIS EFFECT SHE IMMEDIATELY DREW THE DAGGER FROM ITS HIDING PLACE AND KILLED HERSELF.

(BOOK 4, BOISSEVAIN.)

VII, 13.—The Sabines, however, because of wrath at their treatment, did not keep quiet even through the winter, but overran Roman territory and damaged the forces of Postumius when he was for the second time consul. And they would absolutely have captured him, had not Menenius Agrippa, his colleague, come to his aid. And assaulting them they killed a number, with the result that the rest withdrew. After this Spurius Cassius and Opiter Verginius as consuls made peace with the Sabines. And capturing the city of Camerium they executed most of the inhabitants; the remnant they took alive and sold, and razed the city to the ground.

Postumius Cominius and Titus Larcius arrested and put to death some slaves who were hatching a conspiracy to seize the Capitoline. Servius Sulpicius and Marcus Tullius in their turn anticipated a second conspiracy composed of slaves and some others that had joined them, for it was reported to the consuls by certain men privy to the plot. They surrounded and overpowered the conspirators and cut them down. To the informers citizenship and other rewards were given.

When a new war was stirred up on the part of the Latins against Rome, the people, demanding that a cancellation of debts be authorized, refused to take up arms. Therefore the nobles then for the first time established a new office to have jurisdiction over both classes. Dictator was the name given to the person entitled to the position, and he possessed all powers as much as had the kings. People hated the name of king on account of the Tarquins, but being anxious for the benefit to be derived from sole leadership (which seemed to exert a potent influence amid conditions of war and revolution), they chose it under another name. Hence the dictatorship was, as has been said, so far as its authority went, equivalent to kingship, except that the dictator might not ride on horseback unless he were about to start on a campaign, and was not permitted to make any expenditure from the public funds unless the right were specially voted. He might try men and put them to death at home and on campaigns, and not merely such as belonged to the populace, but also members of the knights and of the senate itself. No one had the power to make any complaint against him nor to take any action hostile to him,—no, not even the tribunes,—and no case could be appealed from him. The office of dictator extended for a period of not more than six months, to the end that no such official by spending much time in the midst of so much power and unhampered authority should become haughty and plunge headlong into a passion for sole leadership. This was what happened later to Julius Caesar, when contrary to lawful precedent he had been approved for the dictatorship.

VII, 14.—At this time, consequently, when Larcius became dictator, the populace made no uprising but presented themselves under arms. When, however, the Latins came to terms and were now in a quiescent state, the lenders proceeded to treat the debtors more harshly and the populace for this reason again rebelled and even came running in a throng into the senate. And all the senators would there have perished at the hands of the inrushing mob, had not some persons at this juncture reported that the Volsci had invaded the country. In the face of such news the populace became calm, not regarding this action, however, in the light of clemency to the senate, for they felt sure that that body would almost immediately be destroyed by the enemy. Hence they did not take the trouble to man the walls nor render any assistance until Servilius released the prisoners held for default of payments and decreed a suspension of taxes for as long as the campaign lasted and promised to reduce the debts. Then in consequence of these concessions they proceeded against the enemy and won the day. Inasmuch, however, as they were not relieved of their debts and in general could obtain no decent treatment, they again raised a clamor and grew full of wrath and made an uprising against both the senate and the praetors.

But at the approach of another war the praetors decreed a cancellation of debts: others opposed this measure: and so Marcus Valerius was named dictator. He was of the kindred of Poplicola and was beloved by the people. Then, indeed, so many gathered, animated with such zeal (for he had promised them prizes, too), that they overran not only the Sabines, but the Volsci and AEqui who were allied with them. As a sequel, the populace voted many honors to Valerius, one of which was their bestowal of the title Maximus. This name, translated into Greek, signifies "greatest." And he, wishing to do the populace some favors, made many addresses to the senate but could not get it to follow his guidance. Consequently he rushed out of the senatorial assembly in a rage, and after making to the populace a long speech against the senate resigned his command. [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^4] AND THE POPULACE WAS ALL THE MORE PROVOKED TO REVOLT. AS FOR THE MONEY-LENDERS, BY INSISTING IN THE CASE OF DEBTS UPON THE VERY LETTER OF THE AGREEMENT AND REFUSING TO MAKE ANY CONCESSION TO THOSE WHO OWED THEM THEY BOTH FAILED TO SECURE THE EXACT AMOUNT AND WERE DISAPPOINTED IN MANY OTHER HOPES. FOR POVERTY AND THE RESULTING DESPERATION IS A HEAVY CURSE, AND IS, IF IT SPREADS AMONG A LARGE NUMBER OF PEOPLE, VERY DIFFICULT TO COMBAT. NOW THE CAUSE OF MOST OF THE TROUBLES THAT BEFELL THE ROMANS LAY IN THE UNYIELDING ATTITUDE ADOPTED AT THIS TIME BY THE MORE POWERFUL TOWARD THEIR INFERIORS. For as the military contingent came to be hard pressed by dint of campaigns and was baffled out and out in frequent hopes frequently entertained, and the debtors were repeatedly abused and maltreated by the money-lenders, the people became inflamed to such a pitch of fury that many of the destitute abandoned the city, withdrew from the camp, [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^5] AND LIKE ENEMIES GATHERED THEIR SUBSISTENCE FROM THE COUNTRY.

