Philip, however, far from being elated at this success, even wished to conclude a truce with the Romans and especially because Ptolemy, too, was sending ambassadors from Egypt and trying to reconcile them. After some preliminary discussion [lacuna] he no longer requested peace, but [lacuna] drew the AEtolians away from the Roman alliance by some [lacuna] and made them friends.

Nothing worthy of remembrance, however, was done either by him or by any others either then or in the following year when Lucius Veturius and Caecilius Metellus became consuls: this notwithstanding the fact that many signs of ill-omen to the Romans were reported. For example, a hermaphrodite lamb was born, and a swarm of [lacuna] was seen, down the doors of the temple of the Capitoline Jupiter two serpents glided, both the doors and the altar in the temple of Neptune ran with copious sweat, in Antium bloody ears were seen by some reapers, elsewhere a woman having horns appeared and many thunderbolts [lacuna] into temples [lacuna] Paris Fragment (10th Century MS.) (See Haase, Rh. Mus., 1839, p.458, ff. Zonaras 9, 11.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 205 (a.u. 549)]48. Licinius Crassus, by reason of his geniality and beauty and wealth (which gained for him the name of Wealthy) and because he was a high priest, was to stay in Italy without casting lots for the privilege. (Valesius, p. 605. Zonaras, 9, 11.)

49. The Pythian god commanded the Romans to entrust to the best of the citizens the conveyance to the city of the goddess from Pessinus, and they accordingly honored Publius Scipio, a son of Gnaeus who died in Spain, above all others by their first preference. The reason was that he was in general [lacuna] and was deemed both pious and just. He at this time, accompanied by the most prominent women, conducted the goddess to Rome and to the Palatine. (Valesius, p. 606.)

50. The Romans on learning of the actions of the Locrians, thinking it had come about through contempt of Scipio, were displeased, and under the influence of anger immediately made plans to end his leadership and to recall him for trial. They were also indignant because he adopted Greek manners, wore his toga thrown back over his shoulder, and contended in the palaestra. Furthermore it was said he gave over to the soldiers the property of the allies to plunder, and he was suspected of delaying the voyage to Carthage purposely, in order that he might hold office for a longer time; but it was principally at the instigation of men who all along had been jealous of him that they wished to summon him. Still, this proposition was not carried out because of the great favor, based on their hopes of him, which the mass of the people felt for him. (Valesius, p. 606. Zonaras, 9, 11.)

51 [lacuna]. they stopped and pitched a camp in a suitable place and fenced it all about with palisades, as they had brought in stakes for this very purpose. It had just been finished when a great serpent came gliding along beside it on the road leading to Carthage, so that by this portent, Scipio, owing to the tradition about his father, was encouraged, and devastated the country and assaulted the cities with greater boldness. Some of the latter he did succeed in capturing; and the Carthaginians not yet [lacuna] prepared remained still, and Syphax was by profession their friend, but, as a matter of fact, he held aloof from the action; by urging Scipio to come to terms with them he showed that he was unwilling that either side should conquer the other and at the same time become his master; on the contrary he desired them to oppose each other as vigorously as possible but to be at peace with him. Consequently, as Scipio was harrying the country, Hanno the cavalry commander (he was a son of Hasdrubal) [lacuna] the [lacuna] was persuaded on the part of Masinissa [lacuna] to the Carthaginians [lacuna] warlike [lacuna] was believed, and, therefore, Scipio, sending forward some horsemen on the advice of Masinissa [lacuna] laid an ambush in a suitable spot where they were destined [lacuna] making an onset to simulate flight. Against [lacuna] those wishing to pursue them. This also took place. The Carthaginians attacked them, and when after a little by agreement they turned, followed after at full speed while Masinissa with his accompanying cavalry lagged behind and got in the rear of the pursuers, and Scipio appearing from ambush went to meet them: thus they were cut off and overwhelmed with weapons on both sides and many were killed and captured [lacuna] and also Hanno. On learning this, Hasdrubal arrested the mother of Masinissa. And those captives were exchanged, one for the other.

