Take the case of Lucius Vitellius, not of low birth nor without sense, a man who, on the contrary, had become famous by his governorship of Syria. In addition to his other brilliant exploits as an official he spoiled a plot of Artabanus in that region. He encountered the latter, who had suffered no punishment for Armenia, already close to the Euphrates and terrified him by his sudden appearance. He then induced him to come to a conference and finally compelled him to sacrifice to the images of Augustus and Gaius. Furthermore he made a peace with him that was advantageous for the Romans and secured his children as hostages. This Vitellius, then, was summoned by Gaius to be put to death. The complaint against him was the same as the Parthians had against their king whom they expelled. Jealousy made him the object of hatred, and fear the object of plots. [For every power stronger than himself Gaius entertained hatred, and he was suspicious of whatever was successful, feeling sure that it would ultimately attack him.] But Vitellius saved his life by somehow presenting himself in such a way as to appear of less importance than his reputation would lead one to expect. He fell at the emperor's feet shedding tears of lamentation, all the time saluting him frequently as divine and paying him worship; at last he vowed that should he survive he would sacrifice to Gaius. By this behavior he so mollified the offended monarch and won his good-will that he not only managed to survive but came to be regarded as one of his lord's most intimate friends. On one occasion Gaius declared he was enjoying converse with the Moon Goddess, and when he asked Vitellius if he could see the goddess with him, the other kept his eyes fixed on the ground, as if overcome by amazement. In a half whisper he answered: "Only you gods, master, may behold one another."—So Vitellius from these beginnings, later came to surpass all others in adulation.

[-28-] [Gaius gave orders that in Miletus of the province of Asia a certain tract of land should be set apart for his worship. His avowed reason for choosing this city was that Diana had preempted Ephesus, Augustus Pergamum, and Tiberius Smyrna. The truth of the matter, however, was that he had conceived a desire to appropriate to his own use the large and extremely beautiful temple which the Milesians were building to Apollo. Thereupon he went to still greater lengths and built actually in Rome itself one temple of his own that was accorded him by vote of the senate, and another at his private expense on the Capitoline.] He also planned a kind of dwelling on the Capitol, in order, as he said, that he might live in the same house with Jupiter. However, he disdained taking second place in this union of households and found fault with the god for occupying the Capitol before him: accordingly, he hastened to construct another temple on the Palatine and by way of a statue for it thought he should like to change that of Olympian Jove so as to resemble himself. This he found impossible, for the boat built to bring it was shattered by thunderbolts, and loud laughter was plainly heard as often as any persons approached the pedestal to take hold of it. So after hurling threats at the obdurate image he set up a new one of himself.—The temple of the Dioscuri in the Roman Forum he cut in two and made through it an approach to the Palatine running right between the statues, to the end (these were at all events his words) that he might have the Dioscuri for gate-keepers. Assuming the name of Dialius [15] he attached Caesonia his wife, Claudius, and other persons who were very wealthy to his service as priests, receiving from each one two hundred and fifty myriads for this honor. He also consecrated himself to his own service and appointed his horse a fellow-priest. Dainty and expensive birds were daily sacrificed to him; he had a contrivance by which he defied the thunder with answering peals and could send return flashes when it lightened. Likewise whenever a bolt fell, he would in turn hurl a javelin at a rock, repeating each time the words of Homer: "Either lift me or I will thee." [16] [When thirty days after her marriage Caesonia brought forth a little daughter, he pretended that this, too, had come about through supernatural means and gave himself airs on the fact that in so few days after becoming a husband he was a father. He gave the child the name of Drusilla, and taking her up to the Capitol placed her on the knees of Jupiter, with the implication that she was his child, and put her in charge of Minerva to be suckled.] This god, then, this Jupiter,—[he was called by the latter name so much that it even found its way into documents,—at the same time that all this took place was collecting money in most shameful and most frightful ways.] One may, to be sure, [leave out of account the wares and the taverns, the brothels [17] and the courts, the artisans and the wage-earning slaves] and other such sources from [every single one of] which he gathered funds; but how can one escape mentioning the rooms set apart in the very palace and the wives of the foremost men as well as the children of the most aristocratic families that he shut up in these rooms and foully abused, sparing absolutely no one in his greed for such victims, meeting with no resistance from some [who wished to avoid showing any displeasure] but seizing others quite against their will? [Yet these proceedings did not displease the mob very much, but they rather delighted with him in his licentiousness and in the fact that] he also would throw himself on the heap of gold and silver collected from these persons and roll in it. [When, however, after enacting severe laws in regard to the taxes he inscribed them in exceedingly small letters on a tablet which he then hung up aloft so as to make sure that it should be read as little as possible and that many through ignorance of what was bidden or forbidden should make themselves liable to the penalties thereof, the people straightway ran together excitedly into the hippodrome and raised fierce shouts.]

Once the people had come together in the hippodrome and were objecting to his conduct, and he had them cut down by the soldiers. In this way he imposed silence upon them all.

[A.D. 41 (a. u. 794)]

[-29-] As he continued to show insanity in every way, a plot was formed against him by Cassius Chairea and Cornelius Sabinus, though they were holding tribuneships in his pretorian guard. A number were in the conspiracy and privy to what was being done, among whom were Callistus and the prefect.

Practically all of his courtiers were interested, both in their own behalf and for the common good. Any who did not take part in the conspiracy still refused to reveal it, though they knew of it and were glad to see a plot formed against him.