WHEN THIS SITUATION HAD BEEN BROUGHT ABOUT, SINCE NUMBERS CAME FLOCKING TO THE SIDE OF THE REVOLUTIONISTS, THE SENATORS, DREADING THAT THE LATTER MIGHT BECOME MORE ESTRANGED AND THE NEIGHBORING TRIBES JOIN THEIR REBELLION FOR PURPOSES OF ATTACK, MADE PROPOSITIONS TO THEM IN WHICH THEY PROMISED EVERYTHING THAT THE SENATE WAS EMPOWERED TO DO FOR THEM. BUT WHEN THEY DISPLAYED THE UTMOST AUDACITY AND WOULD ACCEPT NO OFFER, ONE OF THE ENVOYS, AGRIPPA MENENIUS, BEGGED THEM TO HEARKEN TO A FABLE. HAVING OBTAINED THEIR CONSENT HE SPOKE AS FOLLOWS. ONCE ALL THE MEMBERS OF THE BODY BEGAN A CONTENTION AGAINST THE BELLY. AND THE EYES SAID: "WE GIVE THE HANDS THE POWER TO WORK AND THE FEET THE POWER TO GO." AND THE TONGUE AND THE LIPS: "THROUGH US THE COUNSELS OF THE HEART ARE MADE KNOWN." AND THEN THE EARS: "THROUGH US THE WORDS OF OTHERS ARE DESPATCHED TO THE MIND." AND THE HANDS: "WE ARE THE WORKERS AND LAY UP STORES OF WEALTH." AND FINALLY THE FEET: "WE TIRE OURSELVES OUT CARRYING THE WHOLE BODY IN JOURNEYS AND WHILE WORKING AND WHILE STANDING." AND ALL IN A CHORUS: "WHILE WE LABOR SO, THOU ALONE, FREE FROM CONTRIBUTION AND LABOR, LIKE A MISTRESS ART SERVED BY US ALL AND THE FRUIT OF ALL OUR LABORS THOU THYSELF ALONE DOST ENJOY." THE BELLY HERSELF ADMITTED THAT THIS WAS SO, AND SAID SHE: "IF YOU LIKE, LEAVE ME UNSUPPLIED AND MAKE ME NO PRESENTS." THIS PROPOSITION SUITED, AND THE MEMBERS VOTED NEVER MORE TO SUPPLY THE BELLY BY THEIR COMMON EFFORT. WHEN NO FOOD WAS PRESENTED TO HER, THE HANDS WERE NOT NIMBLE TO WORK, BEING RELAXED ON ACCOUNT OF THE FAILURE OF THE BELLY, NOR WERE THE FEET POSSESSED OF STRENGTH, NOR DID ANY OTHER OF THE LIMBS SHOW ITS NORMAL ACTIVITY UNINJURED, BUT ALL WERE INEFFICIENT, SLOW, OR COMPLETELY MOTIONLESS. AND THEN THEY COMPREHENDED THAT THE PRESENTS MADE TO THE BELLY HAD BEEN SUPPLIED NOT MORE TO HER THAN TO THEMSELVES AND THAT EACH ONE OF THEM INCIDENTALLY ENJOYS THE BENEFIT CONFERRED UPON HER.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 16^5] THROUGH THESE WORDS THE POPULACE WAS MADE TO COMPREHEND THAT THE ABUNDANCE OF THE PROSPEROUS TENDS ALSO TO THE ADVANTAGE OF THE POOR, AND THAT EVEN THOUGH THE FORMER BE ADVANTAGED BY THEIR LOANS AND SO INCREASE THEIR ABUNDANCE, THE OUTCOME OF THIS IS NOT HURTFUL TO THE INTERESTS OF THE MANY; SINCE, IF IT WERE NOT FOR THE WEALTHY OWNING PROPERTY, THE POOR WOULD NOT HAVE IN TIMES OF NEED PERSONS TO LEND TO THEM AND WOULD PERISH UNDER THE PRESSURE OF WANT. ACCORDINGLY THEY BECAME MILDER AND REACHED AN AGREEMENT, THE SENATE FOR ITS PART VOTING A REDUCTION IN THEIR DEBTS AND A RELEASE FROM SEIZURE OF PROPERTY.

VII, 15.—They feared, however, that when their society had been disbanded they might either find the agreements not effectual or might [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^6] BE HARMED ON ACCOUNT OF THEIR SEPARATION, ONE BEING PUNISHED ON ONE PRETEXT, ANOTHER ON ANOTHER, in constant succession. So they formed a compact to lend aid to one another in case any one of them should be wronged in any particular; and they took oaths to this effect and forthwith elected two representatives from their own number (and afterward still more) in order that by such a partnership arrangement they might have assistants and avengers. And this they did not only once, but the idea now conceived in this form kept growing, and they appointed their representatives for a year, as to some office. The men were called in the tongue of the Latins tribunes (the commanders of thousands are also so named) but are styled demarchoi in the Greek language. In order that the titles of the tribuni might be kept distinct they added to the name of the one class the phrase "of the soldiers" and to that of the other class the phrase "of the people." These tribunes of the people, then, or demarchoi became responsible for great evils that befell Rome. For though they did not immediately secure the title of magistrates, they gained power beyond all the rest, defending every one that begged protection and rescuing every one that called upon them not only from private persons, but from the very magistrates, except the dictators. If any one ever invoked them when absent, he, too, was released from the person holding him prisoner and was either brought before the populace by them or was set free. And if ever they saw fit that anything should not be done, they prevented it, whether the person acting were a private citizen or an official: and if the people or the senate were about to do or vote anything and a single tribune opposed it, the action or the vote became null and void. As time went on, they were allowed or allowed themselves to summon the senate, to punish whoever disobeyed them, to practice divination, and to hold court. And in case they were refused permission to do anything, they gained their point by their incontestable opposition to every project undertaken by others. For they introduced laws to the effect that whoever should obstruct them by deed or word, be he private citizen or magistrate, should be "hallowed" and incur pollution. This being "hallowed" meant destruction; for this was the name applied to everything (as, for instance, a victim) that was consecrated for slaughter. The tribunes themselves were termed by the multitude "sacrosanct", since they obtained sacred enclosures for the shelter of such as invoked them. For sacra among the Romans means "walls", and sancta "sacred". Many of their actions were unwarrantable, for they threw even consuls into prison and put men to death without granting them a hearing. Nobody ventured to oppose them; or, in case any one did, he became himself "hallowed." If, however, persons were condemned not by all the tribunes, they would call to their help those who had not concurred in the verdict, and so they went duly through the forms of court procedure before the tribunes themselves or before some arbiters or before the populace, and became the possession of the side that won. In the course of time the number of the tribunes was fixed at ten, [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^7] AND AS A RESULT OF THIS MOST OF THEIR POWER WAS OVERTHROWN. FOR AS THOUGH BY NATURE (BUT REALLY, OF COURSE, BY REASON OF JEALOUSY) FELLOW OFFICIALS INVARIABLY QUARREL; AND IT IS DIFFICULT FOR A NUMBER OF MEN, ESPECIALLY IN A POSITION OF INFLUENCE, TO ATTAIN HARMONY. No sooner did outsiders, planning to wreck their influence, raise factional issues to the end that dissension might make them weaker, than the tribunes actually attached themselves some to one party, some to another. [Sidenote: FRAG. 16^7] IF EVEN ONE OF THEM OPPOSED A MEASURE, he rendered the decisions of the rest null and void.

Now at first they did not enter the senate-house, but sitting at the entrance watched proceedings, and in case aught failed to please them, they would show resistance. Next they were invited inside. Later, however, the ex-tribunes were numbered with the senators, and finally some of the senators actually were permitted to be tribunes, unless a man chanced to be a patrician. Patricians the people would not accept: having chosen the tribunes to defend them against the patricians, and having advanced them to so great power, they dreaded lest one of them might turn his strength to contrary purposes and use it against them. But if a man abjured the rank given him by birth and changed his social standing to that of a common citizen, they received him gladly. Many of the patricians whose position was unquestioned renounced their nobility through desire for the immense influence possible, and so became tribunes.