Now Syphax, being well aware that Masinissa would war against him no less than against the Carthaginians and fearing that he might find himself bereft of allies if they suffered any harm through his desertion of their cause, renounced his pretended friendship for the Romans and attached himself openly to the Carthaginians. He failed to render the wholehearted assistance, however, to the point of actually resisting the Romans, and the latter overran the country with impunity, carrying off much plunder and recovering many prisoners from Italy who had previously been sent to Libya by Hannibal; consequently they despised their foes and began a campaign against Utica. When Syphax and Hasdrubal saw this, they so feared for the safety of the place that they no longer remained passive; and their approach caused the Romans to abandon the siege, since they did not dare to contend against two forces at the same time. Subsequently the invaders went into winter quarters where they were, getting a part of their provisions from the immediate neighborhood and sending for a part from Sicily and Sardinia; for the ships that carried the spoils to Sicily could also bring them food supplies.

In Italy no great results were accomplished in the war against Hannibal. Publius Sempronius in a small engagement was vanquished by Hannibal, but later overcame the latter in turn: Livius and Nero, having become censors, announced to those Latins who had abandoned the joint expedition and had been designated to furnish a double quota of soldiers, that a census of persons taxable should be taken; this they did in order that others, too, might contribute money, and they made salt, which up to that time had been free of tax, taxable. This measure was for no other purpose than to satisfy Livius, who designed it, thus requiting the citizens for their vote of condemnation; and indeed, he received a nickname from it; after this he was called Salinator. [Footnote: Salinator = "salt-dealer."] This was one act that caused these censors to become notorious; another was that they deprived each other of their horses and made each other aerarii [Footnote: AErarius—a citizen of the lowest class, who paid only a poll-tax and had no right to vote.] [lacuna] according to the [lacuna] (Paris fragment (p. 460). Zonaras, 9, 12.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 203 (a.u. 551)] 52. Scipio captured a Carthaginian vessel but released it, inflicting no injury when they feigned to have been coming on an embassy to him. He knew that this pretext was invented to secure the safety of the captives, but preferred avoiding the possibility of being touched by the breath of slander to the retention of the ship. Also, when Syphax at that time was still endeavoring to reconcile them on the terms that Scipio should sail from Libya and Hannibal from Italy, he received his proposition not because he trusted him, but to the end that he might ruin him. (Valesius, p. 606. Zonaras, 9, 12.)

53. The Romans came bringing to Scipio along with much other property Syphax himself. And the commander would not consent to see him remain bound in chains, but calling to mind his entertainment at the other's court and reflecting on human misfortunes, on the fact that his captive had been king over no inconsiderable power and had shown commendable zeal in his behalf, and that nevertheless he beheld him in so pitiable a plight,—Scipio leaped from his chair, loosed him, embraced him, and treated him with great consideration. (Valesius, p. 606. Zonaras, 9, 13.)

54. The Carthaginians made propositions to Scipio through heralds, and of the demands made upon them by him there was none that did not promise to satisfy, although they never intended to carry out their agreement; they did, to be sure, give him money at once and gave back all the prisoners, but in regard to the other matters they sent envoys to Rome. The Romans would not receive them at that time, declaring that it was a tradition in the State not to negotiate a peace with any parties while their armies were in Italy. Later when Hannibal and Mago had embarked, they granted the envoys an audience and fell into a dispute among themselves, being of two minds. At last, however, they voted the peace on the terms that Scipio had arranged. (Ursinus, p. 380. Zonaras, 9, 13.)

55. The Carthaginians attacked Scipio both by land and by sea. Scipio, vexed at this, made a complaint, but they returned no proper answer to the envoys and moreover actually plotted against them when they sailed back; and had not by chance a wind sprung up and aided them, they would have been captured or would have perished. On this account Scipio, although at this time the commissioners arrived with peace for the men of Carthage, refused any longer to make it. (Ursinus, p. 380. Zonaras, 9, 13.)

56. Nearly all who conduct a military expedition,—or many, at any rate,—perform voluntarily many acts which would not be required of them. They look askance at their instructions as something forced upon them, but are delighted with the projects of their own minds because they feel themselves so far independent. (Valesius, p. 609.)

57. Dio in Book 17: "He suddenly halted in his running." (Bekker, Anecd., p. 140, 23. Zonaras, 9, 14.)

58. Dio in Roman History 17: "In general the fortunate party is inclined to audacity and the unfortunate to moderate behavior, and accordingly, the timid party is wont to show temperance and the audacious intemperance. This was to be noted to an especial degree in that case." [Footnote: This may conceivably relate to Masinissa's marrying Sophoniba without authorization.] (Suidas s. v. [Greek: host hephipan])

59. Dio in Roman History 17: "And a report about them of same such nature as follows was made public." (Suidas and Etymologicum Magnum and others s. v. [Greek: hedemhothe].)