But the men who actually killed Gaius were those mentioned. It is worth noting, besides, that Chairea was an old-fashioned sort of man and had a private cause for anger. Gaius was in the habit of nicknaming him "sissy" (though he was the hardiest of men) and whenever it came the turn of Chairea to command would give him some such watchword as "yearning" or "Venus." Again, an oracle had a short time before warned Gaius to beware of Cassius. The former, supposing that it had reference to Gaius Cassius, governor of Asia at the time, because he was a descendant of that Cassius who had slain Caesar, had him brought as a prisoner. The person whose future conduct the divinity was really indicating to the emperor, however, was this Cassius Chairea. Likewise a certain Egyptian, Apollonius, foretold in his native land what happened to him. For this speech he was sent to Rome and was brought before the emperor the day on which the latter was destined to die; his punishment was postponed till a little later, and in this way his life was saved.

The deed was done as follows: Gaius was celebrating a festival in the palace and was attending to the production of a spectacle. In the course of this he was himself both eating and drinking and was feasting the rest of the company. Pomponius Secundus, consul at the time, was taking his fill of the food as he sat by the emperor's feet, and at the same time kept continually bending over to shower kisses upon them. Gaius himself decided that he wanted to dance and act as a tragedian. The followers of Chairea could endure it no longer. As he went out of the theatre to see the boys of most noble lineage whom he had imported from Greece and Ionia to sing the hymn composed in his honor, the conspirators wounded him, then intercepted him in a narrow passage and killed him. When he fell to the ground none of those present would keep his hands off him but they all savagely stabbed the lifeless corpse again and again. Some chewed pieces of his flesh. His wife and daughter were immediately slain.

So Gaius, who accomplished all these exploits in three years, nine months, and twenty-eight days, learned by actual experience that he was not a god.

Now he was openly spurned by those who had been accustomed to do him reverence even when absent. His blood was spilled by persons who were wont to speak and to write of him as "Jove" and "god." His statues and his images were dragged from their pedestals, for the people in particular retained a lively remembrance of the distress they had endured.

All the soldiers in the Germanic division raised an outcry and their remonstrance extended to the point of indulging in slaughter.

Those who stood by remembered the words once spoken by him to the populace: "How I wish you had but one neck!" and made it plain to him that it was he who had but one neck, whereas they had many hands. And when the pretorian guard, filled with consternation, began running about and demanding who had slain Gaius, Valerius Asiaticus, an ex-consul, took a remarkable mode of bringing them to their senses, in that he climbed up to a conspicuous place and cried out: "I only wish I had killed him!" This alarmed them so that they stopped their outcry.

All such persons as in any way acknowledged the authority of the senate obeyed their oaths and became once more quiet.—While the overthrow of Gaius was thus being accomplished, the consuls Sentius and Secundus forthwith transferred the funds from the treasure-chambers to the Capitol. They stationed most of the senators and plenty of soldiers as guards over it to prevent any plundering being done by the populace. So these men in company with the prefects and the circle of Sabinus and Chairea deliberated as to what should be done.

[Footnote 1: Emended by Boissevain from the "four" of the MS.]

[Footnote 2: Boissevain restores the MS. "ten" in place of the "twelve" of Robert Estienne.]

[Footnote 3: Compare Suetonius, Life of Gaius, chapter 15.]

[Footnote 4: This sentence is unintelligible and doubtless the MS. is corrupt. No editor has offered a wholly satisfactory emendation, though by comparing Book Sixty, chapter 4, the sense would seem to require: "no one, in taking the oath, mentions the name of Tiberius in the number of the emperors."]

[Footnote 5: Reading (with Boissevain) [Greek: exoruxas] for [Greek: dioruxas].]

[Footnote 6: This predicate is supplied on the suggestion of Boissevain. In the MS. an evident gap of a few words exists.]

[Footnote 7: Adopting the emendation of Buecheler, [Greek: ieraes eichosin].]

[Footnote 9: Boissevain remarks that this sentence may be interpreted to mean "All persons incurred equal censure whether they showed pleasure at [decrees passed in her honor], as being grieved [at her death], or behaved as if they were glad [that she had become a goddess]," but adds that the text is open to suspicion.]

[Footnote: 10 Reading [Greek: up] (a suggestion of Boissevain's) in place of [Greek: hep] Compare Book Sixty-one, chapter 16.]

[Footnote 11: Inserting with Bekker [Greek: alla chai asebeite.]]

[Footnote 12: This expression is obscure. Fabricius thought it contained a reference to the Palatine Games, and Boissevain queries whether we should read "at the spectacles belonging to the Palatium."]

[Footnote 13: This is a quotation of the speech made by Achilles to the heralds whom Agamemnon despatches to the hero's hut in pursuance of the threat previously uttered that he (Agamemnon) will take Briseis, favorite of Achilles, in lieu of Chryseis, surrendered to her father. (From Homer's Iliad, Book I, verse 335.)]

[Footnote 14: Sc. "in it"? (Boissevain)]

[Footnote 15: According to Boissevain, this is very probably a MS. error for Jupiter Latiaris.]

[Footnote 16: From Homer's Iliad, Book Twenty-three, verse 724.]

[Footnote 17: Reading (with Reiske) pornas for ornas]



DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY

60

Claudius is made emperor: his faults and excellencies (chapters 1-7).

He restores their kingdoms to Antiochus, to both the Mithridates, to Agrippa, to Herod, and enlarges the size of the same (chapter 8).

The Chatti, Chauci, Mauri are overcome (chapters 8, 9).

Certain regulations: the harbor of Ostia: Lake Fucinus to empty into the Tiber (chapters 10-13).

Assassinations instituted: crimes of Messalina and the freedmen (chapters 14-18).

Britain is partially subdued (chapters 19-23).

Certain regulations: outrages of Messalina: the causes of her demise (chapters 24-31).

Agrippina is wed: she at once enacts the role of a Messalina: at length she murders Claudius (chapters 32-35).

These events occurred during the remainder of the consulship of C. Caesar (4th) and Cn. Sentius Saturninus, together with 13 other years in which the following held the consulship.