Such was the growth of the domination of the tribunes. In addition to them the people chose two aediles, to be their assistants in the matter of documents. They took charge of everything that was submitted in writing to the plebs, to the populace, and to the senate, and kept it, so that nothing that was done escaped their notice. This and the trying of cases were the objects for which they were chosen anciently, but later they were charged with the supervision of buying and selling, whence they came to be called agoranomoi ("clerks of the market") by those who put their name into Greek.

(BOOK 5, BOISSEVAIN.)

VII, 16.—The first revolution of the Romans, then, terminated as described. Many of the neighboring tribes had found in the revolution a hostile incentive, and the Romans with a unified purpose after their reconciliation conducted vigorously the wars which the latter waged, and conquered in all of them. It was at this time that in the siege of Corioli they came within an ace of being driven from their camp, but a patrician, Gnaeus Marcius, showed his prowess and repelled the assailants. For this he received various tokens of renown and was given the title of Coriolanus from the people which he had routed. [Sidenote: FRAG. 17^2] FOR THE TIME HE WAS THUS EXALTED BUT NOT LONG AFTERWARD HE WAS ANXIOUS TO BE MADE PRAETOR AND FAILED, AND THEREFORE GREW VEXED AT THE POPULACE AND EVINCED DISPLEASURE TOWARD THE TRIBUNES. HENCE THE TRIBUNES (WHOSE FUNCTIONS HE WAS ESPECIALLY EAGER TO ABOLISH) HEAPED UP ACCUSATIONS AGAINST HIM AND FIXED UPON HIM A CHARGE OF AIMING AT TYRANNY AND EXPELLED HIM FROM ROME. HAVING BEEN EXPELLED HE FORTHWITH BETOOK HIMSELF TO THE VOLSCI. The latter's leaders and those in authority over them were delighted at his arrival and again made ready for war; Attius Tullius urged this course upon them all, but the people showed lack of enthusiasm. So when the nobles neither by advice nor by intimidation could prevail upon them to take up arms, they concocted the following scheme. The Romans were conducting a horse-race, and the Volsci among other neighboring peoples had gathered in a large body to behold the spectacle. Tullius, as a pretended friend of the Romans, persuaded the Roman praetors that they should keep watch on the Volsci, since the latter had made ready to attack them unexpectedly in the midst of the horse-race. The praetors, after communicating the information to the others, made proclamation at once, before the contest, that all the Volsci must retire. The Volsci, indignant because they alone of all the spectators had been expelled, put themselves in readiness for battle. Setting at their head Coriolanus and Tullius, and with numbers swollen by the accession of the Latins, they advanced against Rome. The Romans, when informed of it, instead of making a vigorous use of arms fell into mutual recriminations, the popular party censuring the patricians because Coriolanus, who was campaigning against his country, happened to belong to their number, and the other party the populace because they had been unjust in expelling him and making him an enemy. Because of this contention they would have incurred some great injury, had not the women come to their aid. For when the senate voted restoration to Coriolanus and envoys had been despatched to him to this end, he demanded that the land of which the Volsci had been deprived in the previous wars be given back to them. But the people would not relinquish the land. Consequence: a second embassy. [Sidenote: FRAG. 17^8] AND HE WAS EXCEEDINGLY ANGRY THAT THEY, WHO WERE IN DANGER OF LOSING THEIR OWN COUNTRY, WOULD NOT EVEN UNDER THESE CONDITIONS WITHDRAW FROM THE POSSESSIONS OF OTHERS. WHEN THIS SITUATION WAS REPORTED TO THE DISPUTANTS, THEY STILL REFUSED TO BUDGE, NOR DID THE DANGERS CAUSE THE MEN, AT LEAST, TO DESIST FROM QUARRELING. BUT THE WOMEN, VOLUMNIA THE WIFE OF CORIOLANUS AND VETURIA[7] HIS MOTHER, GATHERING A COMPANY OF THE REMAINING MOST EMINENT LADIES VISITED HIM IN CAMP AND TOOK HIS CHILDREN ALONG WITH THEM. WHILE THE REST WEPT WITHOUT SPEAKING VETURIA BEGAN: "WE ARE NOT DESERTERS, MY SON, BUT THE COUNTRY HAS SENT US TO YOU TO BE, IF YOU SHOULD YIELD, YOUR MOTHER, WIFE AND CHILDREN, BUT OTHERWISE YOUR SPOIL. AND IF EVEN NOW YOU STILL ARE ANGRY, KILL US THE FIRST. BE RECONCILED AND HOLD NO LONGER YOUR ANGER AGAINST YOUR CITIZENS, FRIENDS, TEMPLES, TOMBS; DO NOT TAKE BY STORM YOUR NATIVE LAND IN WHICH YOU WERE BORN, WERE REARED, AND BECAME CORIOLANUS, BEARER OF THIS GREAT NAME. SEND ME NOT HENCE WITHOUT RESULT, UNLESS YOU WOULD BEHOLD ME DEAD BY MY OWN HAND." THEREUPON SHE SIGHED ALOUD AND SHOWED HER BREASTS AND TOUCHED HER ABDOMEN, EXCLAIMING: "THIS BROUGHT YOU FORTH, MY CHILD, THESE REARED YOU UP." SHE, THEN, SAID THIS, AND HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN AND THE REST OF THE WOMEN JOINED IN THE LAMENT, SO THAT HE TOO WAS MOVED TO GRIEF. RECOVERING HIMSELF WITH DIFFICULTY HE ENFOLDED HIS MOTHER IN HIS ARMS AND AT THE SAME TIME KISSING HER REPLIED: "SEE, MOTHER, I YIELD TO YOU. YOURS IS THE VICTORY, AND TO YOU LET ALL ASCRIBE THIS FAVOR. FOR I CANNOT ENDURE EVEN TO SEE THEM, WHO AFTER RECEIVING SUCH GREAT BENEFITS AT MY HANDS HAVE GIVEN ME SUCH A RECOMPENSE, NOR WILL I ENTER THE CITY. DO YOU KEEP THE COUNTRY INSTEAD OF ME, BECAUSE YOU HAVE SO WISHED IT, AND I WILL DEPART." HAVING SPOKEN THUS HE WITHDREW. AND HE DID NOT ACCEPT THE RESTORATION, BUT RETIRED AMONG THE VOLSCI AND THERE AT AN ADVANCED AGE DEPARTED THIS LIFE.

[Footnote 7: Zonaras spells it Veturina.]