60. [Greek: henthymixhomenoi] = calculating. So Dio in Book 17, Roman History. (Suidas or Etym. in Cramer. Anecd., Paris, Vol. IV, p. 169, 8. Zonaras, Lex., p. 750.)

61. [Greek: diathithemi] ("arrange") for [Greek: diaprhattomai] ("accomplish"), with the accusative in Dio, Book 18: "And culling all the best flowers of philosophy." (Bekker, Anecd., p. 133, 29.) [This is from two glosses, and there is confusion caused by gaps.—Ed.]

[Sidenote: B.C. 201 (a.u. 553)]62. [The Carthaginians made overtures for peace to Scipio. The terms agreed upon were, that they should give hostages, should return the captives and deserters they were holding (whether of the Romans or of the allies), should surrender all the elephants and the triremes (save ten), and for the future possess neither elephants nor ships, should withdraw from all territory of Masinissa that they were holding and restore to him the country and the cities that were properly in his domain, that they should not hold levies, nor use mercenaries, nor make war upon any one contrary to the advice and consent of the Romans. (Ursinus, p. 380. Zonaras, 9, 14.)

63. It seemed to Cornelius [Footnote: Cu. Cornelius Lentulus.] the consul, as well as to many other Romans, that Carthage ought to be destroyed, and he was wont to say that it was impossible, while that city existed, for them to be free from fear. (Ursinus, p. 381. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 14.)

64. In the popular assembly, however, [lacuna] all unanimously voted for peace. [About three obscure lines (fragmentary) follow.]

[Sidenote: B.C. 201 (a.u. 553)] And of the elephants the larger number were carried off to Rome, and the rest were presented to Masinissa. [lacuna] of Carthaginians. And they themselves, immediately after the ratification of the peace, abandoned Italy, and the Romans, Libya. The Carthaginians who sent commissioners to Rome were allowed by the Romans to contribute for the benefit of the captives severally related to them; and about two hundred of them were sent back without ransoms to Scipio [lacuna] after the treaty [lacuna] and friendship [lacuna] confirmed; and they granted peace [lacuna] [Two fragmentary lines.]

Scipio accordingly attained great prominence by these deeds, but Hannibal was even brought to trial by his own people; he was accused of having refused to capture Rome when he was able to do so, and of having appropriated the plunder in Italy. He was not, however, convicted, but was shortly after entrusted with the highest office in Carthage [lacuna] [One fragmentary line.] (Paris Fragment, p. 462. Zonaras, 9, 14. Livy, 30:42, 43, 45.) [Frag. LVII]

1[lacuna]. Marcus [lacuna] sent to Philip by the generals [lacuna] from them either [lacuna] was successful; embassy [lacuna] of Philip and [lacuna] and some [lacuna] which he himself [lacuna] had sent to the Carthaginians [lacuna] not at all peace [lacuna] having vanquished [lacuna] enemies by the [lacuna] rendered them of no less importance in reputation. (Paris Fragment, p. 463. Cp. Zonaras, 9. 15 = Livy 30:42.)

[Frag. LVII]

2. I found the Dardanians to be a race dwelling above the Illyrians and Macedonians. And the city of Dardanus is there. (Isaac Tzetzes on Lycophron, 1128. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 14.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 200 (a.u. 554)]3. And they [Footnote: I.e., the Romans and the Macedonians.]delayed for several days, not meeting in battle array but conducting skirmishes and sallies of the light-armed troops and the horse. The Romans, for their part, were eager to join battle with all speed: their force was a strong one, they had little provision, and consequently would often go up to the foe's palisade. Philip, on the other hand, was weaker in point of armed followers, but his supply of provisions was better than theirs because his own country was close by; so he waited, expecting that they would become exhausted without a conflict, and if he had possessed self-control he certainly would have accomplished something. As it was, he acquired a contempt for the Romans, thinking that they feared him because they had transferred their camp to a certain spot from which they could get food better: he thereupon attacked them unexpectedly while they were engaged in plundering and managed to kill a few. Galba on perceiving this made a sortie from the camp, fell upon him while off his guard, and slew many more in return. Philip, in view of his defeat and the further fact that he was wounded, no longer held his position but after a truce of some days for the taking up and burial of the corpses withdrew the first part of the night. Galba, however, did not follow him up; he was short of provisions, he did not know the country, and particularly he was ignorant of his adversary's strength; he was also afraid that if he advanced inconsiderately he might come to grief. For these reasons he was unwilling to proceed farther, but retired to Apollonia.