Claudius Caesar Aug. (II), C. Caecina Largus. (A.D. 42 = a. u. 795 = Second of Claudius, from Jan. 24th.)

Claudius Caesar Aug. (III), L. Vitellius (II). (A.D. 43 = a. u. 796 = Third of Claudius.)

L. Quinctius Crispinus (II), M. Statilius Taurus. (A.D. 44 = a. u. 797 = Fourth of Claudius.)

M. Vinicius (II), T. Statilius Taurus Corvinus. (A.D. 45 = a. u. 798 = Fifth of Claudius.)

Valerius Asiaticus (II), M. Iunius Silanus. (A.D. 46 = a. u. 799 = Sixth of Claudius.)

Claudius Caesar Aug. (IV), L. Vitellius (III). (A.D. 47 = a. u. 800 = Seventh of Claudius.)

A. Vitellius, L. Vipsanius. (A.D. 48 = a. u. 801 = Eighth of Claudius.)

C. Pompeius Longinus Gallus, Q. Veranius. (A.D. 49 = a. u. 802 = Ninth of Claudius.)

C. Antistius Vetus, M. Suillius Nervilianus. (A.D. 50 = a. u. 803 = Tenth of Claudius.)

Claudius Caesar Aug. (V), Ser. Cornelius Orfitus. (A.D. 51 = a. u. 804 = Eleventh of Claudius.)

Cornelius Sulla Faustus, L. Salvius Otho Titianus. (A.D. 52 = a. u. 805 = Twelfth of Claudius.)

Dec. Iunius Silanus Torquatus, Q. Haterius Antoninus. (A.D. 53 = a. u. 806 = Thirteenth of Claudius.)

M. Asinius Marcellus, Manius Acilius Aviola. (A.D. 54 = a. u. 807 = Fourteenth of Claudius—to October 13th.)

(BOOK 60, BOISSEVAIN.)

[A.D. 41 (a. u. 794)]

[-1-] When Gaius perished in the manner described, the consuls despatched guards to every quarter of the city and gathered the senate on the Capitol, where many diverse opinions were uttered. Some favored a democracy, some a monarchy; some were for choosing this man, and others that. Therefore they spent the rest of the day and the whole night without accomplishing anything. Meanwhile some soldiers who had entered the palace for the purpose of making spoil of something or other found Claudius hidden away in a dark corner. He was attending Gaius when the latter came out of the theatre, and at this time through fear of the confusion had crouched down out of the way. At first, the men thinking that he was some one else and perhaps had something worth taking dragged him out. Afterwards, on recognizing him, they hailed him as emperor and conducted him to the camp. Then in company with their comrades they delivered to him the entire power of government, inasmuch as he was of the imperial race and was regarded as suitable. In spite of his shrinking and remonstrance the more he attempted to avoid the honor and to resist the more did the soldiers in turn insist upon not accepting an emperor from others but upon their own right to establish such a sovereign over the entire world. Hence, with a show of reluctance, he yielded. The consuls for a time sent tribunes and others forbidding him to assume any such authority and to submit to the jurisdiction of the people and the senate and the laws; but, when their attendant soldiers left them in the lurch, then finally they too yielded and voted him all the remaining privileges pertaining to sole rulership.

[-2-] So it was that Tiberius Claudius Nero Germanicus, the son of Drusus child of Livia, obtained the imperial power without having been previously tested at all in any position of authority, save only that he had been consul. He was fifty years of age. In mental development he was by no means inferior, having been through a sufficient education to do a little history writing, but physically he was frail, and his head and hands shook a little. Hence his voice was also faltering and he did not himself read all the measures that he introduced before the senate but would give them to the quaestor to read,—though at first, at least, he was regularly present. Whatever he did read in person he generally recited sitting down. He was the first of the Romans, too, to employ a covered chair,—which has led to the present custom which prescribes that not only the emperors be carried in chairs but we ex-consuls, as well. Before this time, Augustus, Tiberius, and some others used to be carried sometimes in litters such as women even at the present day affect. These infirmities, however, were not the cause of nearly so much trouble to him as were the freedmen and women with whom he associated; for more conspicuously than any of his peers he was ruled by slaves and by women. From a child he had been reared with careful nursing and in the midst of terror and had for that reason feigned simplicity to a greater extent than was really true this fact he himself admitted in the senate: and as he had lived for a long time with his grandmother Livia and for another long period with his mother Antonia and again with liberti, and moreover had had several amours with women, he had acquired no qualities becoming a freeman, but although ruler of all the Romans and their subjects he was himself nothing more nor less than a slave. They would take advantage of him particularly when he was inclined to drink and sexual intercourse, for in both these directions he was quite insatiable and on such occasions was exceedingly easy to master. Moreover, he was afflicted by cowardice, which frequently roused in him so great alarm that he could not calculate anything as he ought. They anticipated this failing of his, too, and it was no inconsiderable help toward getting the better of him. By frightening him half to death they would reap great benefits, and in other people they inspired so much fear that—to give an epitome of the situation—once when a number were on the same day invited to dinner by Claudius and again by his dependents, the guests neglected him on some indifferent pretext and presented themselves at the feast of his companions.

[-3-] Though, generally speaking, he was the sort of character described, still he performed not a few valuable services whenever he was free from the influences mentioned and was master of himself. I shall take up his acts in detail.