VII, 17.—Now the tribunes demanded that some land acquired by the Romans from the enemy be apportioned among the people, and as a result of their action much damage was incurred by the citizens both from the enemy and from one another. [Sidenote: FRAG. 19^1] FOR THE NOBLES BEING UNABLE TO RESTRAIN THEM IN ANY OTHER WAY STIRRED UP PURPOSELY WARS AFTER WARS, IN ORDER THAT BEING BUSIED THEREWITH THEY MIGHT NOT DISTURB THEMSELVES ABOUT THE LAND. But after a time some persons began to suspect what was going on, and would not permit both of the consuls (or praetors) to be appointed by the nobles, but themselves desired to choose one of them from the patricians. Upon effecting this they selected Spurius Furius, and campaigning with him accomplished with enthusiasm all objects for which they had set out. But those who took the field with his colleague, Fabius Caeso, not only displayed no energy, but abandoned their camp, came to the city, and raised a tumult until the Etruscans, learning of the affair, assailed them. Even then, moreover, they did not leave the city until some of the tribunes came to an agreement with the nobles. Still, they fought vigorously and destroyed many of the enemy, and not a few of their own number also were killed. One of the consuls likewise fell,—Manlius[8]: the populace chose Manlius[9] praetor for the third time.

[Footnote 8: This was probably one of the Manlii Cincinnati.]

[Footnote 9: The second "Manlius" is evidently an error of Zonaras. The name should be Fabius.]

Again was a war waged against them by the Etruscans. And when the Romans were in dejection and at a loss to know how they should withstand the enemy, the Fabii came to their help. [Sidenote: FRAG. 20^1] THEY, THREE HUNDRED AND SIX IN NUMBER, WHEN THEY SAW THAT THE ROMANS WERE DEJECTED, were not following profitable counsels, and were on all points in desperation, took upon themselves the burden of the war against the Etruscans, exhibiting readiness to carry on the conflict by themselves with their persons and with their wealth. They occupied and fortified an advantageous position from which as a base they harried the entire hostile domain, since the Etruscans would not venture to engage in combat with them, or, if they ever did join issue, were decisively defeated. But, upon the accession of allies, the Etruscans laid an ambuscade in a wooded spot: the Fabii, being masters of the whole field, assailed them without [Sidenote: FRAG. 20^2] precaution, fell into the snare, were surrounded and all massacred. And their race would have entirely disappeared, had not one of them because of his youth been left at home, in whose descendants the family later attained renewed renown.

After the Fabii had been destroyed as related the Romans received rough treatment at the hands of the Etruscans. Subsequently they concluded a peace with the enemy, but turning against one another committed many deeds of outrage, the populace not even refraining from attack upon the praetors. They beat their assistants and shattered their fasces and made the praetors themselves submit to investigation on every pretext, great and small. They actually planned to throw Appius Claudius into prison in the very midst of his term of office, inasmuch as he persistently opposed them at every point and had decimated the partners of his campaign after their giving way before the Volsci in battle. Now decimation was the following sort of process. When the soldiers had committed any grave offence the leader told them off in groups of ten and taking one man of each ten (who had drawn the lot) he would punish him by death. At Claudius's retirement from office the popular party straightway brought him to trial; and though they failed to condemn him, they forced him, by postponing their vote, to commit suicide. And among the measures introduced by some of the tribunes to the prejudice of the patrician interests was one permitting the populace to convene separately, and without interference from the patricians to deliberate upon and transact as much business as they pleased. They also ordained that, if any one for any cause should have a penalty imposed upon him by the praetors, the populace might thereupon have the case appealed to them and decide it. And they increased the number of aediles and of tribunes, in order to have a large body of persons to act as their representatives.

[Sidenote: FRAG. 21^1] DURING THE PROGRESS OF THESE EVENTS THE PATRICIANS OPENLY TOOK SCARCELY ANY RETALIATORY MEASURES, EXCEPT IN A FEW CASES, BUT SECRETLY SLAUGHTERED A NUMBER OF THE BOLDEST SPIRITS. NEITHER THIS, HOWEVER, NOR THE FACT THAT ON ONE OCCASION NINE TRIBUNES WERE DELIVERED TO THE FLAMES BY THE POPULACE SEEMED TO RESTRAIN THE REST. NOT ONLY WERE THOSE WHO SUBSEQUENTLY HELD THE TRIBUNESHIP NOT CALMED, BUT ACTUALLY THEY WERE THE RATHER EMBOLDENED. [Sidenote: FRAG. 21^2] THIS WAS THE CONDITION INTO WHICH THE PATRICIANS BROUGHT THE POPULACE. AND THEY WOULD NOT OBEY THE SUMMONS TO GO ON A CAMPAIGN, THOUGH THE FOE ASSAILED, UNLESS THEY SECURED THE OBJECTS FOR WHICH THEY WERE STRIVING, AND IF THEY EVER DID TAKE THE FIELD, THEY FOUGHT LISTLESSLY, UNLESS THEY HAD ACCOMPLISHED ALL THAT THEY DESIRED. HENCE MANY OF THE TRIBES LIVING CLOSE TO THEM, RELYING ON EITHER THE DISSENSION OF THEIR FOES OR THEIR OWN STRENGTH, RAISED THE STANDARD OF REVOLT. [Sidenote: FRAG. 22^1] AMONG THESE WERE ALSO THE AEQUI, WHO, AFTER CONQUERING AT THIS TIME MARCUS MINUCIUS WHILE HE SERVED AS PRAETOR, BECAME PRESUMPTUOUS. [Sidenote: FRAG. 22^2] THOSE AT ROME, LEARNING THAT MINUCIUS HAD BEEN DEFEATED, CHOSE AS DICTATOR LUCIUS QUINCTIUS, WHO WAS A POOR MAN AND HAD DEVOTED HIS LIFE TO FARMING, BUT WAS DISTINGUISHED FOR HIS VALOR AND WISE MODERATION; AND HE LET HIS HAIR GROW IN CURLS, WHENCE HE WAS NAMED CINCINNATUS.[10] He, being selected as dictator, took the field that very day, used wariness as well as speed, and simultaneously with Minucius attacked the AEqui, killing very many of them and capturing the rest alive: the latter he led under the yoke and then released. This matter of the yoke I shall briefly describe. The Romans used to fix in the ground two poles (upright wooden beams, of course, with a space between them) and across them they would lay another transverse beam; through the frame thus formed they led the captives naked. This conferred great distinction upon the side that conducted the operation but vast dishonor upon the side that endured it, so that some preferred to die rather than submit to any such treatment. Cincinnatus also captured a city of theirs called Corvinum[11] and returned: he removed Minucius from his praetorship because of his defeat, and himself resigned his office.