During this same time Apustius with the Rhodians and with Attalus cruised about and subjugated many of the islands [lacuna] (Paris Fragment, p. 464. Zonaras, 9, 15. Cp. Livy, 31:21 ff.)

4. The Insubres were thrown into confusion. For Hamilcar, a Carthaginian, who had made a campaign with Mago and remained secretly in those regions, after a term of quiet, during which he was satisfied merely to elude discovery, as soon as the Macedonian war broke out, caused the Gauls to revolt from the Romans; then in company with the rebels he made an expedition against the Ligurians and won over some of them. Later they had a battle with the praetor Lucius Furius, were defeated, and sent envoys asking peace. This the Ligurians obtained; then others [lacuna] [Five fragmentary lines.] (Paris Fragment, p. 465. Zonaras, 9, 15.)

5[lacuna]. he thought he ought to be granted a triumph, and many arguments were presented on both sides. Some, especially in view of the malignity of Aurelius, eagerly furthered his cause and magnified his victory, using many illustrations. Others declared he had contended with the help of the consular army and had no individual and independent appointment, and furthermore they even demanded an accounting from him because he had not carried out his instructions. However, he won his point. And he in that place [lacuna] before Aurelius [lacuna] Vermis [lacuna] from the [lacuna] (Paris Fragment, p. 465. Cp. Livy, 31:47 ff.)

[Frag. LVIII]

[Sidenote: B.C. 197 (a.u. 557)] Philip after his defeat sent heralds to Flamininus. The latter, however eagerly he coveted Macedonia and desired the fullest results from his good fortune of the moment, nevertheless made a truce. The cause lay in the fear that, if Philip were out of the way, the Greeks might recover their ancient spirit and no longer pay them court, that the AEtolians, already filled with great boasting because they had contributed the largest share to the victory, might become more vexatious to them, and that Antiochus might, as was reported, come to Europe and form an alliance with Philip. (Ursinus, p. 381. Zonaras, 9, 16.)

[Frag. LIX]

[Sidenote: B.C. 192 (a.u. 562)] 1. Antiochus and his generals were ruined beforehand; for by his general indolence and his passion for a certain girl he had drifted into luxurious living and had at the same time rendered the rest unfit for warfare. (Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9, 19.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 190 (a.u. 564)] 2. Seleucus [Footnote: Probably an error of the excerptor, for Antiochus himself.] the son of Antiochus captured the son of Africanus, who was sailing across from Greece, and had given him the kindest treatment. Although his father many times requested the privilege of ransoming him, his captor refused, yet did him no harm: on the contrary, he showed him every honor and finally, though he failed of securing peace, released him without ransom. (Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9, 20.)

[Frag. LX]

[Sidenote: B.C. 189 (a.u. 565)] Many were jealous of the Scipios because the two brothers of excellent stock and trained in virtue had accomplished all that has been related and had secured such titles. That these victors could not be charged with wrongdoing is made plain by my former statements and was shown still more conclusively on the occasion of the confiscation of the property of Asiaticus,—which was found to consist merely of his original inheritance,—or again by the retirement of Africanus to Liternum and the security that he enjoyed there to the end of his life. At first he did appear in court, [Footnote: Political enemies of P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus summoned him to court on trumped-up charges.] thinking that he would be saved by the genuineness of his good behavior. (Valesius, p. 609. Zonaras, 9, 20.)

[Frag. LXI]

The Romans, when they had had a taste of Asiatic luxury and had spent some time in the possessions of the vanquished amid the abundance of spoils and the license granted by success in arms, rapidly came to emulate their prodigality and ere long to trample under foot their ancestral traditions. Thus this terrible influence, arising from that source, fell also upon the city. (Valesius, p. 609.)

[Frag. LXII]

Gracchus was thoroughly a man of the people and a very fluent public speaker, but his disposition was very different from Cato's. Although he had an enmity of long standing against the Scipios, he would not endure what was taking place but spoke in defence of Africanus, who was accused while absent, and exerted himself to prevent any smirch from attaching to that leader; and he prevented the imprisonment of Asiaticus. Consequently the Scipios, too, relinquished their hatred of him and made a family alliance, Africanus bestowing upon him his own daughter. (Valesius, p. 610.)

[Frag. LXIII]

[Sidenote: B.C. 187 (a.u. 567)] Some youths who had insulted the Carthaginian envoys that had come to Rome were sent to Carthage and delivered up to the people; they received no injury, however, at the hands of the citizens and were released. (Ursinus, p. 381.)