All honors voted to him he immediately accepted, except the title "Father," and this he afterward took: yet he did not at once enter the senate, but delayed as late as the thirtieth day. The fact that he had seen Gaius perish as he did and now learned that some other candidates, presumably superior to himself, had been proposed for emperor by the senatorial body made him a little timid. Therefore he exercised great caution at all points and caused all men and women who approached him to be searched, for fear they might have a dagger. At banquets he made sure there were some soldiers present,—a custom which, set by him, continues to this day. That of invariable search was brought to an end by Vespasian. He put to death Chairea and some others in spite of his pleasure at the death of Gaius. In other words he looked far ahead to ensure his own safety, and was not so much grateful to the man for having by his deed enabled him to get the empire as he was displeased at the idea of any one assassinating an emperor. He acted in this matter not as an avenger of Gaius but as one who had caught a person plotting against himself. As a sequel to this murder Sabinus also died by his own hand, not choosing to survive after his comrade had been executed.

As for all other citizens who had openly shown their eagerness for a democracy or had been regarded as eligible for the supreme power. Claudius so far from bearing malice toward them gave them honors and offices. In plainer terms than any ruler that ever lived he promised them immunity,—therein imitating the example of the Athenians,[1] as he said,—and it was no mere promise, but he afforded it in fact. He abolished complaints of maiestas alike for things written and things done and punished no one on any such charge for either earlier or later offences. He invented no complaint for the sake of persecuting those who had wronged or insulted him when he was a private citizen; and there were many who had done this, particularly as he was deemed of no importance, and to please either Tiberius or Gaius. If, however, he found them guilty of some other crime, he would take vengeance on them also for their former abuse. [-4-] The taxes introduced in the reign of Gaius and whatever other measures had led to denunciation of the latter's acts were done away with by Claudius, not all at once but as opportunity offered. He also brought back such persons as Gaius had unjustly exiled,—-among others the latter's sisters Agrippina and Julia,—and restored to them, their property. Of those imprisoned,—and a very great number were in this predicament,—he liberated such as were suffering for maiestas or any similar complaints, but real criminals he punished.

He investigated the cases very carefully, in order that those who had committed crimes should not be released on account of the victims of blackmail, nor yet the latter be ruined on account of the former. Nearly every day either in company with the entire senate or alone he would sit on a platform trying cases, generally in the Forum, but occasionally elsewhere. In fact, he renewed the custom of having men sit as his colleagues, which had been abandoned ever since Tiberius withdrew to the island. Very often he joined the consuls and the praetors and especially those having charge of the finances in their investigations, and some few matters he turned over entirely to the various courts. He destroyed the poisons (which were found in great variety among the effects of Gaius); and the books of Protogenes (who was put to death) together with the documents which Gaius pretended to have burned but which were actually found in the imperial archives he showed to the senators and gave them to the latter, to the very men who had written them, no less than to those against whom they had been written, to read: afterward he burned them up. Yet, when the senate manifested a desire to dishonor Gaius, he personally prevented such a measure from being voted, but on his own responsibility caused all of his predecessor's images to disappear by night. Hence the name of Gaius does not occur in the list of emperors whom we mention in oaths and prayers any more than that of Tiberius. Neither of them, however, suffered any official disgrace.

[-5-] Accordingly, the unjust institutions set up by Gaius and by others on his account Claudius overturned. To Drusus his father and Antonia his mother he offered horse-races on their birthdays, putting off to different days the festivals which would occur on the same dates, in order that there should not be two celebrations at once. His grandmother Livia was not only honored by equestrian contests, but was deified, and he set up a statue to her in the temple of Augustus, charging the vestal virgins with the duty of offering sacrifice in proper form. He also ordered that women should use her name in taking oaths.

Though he paid such reverence to his ancestors, he himself would accept nothing beyond the names pertaining to his office. On the first day of August, to be sure,—his birthday,—there were equestrian contests, but not on his account: it was because the temple of Mars had been dedicated on that day, which had consequently been distinguished thereafter by annual contests.

Beside moderation in this respect he further forbade any one's worshiping him or offering him any sacrifice; he checked the many excessive acclamations accorded him; and he accepted only one image,—of silver,—and two statues, of bronze and stone, that had been voted to him at the start. All such expenditures, he declared, were useless and furthermore inflicted great loss and great annoyance upon the city. All the temples and all the rest of the public works had been filled with statues and votive offerings, so that he said he should have to make it a matter of thought what to do with them. He forbade the praetors' giving gladiatorial games and ordained that any one else who superintended them in any place whatsoever should not allow to be written or reported the statement that such games were being held for the emperor's preservation. He became so used to settling all these matters by considering the merits of each case rather than according to the dictates of custom that he adopted the same attitude toward other departments of life. For instance, when this year he betrothed one of his daughters to Lucius Junius Silanus and gave the other in marriage to Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus, he did nothing out of the common to commemorate the occasion, but attended the courts in person on those days and convened the senate as usual. He ordered his sons-in-law temporarily to hold office among the viginti viri, and later to act as prefects of the city at the Feriae. After a long interval he gave them the right to stand for the other offices five years sooner than was customary.

Gaius had despoiled this Pompeius of his title Magnus and came very near killing him because he was so named. Yet out of contempt for him, since he was still but a boy, he did not go to such extremes, and merely abolished the offending epithet, saying that it was not safe for any one to be called Magnus. Claudius now restored to him this title and gave him his daughter to wife.

[-6-] These were certainly commendable actions. In addition, when at one time in the senate the consuls came down from their seats to talk with him, he rose in turn and went to meet them. In Naples he lived entirely like a private citizen. He and his associates while there adopted the Greek manner of life invariably; at the musical entertainments he would wear cloak and military boots, and at the gymnastic exercises a purple robe and golden crown. His action, moreover, in regard to money was remarkable, for he forbade any one to bring him contributions, as had been customary in the reigns of Augustus and of Gaius, and he refused to allow any person to name him as heir if such person possessed any relatives whatever. Indeed, the funds that had been confiscated by government order during the period of Tiberius and Gaius he gave back either to the victims themselves, if they still survived, or otherwise to their children.