[Footnote 10: Zonaras spells Cicinatus.]

[Footnote 11: The town is called Corbio by Livy (II, 39, 4).]

VII, 18.—The Romans, however, now got another war on their hands at home, in which their adversaries were composed of slaves and some exiles who moved unexpectedly by night and secured possession of the Capitol. This time, too, the multitude did not arm themselves for the fray till they had wrung some further concessions from the patricians. Then they assailed the revolutionists and overcame them, but lost many of their own men.

For these reasons, accordingly, and because of certain portents the Romans became sobered and dismissed their mutual grievances and voted to establish the rights of citizenship on a fairer basis. And they sent three men to Greece with an eye to the laws and the customs of the people there. Upon the return of the commission they abolished all the political offices, including that of the tribunes, and chose instead eight of the foremost men, and [Sidenote: B.C. 451 (a.u. 303)] designated Appius Claudius and Titus Genucius praetors with dictatorial powers for that one year. They empowered them to compile laws and further voted that no case could be appealed from them,—a latitude granted previously to none of the magistrates save the dictators. These men held sway each for a day, assuming by turns the dignity of rulership. They compiled laws and exposed the same to view in the Forum. These statutes being found pleasing to all were put before the people, and after receiving their ratification were inscribed on ten tablets; for all records that were deemed worthy of safekeeping used to be preserved on tablets.

[Sidenote: B.C. 450 (a.u. 304)] The above mentioned magistrates at the expiration of the year surrendered their office, but ten more chosen anew (for the overthrow of the State, as it almost seemed) came to grief. They all held sway at once on equal terms and chose from among the patricians some most brazen youths, through whom, as their agents, they committed many acts of violence. At last, toward the end of the year, they compiled a few additional statutes written upon two tablets, all of which were the product of their own individual judgment. From these not harmony, but greater disputes, were destined to fall to the lot of the Romans.

The so-called twelve tablets were thus created at that time. But besides doing this the lawgivers in question, when their year of office had expired, still maintained control of affairs, occupying the city by force; and they would not convene the senate nor the people, lest, if they came together, they should depose them. And when the AEqui and the Sabines now stirred up war against the Romans, these officials by arrangement with their adherents gained their object of having the conduct of the wars entrusted to them. Of the decemvirate Servius Oppius and Appius Claudius remained at home: the other eight set out against the enemy.

Absolutely all [Sidenote: FRAG. 22^3] THE INTERESTS, however, OF STATE AND CAMP ALIKE WERE THROWN INTO CONFUSION, AND HENCE CONTENTION AGAIN AROSE. The leaders of the force had invaded the land of the Sabines and sent a certain Lucius Sicius, who was accounted a strong tower in warfare and likewise one of the most prominent representatives of the populace, with companions, avowedly to seize a certain position; but they had the man slain by the party that had been sent out with him. The report was brought into camp that the man with others had been killed by the foe, and the soldiers went out to gather up the dead bodies. They found not one corpse belonging to the enemy but many of their own race, whom Sicius had killed in his own defence when they attacked him. And when they saw that the dead were lying all around him and had their faces turned toward him, they suspected what had been done and furthermore raised a tumult.—There was still another incident that had a bearing on the situation.

Lucius Virginius, a man of the people, had a daughter of surpassing beauty whom he intended to bestow in marriage upon Lucius Icilius,[12] a person of similar rank in society. For this maiden Claudius conceived a passion, and not otherwise able to attain his ends he arranged with certain men to declare her a slave: he was to be the arbiter. The father of the girl accordingly came from the camp and pled his case. When Claudius had given sentence against her and the girl was delivered to those who had declared her a slave and no one came to the rescue, her father wild with grief took a cleaver and ended his daughter's life and, just as he was, rushed out to the soldiers. They, who had been previously far from tractable, were so wrought up that they straightway set out in haste against the city to find Claudius. And the rest, who had gone on a campaign against the Sabines, when they learned this abandoned their intrenchments, and, joining with the rest, set at their head twenty men, determined to accomplish something of importance. The remainder of the multitude in the city likewise espoused their cause and added to the tumult.

[Footnote 12: Zonaras spells Icillius.]

Meanwhile Claudius in terror had hidden himself and Oppius convened the senate; and sending to the populace he enquired what they wanted. They demanded that Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius, two of the senators who favored their cause, be sent to them, saying that through these men they would make their reply. Owing to the fear of the ten magistrates (for they were now all on the scene) that the people would employ the two as leaders against them they were not sent, whereupon the populace grew still more angry. As a consequence the senators were inspired with no slight fear and against the will of the magistrates they sent Valerius and Horatius to the people. By this means a reconciliation was effected: the rioters were granted immunity for their acts, and the decemvirate was abolished; the annual magistracies, including that of tribunes, were restored with the same privileges as they had formerly enjoyed. Virginius was one of the magistrates appointed; and they cast into prison Oppius and Claudius (who committed suicide before their cases were investigated), and indicted, convicted, and banished the remainder of the board.

[Sidenote: B.C. 449 (a.u. 305)] VII, 19.—Now the consuls—it is said that this is the first time they were known as consuls, being previously called praetors; and they were Valerius and Horatius—both then and thereafter showed favor to the populace and strengthened their cause rather than that of the patricians. The patricians, though subdued, would not readily convene and did not put matters entirely in the power of the lower class, but granted the tribunes the right of practicing augury in their assemblies: nominally this was an honor and dignity for them, since from very ancient times this privilege had been accorded the patricians alone, but really it was a hindrance. The nobles intended that the tribunes and the populace should not accomplish easily everything they pleased, but should sometimes be prevented under this plea of augury. The patricians as well as the senate were displeased at the consuls, whom they regarded as favorable to the popular cause, and so did not vote a triumph to them—though each had won a war—and did not assign to each a day as had been the custom. The populace, however, both held a festival for two days and voted triumphal honors to the consuls.

(BOOK 6, BOISSEVAIN.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 448 (a.u. 306)] When the Romans thus fell into discord their adversaries took courage and came against them. It was in the following year, when Marcus Genucius and Gaius Curtius were consuls, that they turned against each other. The popular leaders desired to be consuls, since the patricians were in the habit of becoming tribunes by transference to their order, and the patricians clung tenaciously to the consular office. They indulged in many words and acts of violence against each other. But in order to prevent the populace from proceeding to greater extremities the nobles yielded to them the substance of authority though they would not relinquish the name; and in place of the consuls they named military tribunes in order that the honor of the title might not be sullied by contact with the vulgar throng. It was agreed that three military tribunes be chosen from each of the classes in place of the two consuls. However, the name of consul was not lost entirely, but sometimes consuls were appointed and at other times military tribunes. This, at all events, is the tradition that has come down of what took place, with the additional detail that the consuls nominated dictators, though their own powers were far inferior to those appertaining to that office, and even that the military tribunes likewise did so sometimes. It is further said that none of the military tribunes, though many of them won many victories, ever celebrated a triumph.