[Frag. LXIV]

[Sidenote: B.C. 183 (a.u. 571)] He himself [i.e. Hannibal] died by drinking poison near Bithynia, in a certain place called Libyssa by name; though he thought to die in Libyssa his own proper country. For an oracle had once been written down for Hannibal to the following effect: "A Libyssan clod shall hide the form of Hannibal." Later the Roman Emperor Severus, being of Libyan birth, interred in a tomb of white marble this man, the general Hannibal. (Tzetzes. Hist. 1, 798-805. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 21.)

[Frag. LXV]

[Sidenote: B.C. 169 (a.u. 585)] 1. Perseus hoped to eject the Romans from Greece completely, but through his excessive and inopportune parsimony and the consequent contempt of his allies he became weak once more. When Roman influence was declining slightly and his own was increasing, he was filled with scorn and thought he had no further need of his allies, but believed that either they would assist him free of cost or he could prevail by himself. Hence he paid neither Eumenes nor Gentius the money that he had promised, thinking that they must have reasons of their own strong enough to insure hostility towards the Romans. These princes, therefore, and the Thrasians—they, too, were not receiving their full pay—became indifferent; and Perseus fell into such depths of despair again as actually to sue for peace. (Valesius, p. 610. Zonaras, 9, 22.)

2. Perseus sued for peace at the hands of the Romans, and would have obtained it but for the presence in his embassy of the Rhodians, who joined it through fear that a rival to the Romans might be annihilated. Their language had none of the moderation which petitioners should employ, and they talked as if they were not so much asking peace for Perseus as bestowing it, and adopted a generally haughty tone: finally they threatened those who should be responsible for their failing to come to a satisfactory agreement by saying that they would fight on the opposite side. They had previously been somewhat under the ban of Roman suspicion, but after this many more hard things were said of them and they prevented Perseus from obtaining peace. (Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras, 9, 22.)

[Sidenote: B.C. 168 (a.u. 586)]3. When Perseus was in the temple at Samothrace, a demand was made upon him for the surrender of one Evander, of Cretan stock, a most faithful follower who had assisted him in many schemes against the Romans and had helped to concoct the plot carried out at Delphi against Eumenes. The prince, fearing that he might declare all the intrigues to which he had been privy, did not deliver him but secretly slew him and spread abroad the report that he had made way with himself in advance. The associates of Perseus, fearing his treachery and blood-guiltiness, then began to desert his standard. (Valesius, p. 610. Zonaras, 9, 23.)

4. Perseus allowed himself [Footnote: Cp. Livy, XLV, 6.] to be found, and upon his being brought to Amphipolis Paulus accorded him no harsh treatment by deed or word, but on the contrary made way for him when he approached, entertained him in various ways and had him sit at his table, keeping him, meanwhile, although a prisoner, unconfined and showing him every courtesy. (Valesius, p. 613. Zonaras, 9, 23.)

[Frag. LXVI]

Paulus was not only good at generalship but most inaccessible to bribes. Of this the following is proof. Though he had at that time entered for a second term upon the consulship and had gained possession of untold spoils, he continued to live in so great indigence that when he died the dowry was with difficulty paid back to his wife. Such was the nature of the man and such were his deeds. The only thing regarded as a blemish that attaches to his character is his turning over the possessions [of the Epirots?] to his soldiers for pillage: for the rest, he showed himself a man not devoid of charm and temperate in good fortune, who was seen to be extremely lucky and at the same time full of wise counsel in dealing with the enemy. As an illustration: he was not cowardly or heedless in waging war against Perseus, but afterward did not assume a pompous or boastful air toward him. (Valesius, p. 613. Zonaras, 9, 24.)

[Frag. LXVII]

1. The Rhodians, who formerly had possessed a vast amount of self-esteem, thinking that they, too, ranked as conquerors of Philip and Antiochus, and were stronger than the Romans, fell into such depths of terror as to despatch an ambassador to Antiochus, king of Syria, and summon Popilius, in whose presence they condemned all those opposed to the Roman policy and then sent such as were arrested to punishment. (Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras, 9, 24.)