It had been the custom[2] that if any slightest detail were carried out contrary to precedent on the occasion of the games these should be given over again, as I have stated. But since such occasions were frequent, occurring a third, fourth, fifth, and sometimes tenth time, and this partly by accident but generally by intention on the part of those benefited by these happenings, he enacted a law that on only one day should the equestrian contests take place a second time; in fact, however, he usually abrogated this privilege also. The schemers henceforth easily avoided falling into irregularities, as they gained very little by so doing.

In the matter of the Jews, who had again increased so greatly that by reason of their multitude it would have been hard without raising a tumult to bar them from the City, he decided not to drive them out, but ordered them to follow that mode of life prescribed by their ancestral custom and not to assemble in numbers.—The clubs instituted by Gaius he disbanded.—Also, seeing that there was no use in forbidding the populace to do certain things unless their daily life should be reorganized, he abolished the taverns where they were wont to gather and drink and commanded that no dressed meat nor warm water[3] should be sold. Some who disobeyed this ordinance were punished.

He restored to the various cities the statues which Gaius was in the habit of requiring them to send, restored also to the Dioscuri their temple and to Pompey the right of naming the theatre. On the stage-building of the latter he inscribed also the name of Tiberius, because that emperor had rebuilt the structure when it was burned. His own name he had chiseled there likewise (not because he had reared it but because he had dedicated it), but on no other part of the edifice. Likewise he did not wear the triumphal garb the entire time of the games, though permission was voted to him, but appeared in it merely to offer sacrifice; the rest of the festival he superintended in the purple-bordered garment.

[-7-] He introduced in the orchestra among others knights and women who were his peers, who had been accustomed in the reign of Gaius so to appear regularly. The reason was not that he liked their performance, but that he wanted a proof of their past behavior. Certainly none of them was again marshaled on the stage during the era of Claudius. The Pyrrhic dance, which the boys sent for by Gaius were practicing, they were allowed to perform once, were honored with citizenship for it, and were then dismissed. Others, in turn, chosen from among the retinue, then gave exhibitions.—This was what took place in theatrical circles.

In the hippodrome twelve camels and horses had one contest, and three hundred bears together with an equal number of Libyan beasts were slaughtered. Previous to this time the different classes in attendance had watched the spectacle each from its own special location,—senators, knights, and populace; thus it had come to be a regular practice, yet no definite positions had been assigned to them. [-8-] It was at this time that Claudius marked off the space which still belongs to the senate, and furthermore he allowed those senators who chose to view the sights somewhere else and even in citizen's dress. After this he banqueted the senators and their wives, the knights, and likewise the tribes.

Next he restored Commagene to Antiochus, for Gaius, though he had himself given him the district, had taken it away again; and Mithridates the Iberian, whom Gaius had summoned only to imprison, he sent home again to resume his sovereignty. To another Mithridates, a lineal descendant of Mithridates the Great, he granted Bosporus, giving to Polemon some land in Cilicia in place of it. He enlarged the domain of Agrippa of Palestine (who, happening to be in Rome, had helped him become emperor), and bestowed on him consular honors. To the latter's brother Herod he gave pretorial dignities and some authority. They were allowed to enter the senate and to express their thanks to him in Greek.—Now these were the acts of Claudius himself, and they were lauded by all.

But certain other deeds were done at this time of an entirely different nature by his freedmen and by his wife, Valeria Messalina. She became enraged at her niece Julia because the latter neither paid her honor nor flattered her; and she was also jealous because the girl was extremely beautiful and had been the only one to enjoy the favor of Claudius several times. Accordingly, she had her banished by bringing against her among other complaints that of adultery (for which Annius Seneca was also exiled) and after a while she succeeded in procuring Julia's death. As for the freedmen, it was they who persuaded Claudius to accept triumphal honors for his deeds in Mauretania, though he had not been successful and had not yet attained imperial power when the end of the war came. This same year, however, Sulpicius Galba overcame the Chatti, and Publius Gabinius conquered the Cauchi[4] beside winning fame in other ways; for instance, he recovered a military eagle, the only one left among the enemy from the catastrophe of Varus. Through the exploits of both of these men Claudius received a title of imperator that had some foundation in fact.

[A.D. 42 (a. u. 795)]

[-9-] The next year the same Moors were again subdued in fighting with him. Suetonius Paulinus, one of the ex-praetors, overran their country as far as the Atlantic. Gnaeus Hosidius Geta, one of the peers, making a subsequent campaign, advanced at once against their general Salabus and conquered him two separate times. And when the latter after leaving a few soldiers near the frontier to hold back any who might pursue took refuge in the sandy part of the country, Geta ventured to follow him. First stationing a part of his army opposite the hostile detachment that was awaiting him he provided himself with as much water as was feasible, and pushed forward. When this supply gave out and no more could be found, he was caught in an exceedingly unpleasant position. The barbarians, especially since through habit they can endure thirst an exceedingly long time, and through knowledge of the country can always get some water, had no trouble in maintaining themselves. The Romans, for the opposite reasons, found it impossible to advance and difficult to withdraw. While Geta was in a dilemma as to what he should do, one of the natives who was at peace with the invaders persuaded him to make use of incantations and enchantments, telling him that as a result of such procedure abundant water had frequently been granted them. No sooner had he taken this advice than so much rain burst from heaven as to allay the soldiers' thirst entirely, beside scaring the enemy, who thought the gods were assisting the Roman. Consequently they came to terms voluntarily and ended their warfare.—After these events Claudius divided the Moors who were in subjection into two districts, namely, the country about Tengis and that about Caesarea, these cities giving their names to the whole region; and he appointed two knights as governors. At this same period certain parts of Numidia also were involved in warfare by neighboring barbarians, and when the latter had been conquered returned to a state of repose.