[Sidenote: B.C. 447 (a.u. 307)] It was in this way, then, that military tribunes came to be chosen at that time: censors were appointed in the following year, during the consulship of Barbatus and Marcus Macrinus. Those chosen were Lucius Papirius and Lucius Sempronius. The reason for their election was that the consuls were unable, on account of the number of the people, to supervise them all; the duties now assigned to the censors had until that time been performed by the consuls as a part of their prerogatives. Two was the original number of the censors and they were taken from the patricians. They held office at first and at the last for five-year periods, but during the intervening time for three half-years; and they came to be greater than the consuls, though they had taken over only a part of their functions. They had the right to let the public revenues, to supervise roads and public buildings, to make complete records of each man's wealth, and to note and investigate the lives of the citizens, enrolling those deserving of praise in the tribes, in the equestrian order, or in the senate (as seemed to fit the case of each one), and similarly erasing from any class the names of those who were not right livers: this power was greater than all those now left to the consuls. They made declarations attested by oath, in regard to every one of their acts, that no such act was prompted by favor or by enmity but that their considerations and performances were both the result of an unbiased opinion of what was advantageous for the commonwealth. They convened the people when laws were to be introduced and for other purposes, and employed all the insignia of the greater offices save lictors. Such, at its inception, was the office of the censors. If any persons did not register their property and themselves in the census lists, the censors sold the property and the consuls the men. This arrangement held for a certain time, but later it was determined that a man once enrolled in the senate should be a senator for life and that his name should not be erased, unless one had been disgraced by being tried for the commission of a crime or was convicted of leading an evil life: the names of such persons were erased and others inscribed in their stead.

In the case of those who gave satisfaction in office principal honors were bestowed upon dictators, honors of the second rank upon censors, and third place was awarded to masters of horse. This system was followed without distinction, whether they were still in office or whether they had already laid it down. For if one descended from a greater office to an inferior one, he still kept the dignity of his former position intact. One particular man, whom they styled principa of the senate (he would be called prokritos by the Greeks) was preferred before all for the time that he was president (a person was not chosen for this position for life) and surpassed the rest in dignity, without wielding, however, any power.

VII, 20.—For a time they maintained peace with each other and with the adjacent tribes, but then a famine mastered them, so severe that some not able to endure the pangs of hunger threw themselves into the river, and they fell to quarreling. The one class blamed the prosperous as being at fault in the handling of the grain, and the other class blamed the poorer men for unwillingness to till the soil. [Sidenote: B.C. 439 (a.u. 315)] Spurius Maelius, a wealthy knight, seeing this attempted to set up a tyranny, and buying corn from the neighboring region he lowered the price of it for many and gave it free to many others. In this way he won the friendship of a great many and procured arms and guardsmen. And he would have gained control of the city, had not Minucius Augurinus, a patrician, appointed to have charge of the grain distribution and censured for the lack of grain, reported the proceeding to the senate. The senate on receiving the information nominated at once and at that very meeting Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, though past his prime (he was eighty years old), to be dictator. They spent the whole day sitting there, as if engaged in some discussion, to prevent news of their action from traveling abroad. By night the dictator had the knights occupy in advance the Capitol and the remaining points of vantage, and at dawn he sent to Maelius Gaius Servilius, master of the horse, to summon him pretendedly on some other errand. But as Maelius had some suspicions and delayed, Servilius fearing that he might be rescued by the populace—for they were already running together—killed the man either on his own responsibility or because ordered to do so by the dictator. At this the populace broke into a riot, but Quinctius harangued them and by providing them with grain and refraining from punishing or accusing any one else he stopped the riot.

Wars with various nations now assailed the Romans, in some of which they were victorious within a few days; but with the Etruscans they waged a long continued contest. Postumius conquered the AEqui and had captured a large city of theirs, but the soldiers neither had had it turned over to them for pillage nor were awarded a share of the plunder when they requested it. Therefore they surrounded and slew the quaestor who was disposing of it, and when Postumius reprimanded them for this and strove to find the assassins, they killed him also. And they assigned to their own use not only the captive territory but all that at the time happened to be found in the public treasury. The uprising would have assumed even greater dimensions but for the fact that war against the Romans was renewed by the AEqui. Alarmed by this situation they became quiet, endured the punishment for the murders, which touched only a few, and took the field against their opponents, whom they engaged and conquered. For this achievement the nobles distributed the plunder among them, and voted pay first to the infantry and later also to the cavalry. Up to that time they were used to undertaking campaigns without pay and lived at their own expense; now for the first time they began to draw pay.

[Sidenote: B.C. 408 (a.u. 346)] A war arising between them and Veii, the Romans won frequent victories and reduced the foe to a state of siege as long as the latter fought with merely their own contingent: but when allies had been added to their force they came out against the Romans and defeated them. Meanwhile the lake situated close to the Alban Mount, which was shut in by the surrounding ridges and had no outlet, overflowed its banks during the siege of Veii to such an extent that it actually poured over the crests of the hills and went rushing down to the sea. The Romans deeming that something supernatural was certainly signified by this event sent to Delphi to consult the oracle about the matter. There was also among the population of Veii an Etruscan who was a soothsayer. The Pythian interpretation coincided with his; and both declared that the city would be captured when the overflowing water should not fall into the sea but be used up differently. The Romans consequently ordered several religious services to be performed. But the Pythian god did not specify to which of the divinities nor in what way they should offer these, and the Etruscan appeared to have the knowledge but would explain nothing. So the Romans who were stationed about the wall from which he was wont to issue to consort with them pretended friendliness toward him, permitted him to make himself at ease in every way, and allowed him to come to visit them without interference. Thus they succeeded in seizing him and forced him to give all the requisite information. According to the indications he furnished they offered sacrifices, tunneled the hill, and conducted the superfluous water by a secret canal into the plain, so that all of it was used up there and none ran down into the sea.

(BOOK 7, BOISSEVAIN.)