2. The same persons, though they had often sent envoys to them, as frequently as they wanted anything, now ceased to bring to their attention any of the former enterprises, but mentioned only those cases which they could cite pertaining to services once rendered which might be useful in diverting Roman ill-will. They were especially anxious at this time to secure the title of Roman allies. Previously they had refused to accept it. They had wished to inspire some fear in Rome,—for, not being bound to friendship by any oath, they had power to transfer their allegiance at any time,—and furthermore to be courted by such states as from time to time might be engaged in war with that city. But now they were looking to confirm the favor of the Romans and to the consequent honor that was sure to be accorded to them by others. (Ursinus, p. 382. Zonaras, 9, 24.)

[Frag. LXVIII]

Prusias himself entered the senate-house at Rome and covered the threshold with kisses. The senators he termed gods, and worshiped them. Thus, then, he obtained an abundance of pity, though he had fought against Attalus contrary to the Roman decision. It was said that at home, too, whenever their envoys came to him, he worshiped them, calling himself a freedman of the people, and often he would put on a slave's cap. (Ursinus, p. 383. Zonaras, 9, 24.)

[Frag. LXIX]

[Sidenote: B.C. 149 (a.u. 605)] Scipio Africanus excelled in planning out at leisure the requisite course, but excelled also in discovering at a moment's notice what needed to be done, and knew how to employ either method on the proper occasion. The duties that lay before him he reviewed boldly but accomplished their fulfillment as if with timidity. Therefore by his fearless detailed investigation he obtained accurate knowledge of the fitting action in every emergency, and by his good judgment in doubtful cases met these emergencies safely. Consequently, if he was ever brought face to face with some need that admitted of no deliberation,—as is wont to happen in the contradictions of warfare and the turns of fortune—not even then did he miss the proper course. Through accustoming himself to regard no happening as unreasonable he was not unprepared for the assault of sudden events, but through his incessant activity was able to meet the unexpected as if he had forseen it long before. As a result he showed himself daring in matters where he felt he was right, and ready to run risks where he felt bold. In bodily frame he was strong as the best of the soldiers. This led to one of his most remarkable characteristics: he would devise movements that looked advantageous as if he were merely going to command others, and at the time of action would execute them as if they had been ordered by others. Besides not swerving from the ordinary paths of rectitude, he kept faith scrupulously not only with the citizens and his acquaintances, but with foreign and most hostile nations. This, too, brought many individuals as well as many cities to his standard. He never spoke or acted without due consideration or through anger or fear, but as a result of the certainty of his calculations he was ready for all chances: he had thought out practically all human possibilities; he never did anything unexpected, but deliberated every matter beforehand, according to its nature. Thus he perceived very easily the right course to follow even before there was any necessity, and pursued it with firmness.

These are the reasons, or chiefly these—I should mention also his moderation and amiability—that he alone of men escaped the envy of his peers, or of any one else. He chose to make himself like to his inferiors, not better than his equals, weaker than greater men, and so passed beyond the power of jealousy, which harasses only the noblest men. (Valesius, p. 613. Zonaras, 9, 27.)

[Frag. LXX]

[Sidenote: B.C. 148 (a.u. 606)] Dio in Book 21: "Phameas, despairing of the Carthaginian cause" [lacuna] (Bekker, Anecd. p. 124, 9a. Zonaras, 9, 27.)

[Frag. LXXI]

What age limit, pray, is imposed upon those who from their very boyhood set their faces toward obtaining a right state of mind? What number of years has been settled upon with reference to the fulfillment of duties? Is it not true that all who enjoy an excellent nature and good fortune both think and do in all things what is right from the very beginning, whereas those who at this age of their life have little sense would never subsequently grow more prudent, even if they should pass through many years? A man may continue to improve upon his former condition as he advances in age, but not one would turn out wise from being foolish, or sensible from being silly. Do not, therefore, put the young into a state of dejection through the idea that they are actually condemned to a state of inability to perform their duties. On the contrary, you ought to urge them to practice zealously the performance of all that they are required to do, and to look for both honors and offices even before they reach old age. By this course you will render their elders better, too,—first, by confronting them with many competitors, and next by making clear that you are going to establish not length of years but innate excellence as the test in conferring positions of command upon any citizens, even more than you do in the case of ordinary benefits. [Footnote: These words would appear to be taken from the speech before the senate of some such person as a tribune of the plebs, and to relate either to the consulship of Scipio AEmilianus (B.C. 148) or to the Spanish appointment of Scipio Africanus (B.C. 211), preferably the former.] (Mai, p. 547, and also Excerpts from a Florentine MS. of John of Antioch's Parallela. Cp. Zonaras, 9, 29.)

THE END