[-10-] The office of consul Claudius held in conjunction with Gaius Largus. He allowed the latter to continue consul for a whole year, but as for himself he remained a magistrate only two months at this time. He had the rest swear to the deeds of Augustus, and was himself sworn, but in regard to his own deeds he allowed no such procedure on the part of any one. On leaving the office he took the oath again, like other people. This was always his practice, every time he was consul.

About this period certain speeches of Augustus and Tiberius were being read according to decree on the first of the month, and when they had kept the senators busy till evening he ended the reading, declaring that it was sufficient for them to be engraved on tablets.

Some praetors who were entrusted with the administration of the funds having incurred charges, he did not take legal measures against them, but made the rounds of those who sold goods and let buildings, and corrected whatever he deemed to be abuses. This he did also on numerous other occasions.—There were likewise peculiarities in the appointment of the praetors, for their number was now fourteen or eighteen or somewhere between, just as it happened.—Beside this action with reference to the finances he established a board of three ex-praetors to collect debts owing the government, granting them lictors and the usual force of assistants.

[-11-] On the occasion of a severe famine he considered the problem of abundant provisions not only for that particular crisis, but for all succeeding time. Practically all food used by the Romans was imported, and yet the region near the mouth of the Tiber had no safe landing-places nor suitable harbors, so that their mastery of the sea was rendered useless. Save for such staples as were brought in during their season and stored in warehouses nothing from abroad could be had in the winter season; and if any one risked a voyage, he was almost sure to meet with disaster. Being cognizant of these facts Claudius undertook to build a harbor and would not be turned aside, though the architects on his enquiring how great the expense would be replied: "You don't want to do this." So sure were they that the great disbursements necessary would cause him to rein in his ambition if he should learn beforehand the exact amount. He, however, desired a work worthy of the dignity and greatness of Rome, and he brought it to a successful conclusion. In the first place he excavated a very considerable piece of land, constructed quays on all sides of it, and let the sea into it. Next in the sea itself he heaped huge mounds on both sides of the entrance to this place,—mounds that enclosed a large body of water. Between these breakwaters he reared an island and planted on it a tower with a beacon light.—This harbor, then, still so called in local parlance, was created by him at this period. He had another project to make an outlet into the Liris from Lake Fucina, in the Marsian country, to the end that the land around it might be tilled and the river be rendered more navigable. But the expenditure was all to no purpose.

He made a number of laws, most of which I have no need to mention; but here are some of the regulations that he introduced. He had the governors who were chosen by lot set out before the first day of April; for it was their habit to delay a long time in the City. And he would not permit those chosen by election to express any thanks to him in the senate,—this had been a kind of custom with them,—but he said: "These persons ought not to thank me, as if they were so eager for office, but I them, because they cheerfully help me bear the burden of government: and if they acquit themselves well in office, I shall praise them still more." Such men as by reason of insufficient means were not able to be senators he allowed to ask permission to retire, and he admitted some of the knights to tribuneships: the rest of them, without exception, he forced to attend the senate as often as notice was sent them. He was so severe upon those who were remiss in this matter that some killed themselves.

[-12-] In other respects he was sociable and considerate in his dealings with them. He would visit them when sick and be a partner in their merrymakings. A certain tribune beat a slave of his in public, but Claudius did the offender himself no harm, only depriving him of his assistants, and these he restored not long afterward. Another of his slaves was sent to the Forum and severely scourged, because he had insulted a prominent man. In the senate the emperor would himself regularly rise in case the rest had been standing for a long time. On account of his ill health, as I related, he frequently remained seated and read his advice, if asked for it. He allowed Lucius Sulla to sit on the praetors' bench because this man, being unable by reason of age to hear anything from his own seat, had stood up. The day on which a year previous he had been declared emperor he did nothing unusual, except to give the Pretorians twenty-five denarii, and this he continued to do every year thereafter. Some of the praetors, however, of their own free will and not by any decree publicly celebrated that day and also the birthday of Messalina. Not all of them did this, but as many as chose. This shows what freedom they had. You may see how really moderate Claudius was in all such matters from the fact that when a son was born to him,—called at that time Claudius Tiberius Germanicus but later also Britannicus,—he did not make the occasion in any way conspicuous and would not allow him to be named Augustus nor Messalina Augusta.

[-13-]He was constantly arranging gladiatorial games, taking a degree of pleasure in them that aroused criticism. Very few beasts were destroyed, but a great many human beings, some of whom fought with one another whereas others were devoured by animals. The emperor hated vehemently the freed slaves who in the reigns of Tiberius and Gaius had conspired against their masters, as well as those who extorted blackmail from people or had borne false witness against any persons. The majority of these he got rid of in the manner mentioned, though some of them he punished by other methods. A great many he delivered up to the vengeance of their masters. So great did the number become of those who died a public death that the statue of Augustus, erected on the scene, was turned to face in another direction, both to prevent its being thought that he was viewing the slaughter and to avoid having the statue always covered up. For this act Claudius was well laughed at when people reflected how he sated himself with the sights that he did not think proper for even the inanimate bronze to behold. It might be noted particularly that he used to delight greatly even at lunch time in watching those who were incidentally cut down in the middle of the spectacle. Yet a lion that had been trained to eat men and on this account greatly pleased the crowd he ordered killed on the principle that it was not fitting for Romans to gaze on such a sight. He received abundant praise, however, for appearing in the people's midst at the spectacle, for giving them all they wanted, and for his employing a herald so very little and announcing most events by notices written on boards.