VII, 24.—A certain Marcus Fabius, a patrician, who chanced to be the father of two daughters, betrothed the elder to a Licinius Stolo, much inferior to him in rank, and married the younger to Sulpicius Rufus, who belonged to his own class. [Sidenote: FRAG. 27^1] NOW WHILE RUFUS WAS MILITARY TRIBUNE, ONCE WHEN HE WAS IN THE FORUM HIS WIFE HAD A VISIT FROM HER SISTER. AT THE ARRIVAL OF THE HUSBAND THE LICTOR, ACCORDING TO SOME ANCIENT CUSTOM, KNOCKED AT THE DOOR. THE CLATTER STARTLED THE WOMAN, WHO WAS NOT FAMILIAR WITH THIS PROCEDURE: THEREUPON BOTH HER SISTER AND THE OTHERS PRESENT BURST OUT LAUGHING AND SHE WAS MADE FUN OF AS A SIMPLETON. SHE TOOK THE MATTER AS A SERIOUS AFFRONT AND ROUSED HER HUSBAND TO CANVASS FOR OFFICE. Stolo, accordingly, incited by his wife, confided his intentions to Lucius Sextius, one of his peers, and both forced their way into the tribuneship; they thus overturned the good order of the State to such an extent that for four years the people had no rulers, since these men repeatedly obstructed the patrician elections. This state of affairs would have continued for a still longer time, had not news been brought that the Celtae were again marching upon Rome.

VII, 25.—It is related that after this a disaster befell Rome. The level land between the Palatine and the Capitoline is said to have become suddenly a yawning gulf, without any preceding earthquake or other phenomenon such as usually takes place in nature on the occasion of such developments. For a long time the chasm remained in statu quo, and neither closed up in the slightest degree nor was to be filled, albeit the Romans brought and cast into it masses of earth and stones and all sorts of other material. In the midst of the Romans' uncertainty an oracle was given them to the effect that the aperture could in no way be closed except they should throw into the chasm their best possession and that which was the chief source of their strength: then the thing would cease, and the city should command power inextinguishable. Still the uncertainty remained unresolved, for the oracle was obscure. But Marcus Curtius, a patrician, young in years, of a remarkably beautiful appearance, powerful physique, and courageous spirit, conspicuous also for intelligence, comprehended the meaning of the oracle. He came forward before them all and addressed them, saying: "Why, Romans, convict the revelation of obscurity or ourselves of ignorance? We are the thing sought and debated. For nothing lifeless may be counted better than what has life, nor shall that which has comprehension and prudence and the adornment of speech fail of preference before what is uncomprehending, speechless and senseless. What should any one deem superior to Man to be cast into the earth-fissure, that therewith we might contract it? [Sidenote: FRAG. 28^2] THERE IS NO MORTAL CREATURE EITHER BETTER OR STRONGER THAN MAN. FOR, IF ONE MAY SPEAK SOMEWHAT BOLDLY, MAN IS NAUGHT ELSE THAN A GOD WITH MORTAL BODY, AND A GOD NAUGHT ELSE THAN A MAN WITHOUT BODY AND THEREFORE IMMORTAL, and we are not far sundered from divine Power. This, to my mind, is the matter and I urge you also to adhere to this view. May no one think that I shall have recourse to the lot or bid maiden or lad lose a life. I myself willingly bestow myself upon you, that you may send me this very day as herald and envoy to the cthonian gods, to be your representative and helper forever." At the close of these words Curtius proceeded to put on his armor and then mounted his horse. The rest grew mad with grief and mad with joy; they came flocking with adornments, and some adorned the man himself with them as a hero, and others threw some of them into the chasm. Scarcely had Curtius sprung into it fully mounted, when the earth-fissure was closed and no one ever again beheld either the chasm or Curtius. This is the way the story is related by the Romans. Should any person judge it fabulous and not to be credited, he has the right to pay no attention to it.

And again wars were waged against the Romans both by Gauls and by other nations, but they repelled all invaders, voting now for consuls, now for dictators. Whereupon somewhat of the following nature took place. Lucius Camillus was named dictator, as the Gauls were overrunning the environs of Rome. He proceeded against the barbarians with the intention of using up time and not risking the issue in conflict with men animated by desperation: he expected to exhaust them more easily and securely by the failure of provisions. And a Gaul challenged the Romans to furnish a champion for a duel. His opponent, accordingly, was Marcus Valerius, a military tribune, a grandson of the famous Maximus. The course of the battle was brilliant on both sides: the Roman excelled in cleverness and an unusual mastery of his art, and the Gaul in strength and daring. It was regarded as still more marvelous that a crow lighted on the helmet of Valerius and cawing all the time made dashes at the barbarian, confusing his sight and impeding his onset until he finally received a finishing blow. The Gauls, consequently, indignant at being beaten by a bird, in a rage closed at once with the Romans and suffered a severe defeat. From the incident of the crow's assistance Valerius obtained the further name of Corvinus.

Thereafter, as the armies began to grow insubordinate and a civil war threatened to break out, the insurgents were brought to terms by the enactment of laws that no one's name should be erased from the lists against his will, that any person who had served as tribune of the soldiers should not be centurion, that both of the consuls might belong to and be appointed from the people, and that the same man should not hold two offices at the same time nor hold the same office twice within ten years.

VII, 26.—Now the Latins, although under treaty with the Romans, revolted and provoked a conflict. They were filled with pride for the reason that they had an abundance of youthful warriors and were practiced in the details of warfare as a result of the constant campaigning with the Romans. The other side, understanding the situation, chose Torquatus consul for the third time and likewise Decius, and came out to meet them. They fought a fierce battle, each party thinking that that day was a precise test of their fortune and of their valor. A certain event seemed to give the battle added distinction. The consuls, seeing that the Latins were equipped and spoke like the Romans, feared that some of the soldiers might make mistakes through not distinguishing their own and the hostile force with entire ease. Therefore they made proclamation to their men to observe instructions carefully and in no case to fight an isolated combat with any of the antagonists. Most observed this injunction, but the son of Torquatus, who was on the field among the cavalry and had been sent to reconnoitre the enemy's position, transgressed it not through wilfulness but rather through ambition. The leader of the Latin horse saw him approaching and challenged him to a championship contest; and when the youth would not accept the challenge on account of the notice that had been served, the other provoked him, saying: "Are you not the son of Torquatus? Do you not give yourself airs with your father's collar? Are you strong and courageous against those low-lived Gauls but fear us Latins? Where, then, do you find your right to rule? Why do you give orders to us as your inferiors?"—The Roman became frenzied with rage and readily forgot the injunction: he won the combat, and in high spirits conveyed the spoils to his father. The latter, after assembling the army, said: "Nobly you have fought, my child, and for this I will crown you. But because you did not observe the orders issued, though under obligation both as a son and as a soldier to yield obedience, [Sidenote: FRAG. 32^2] FOR THIS REASON I SHALL EXECUTE YOU, THAT YOU MAY OBTAIN BOTH THE PRIZE FOR YOUR PROWESS AND THE PENALTY FOR YOUR DISOBEDIENCE." Having spoken these words he at the same moment placed the garland on his head and cut off the very head that bore it.