[-14-] After he had become accustomed, then, to feast his fill on blood and slaughter, he had recourse more readily to other kinds of killings. The Caesarians and Messalina were really responsible for this. Whenever they desired to obtain any one's death, they would terrify him, with the result that they would be allowed to do everything they chose. Often, when in a moment of sudden alarm his momentary terror had led him to order some one's death, afterward, when he recovered and came to his senses, he would search for the man and on learning what had happened would be grieved and repent. He began this series of slaughters with Gaius Appius Silanus. This man, who was of very noble family and at the time was governor of Spain, he had sent for, pretending that he wanted to see him about something, had married him to Messalina's mother, and had for some time held him in honor among his dearest and closest friends. Then he suddenly killed him. The reason was that Silanus had offended Messalina, the most abandoned and lustful of women, in refusing to lie with her, and by the slight shown the empress had alienated Narcissus, the emperor's freedman. As they had no true charge to bring against him, nor even one that would be believed, Narcissus invented a dream in which he declared he had seen Claudius murdered by the hand of Silanus. So just before dawn, while the emperor was still in bed, he came all of a tremble to tell him the dream, and Messalina by expatiating on it made it worse. Thus Silanus perished just because of a vision.

[-15-] After the latter's death the Romans at once lost confidence in Claudius, and Annius Vinicianus with some others formed a plot against him. The chief conspirator had been one of those proposed at the death of Gaius for the imperial office, and it was partly fear inspired by this fact that caused him to rebel. As he possessed no considerable force, however, he sent to Furius Camillus Scribonianus, governor of Dalmatia, who had a large body of native and foreign troops. Camillus, who was inclined to the project of his own accord, was induced to revolt at the same time, particularly because he had been spoken of for emperor. When so much had been accomplished, many senators and knights joined the ranks of Annius. They did him no good, however,[5] for the soldiers, because Camillus proffered them the name of populus and promised that he would restore to them their ancient freedom, suspected that they should have troubles and changes of government again and would therefore no longer obey him. Then in terror he fled from them, and coming to the island Issa he there met a voluntary death. Claudius for a time was quite cowed with fear and was ready at a demand from Camillus to withdraw from his sovereignty voluntarily. Later he recovered courage and rewarded his soldiers among other methods by having the citizen legions (the seventh and the eleventh) named the Claudian, and the Faithful, and the Pious, by the senate itself. Then he made reprisals upon those who had plotted against him and on this charge put many to death, among them a praetor, who first had to resign his office. Numbers, of whom Vinicianus was one, committed suicide, for Messalina and Narcissus and all the latter's fellow freedmen seized this opportunity to wreak their direst vengeance. They employed slaves and liberti, for instance, and informers against their own masters. These masters and others of undoubted nobility, foreigners and citizens alike, not only plebeians, but some of the knights and senators, were put to the torture in spite of the fact that Claudius at the very beginning of his reign had sworn not to torture any free citizen.

[-16-] Many men therefore at this time and many women incurred punishment. Some of the latter met their fate right in the prison, and when they were to die were actually led in chains upon a scaffold, like captives, and their bodies like those of others were thrown down the Scalae Gemoniae. Of those who were executed outside the prison only the heads were exhibited in that place. Some of the most guilty, nevertheless, either through favoritism or by the use of money saved their necks with the help of Messalina and of the Caesarians following Narcissus. All the children of those who perished were granted immunity and some received money. Trials were held in the senate-house in the presence of Claudius, his prefects, and his freedmen. With a consul on each side he made his report to the senators while seated upon a chair of state or on a bench. Next he himself went to his accustomed seat and chairs were set for his escort. This same program was followed also at the other most important functions.

It was at this time that a certain Galaesus, a freedman of Camillus, was brought into the senate and talked with the utmost frankness on a variety of subjects. The following remark of his is worth instancing. Narcissus had taken the floor and said to him: "What would you have done, Galaesus, if Camillus had become monarch?" He replied: "I should have stood behind him and said nothing." So he became famous for this speech, and Arria for something quite different. The latter, who was wife of Caecina Paetus, refused to live after he had been put to death, although, being on very intimate terms with Messalina, she might have occupied a position of some honor. Moreover, when her husband showed cowardice, she strengthened his resolution. She took the sword and gave herself a wound, then handed it to him, saying: "See, Paetus, I feel no pain."—These two persons, then, were accorded praise, for by reason of the long succession of woes matters had now come to such a pass that excellence no longer meant anything else than dying nobly.

The attitude of Claudius in bringing destruction upon them and others is indicated by his forever giving to the soldiers as a watchword this verse about its being necessary "In one's first anger to ward off the foe." [6] He kept throwing out many other hints of that sort in Greek both to them and to the senate, with the result that those who could understand any of them laughed at him. These were some of the happenings of that period.—And the tribunes at the death of one of their number themselves convened the senate for the purpose of appointing a tribune to succeed him,—this in spite of the fact that the consuls were accessible.

[A.D. 43 (a. u. 796)]

[-17-] When Claudius now became consul again,—it was the third time,—he put an end to many sacrifices and many feast days. For, as the greater part of the year was given up to them, no small damage was done to public business. Beside curtailing the number of these he retrenched in all the other ways that he could. What had been given away by Gaius without any justice or reason he demanded back from the recipients; but he gave back to the road commissioners all that his predecessor had exacted in fines on account of Corbulo. Moreover, he gave notice to magistrates chosen by lot, since they were even now slow about leaving the City, that they must commence their journey before the middle of April came. He reduced to servitude the Lycians, who rising in revolt had slain some Romans, and merged them in the prefecture of Pamphylia. During the investigation, which was conducted in the senate-house, he put a question in the Latin tongue to one of the envoys who had originally been a Lycian but had been made a Roman. As the man did not understand what was said, he took away his citizenship, saying that it was not proper for a person to be a Roman who had no knowledge of Roman speech. A great many other persons unworthy of citizenship were excluded from its privileges, whereas he granted it to some quite without restrictions, either individuals or large bodies of men. And inasmuch as practically everywhere Romans were esteemed above foreigners, many sought the franchise by personal application to the emperor and many bought it from Messalina and the Caesarians. For this reason, though the right was at first bartered only for great sums, it later was so cheapened by the facility with which it could be obtained that it came to be said that if a person only gave a man some broken glassware he might become a citizen.