Soon after, a dream that appeared to both consuls the same night, of identical import in each case, seemed to tell them that they should overcome the enemy, if one of the consuls should devote himself. Discussing the dream together in the daytime, they decided that it was of divine origin, and agreed that it must be obeyed. And they disputed with each other, not as to which should be saved, but as to which of them preferably should devote himself: they even presented their arguments before the foremost men in camp. Finally they settled it that one should station himself on the right wing and the other on the left, and that whichever of those two divisions should be defeated, the consul stationed there should give up his life. There was so much rivalry between them in regard to the self-devotion that each of the consuls prayed that he might be defeated, in order to obtain the right to devote himself and the consequent glory. After joining battle with the Latins they carried on a closely contested fight for a long time, but finally Decius's wing gave way before the Latins a little. On perceiving this Decius devoted himself. Slipping off his armor he put on his purple-bordered clothing. Some say that in this costume he sprang upon a horse and rode toward the enemy and met his death at their hands, others that he was slain by a fellow-soldier of his own race. A short time after Decius had perished a decisive victory fell to the lot of the Romans and the Latins were all routed, yet certainly not on account of the death of Decius. [Sidenote: FRAG. 32^4] FOR HOW CAN YOU BELIEVE THAT FROM SUCH A DEATH OF ONE MAN SO GREAT A MULTITUDE OF HUMAN BEINGS WAS DESTROYED ON THE ONE SIDE AND ON THE OTHER WAS SAVED AND WON A CONSPICUOUS VICTORY? So the Latins in this way were defeated, [Sidenote: FRAG. 32^6] AND TORQUATUS, THOUGH HE HAD KILLED HIS SON AND THOUGH HIS COLLEAGUE HAD LOST HIS LIFE, NEVERTHELESS CELEBRATED A TRIUMPH.

Once again did they subdue these very Latins, who had revolted, and they subjugated in battle other nations, employing now consuls and now dictators.

(BOOK 8, BOISSEVAIN.)

One of the latter was Lucius Papirius, also called Cursor from his physical condition (he was a very fleet runner) and on account of his practicing running. After this Papirius as dictator with Fabius Rullus as master of the horse was sent out against the Samnites and by defeating them compelled them to agree to such terms as he wished. But when he had resigned his leadership they again arose in arms. They were attacked anew by the dictator Aulus Cornelius, [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^3] AND BEING DEFEATED MADE PROPOSALS OF PEACE TO THE MEN AT ROME. THEY SENT THEM ALL THE CAPTIVES THAT THEY HAD, AND ASCRIBED THE RESPONSIBILITY FOR THE WAR TO RUTULUS, A MAN OF INFLUENCE AMONG THEM. HIS BONES, SINCE HE ANTICIPATED THEM IN COMMITTING SUICIDE, THEY SCATTERED ABROAD. YET THEY DID NOT OBTAIN THEIR PEACE, BEING ACCOUNTED UNTRUSTWORTHY; BUT THE VICTORS, THOUGH ACCEPTING THE PRISONERS, VOTED FOR RELENTLESS WAR AGAINST THEM. [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^4] THE ROMANS, THEN, EXPECTING IN THEIR EXTREME ARROGANCE THAT THEY SHOULD CAPTURE THEM ALL AT THE FIRST BLOW, SUCCUMBED TO A TERRIBLE DISASTER. THE SAMNITES, BEING BADLY FRIGHTENED AND THINKING THE REFUSAL TO MAKE PEACE A CALAMITY, FOUGHT WITH DESPERATION; AND BY PLANTING AN AMBUSCADE IN A NARROW SPOT RATHER CLOSELY HEMMED IN BY HILLS THEY BOTH CAPTURED THE CAMP AND SEIZED ALIVE THE WHOLE FORCE OF THE ROMANS, ALL OF WHOM THEY SENT UNDER THE YOKE.—What the operation of the yoke was has already been described by me above.[13]—However, they killed not a man but took away their arms and horses and everything else they had save one garment, and released them thus stripped of possessions under an agreement that they should leave Samnite territory and be their allies on an equal footing. In order to insure the articles of the agreement being ratified also by the senate, they retained six hundred of the knights to serve as hostages.

[Footnote 13: Near the end of VII, 17.]

The consuls Spurius Postumius and Tiberius Calvinus with their army immediately withdrew, and at night they and the most notable of the rest of the force entered Rome, while the remaining soldiers scattered through the country districts. [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^9] THE MEN IN THE CITY ON HEARING OF THE EVENT DID NOT FIND IT POSSIBLE EITHER TO BE PLEASED AT THE SURVIVAL OF THEIR SOLDIERS OR TO BE DISPLEASED. WHEN THEY THOUGHT OF THE CALAMITY THEIR GRIEF WAS EXTREME, AND THE FACT THAT THEY HAD SUFFERED SUCH A REVERSE AT THE HANDS OF THE SAMNITES INCREASED THEIR GRIEF; WHEN THEY STOPPED TO REFLECT, HOWEVER, THAT IF IT HAD COME TO PASS THAT ALL HAD PERISHED, ALL THEIR INTERESTS WOULD HAVE BEEN ENDANGERED, THEY WERE REALLY PLEASED AT THE SURVIVAL OF THEIR OWN MEN. But concealing for a time their pleasure they went into mourning and carried on no business in the everyday fashion either at once or subsequently, as long as they had control of affairs. The consuls they deposed forthwith, chose others in their stead, and took counsel about the situation. And they determined not to accept the arrangement; but since it was impossible to take this action without throwing the responsibility upon the men who had conducted the negotiations, they hesitated on the one hand to condemn the consuls and the rest who, associated with the latter in their capacity as holders of certain offices, had made the peace, and they hesitated on the other hand to acquit them, since by so doing they would bring the breach of faith home to themselves. Accordingly they made these very consuls participate in their deliberations and they asked Postumius first of all for his opinion, that he might state separately his sentiments touching his own case, and the shame of having disgrace attach to all of them be avoided. So he came forward and said that their acts ought not to be ratified by the senate and the people, [Sidenote: FRAG. 33^11] FOR THEY THEMSELVES HAD NOT ACTED OF THEIR OWN FREE WILL, BUT UNDER THE COMPULSION OF A NECESSITY which the enemy had brought upon them not through valor but through craft and ambuscade. Now men who had practiced deception could not, if they were deceived in turn, have any just complaint against those who turned the tables on them. When he had finished saying this and considerable more of the same nature, the senate found itself at a loss how to act: but as Postumius and Calvinus took the burden of responsibility upon their own shoulders, it was voted that the agreements should not be ratified and that these men should be delivered up.