This behavior, then, subjected the emperor to no end of jests, but he received praise for such actions as the following. Many persons were all the time becoming objects of blackmail, some because they did not use Claudius's proper title and others because they were going to leave him nothing when they died,—the blackmailers asserting that it was necessary for those who obtained citizenship from him to do both of these things. The emperor now stepped in and forbade that any one should be called to account for such negligence.—Now Messalina and his freedmen kept offering for sale and peddling out not merely the franchise, and military posts, and positions as procurator, and governmental offices, but everything in general to such an extent that all necessaries grew scarce[7]; and Claudius was forced to muster the populace on the Campus Martius and there from a platform to ordain what the prices of wares should be.

Claudius himself wearing a chlamys gave a contest of armed men at the camp. His son's birthday was observed voluntarily by the praetors with a kind of spectacle that they produced and with dinners. This was once afterward repeated, too,—at least by all of them that chose.

[-18-] Meanwhile Messalina was exhibiting her own licentious tendencies and was forcing the other women of her circle to show themselves equally unchaste. Many of them she caused to commit adultery in the very palace, while their husbands were present and observed what took place. Such men she loved and cherished, and crowned with honors and offices: but others, who would not submit to this humiliation, she hated and brought to destruction in every possible way. These deeds, however, though of such a character and carried on so openly, for a long while never came to the notice of Claudius. Messalina gave him some attractive housemaids for bedfellows and intercepted those who were able to afford him any information,—some by kindness and some by punishments. Thus, at this period, she succeeded in putting out of the way Catonius Justus, captain of the pretorian guard, before he could carry out his intention of telling the emperor something about these doings. And becoming jealous of Julia, daughter of Drusus son of Tiberius, and later wife of Nero Germanicus, just as she had been of the other Julia, she compassed her death.—It was about then, also, that one of the knights on the charge of having conspired against Claudius was hurled down, the Capitoline by the tribunes and the consuls.

[-19-] At the same time that these events were happening in the City Aulus Plautius, a senator of great renown, made a campaign against Britain. The cause was that a certain Bericus, who had been ejected from the island during a revolution, had persuaded Claudius to send a body of troops there. This Plautius after he was made general had difficulty in leading his army beyond Gaul. The soldiers objected, on the ground that their operations were to take place outside the limits of the known world, and would not yield him obedience until the arrival of Narcissus, sent by Claudius, who mounted the tribunal of Plautius and tried to address them. This made them more irritated than ever and they would not allow the newcomer to say a word, but all suddenly shouted together the well-known phrase: "Ho! Ho! the Saturnalia!" (For at the festival of Saturn slaves celebrate the occasion by donning their masters' dress.) After this they at once followed Plautius voluntarily, but their delay had brought the expedition late in the season. Three divisions were made, in order that they might not be hindered in advancing (as might happen to a single force), and some of them in their voyage across became discouraged because they were buffeted into a backward course, whereas others acquired confidence from the fact that a flash of light starting from the east shot across to the west, the direction in which they were sailing. So they came to anchor on the shore of the island and found no one to oppose them. The Britons as a result of their inquiries had not expected that they would come and had therefore not assembled beforehand. Nor even at this time would they come into closer conflict with the invaders, but took refuge in the swamps and in the forests, hoping to exhaust their opponents in some other way, so that the latter as in the days of Julius Caesar would sail back empty-handed. [-20-] Plautius accordingly had considerable trouble in searching for them.—They were not free and independent but were parceled out among various kings.—When at last he did find them, he conquered first Caratacus and next Togodumnus, children of Cynobelinus, who was dead. After the flight of those kings he attached by treaty a portion of the Bodunni, ruled by a nation of the Catuellani. Leaving a garrison there he advanced farther. On reaching a certain river, which the barbarians thought the Romans would not be able to cross without a bridge,—a conviction which led them to encamp in rather careless fashion on the opposite bank,—he sent ahead Celtae who were accustomed to swim easily in full armor across the most turbulent streams. These fell unexpectedly upon the enemy, but instead of shooting at any of the men confined themselves to wounding the horses that drew their chariots and consequently in the confusion not even the mounted warriors could save themselves. Plautius sent across also Fiavius Vespasian, who afterward obtained the imperial office, and his brother Sabinus, a lieutenant of his. So they likewise got over the river in some way and killed numbers of the foe, who were not aware of their approach. The survivors, however, did not take to flight, and on the next day joined issue with them again. The two forces were rather evenly matched until Gnaeus Hosidius Geta, at the risk of being captured, managed to conquer the barbarians in such a way that he received triumphal honors without having ever been consul.

Thence the Britons retired to the river Thames at a point near where it empties into the ocean and the latter's flood-tide forms a lake. This they crossed easily because they knew where the firm ground in this locality and the easy passages were; but the Romans in following them up came to grief at this spot. However, when the Celtae swam across again and some others had traversed a bridge a little way up stream, they assailed the barbarians from many sides at once and cut down large numbers of them. In pursuing the remainder incautiously they got into swamps from which it was not easy to make one's way out, and in this way lost many men.

[-21-] Shortly after Togodumnus perished, but the Britons so far from yielding stood together all the more closely to avenge his death. Because of this fact and his previous mishap Plautius became alarmed, and instead of advancing farther proceeded to guard what he had already gained and sent for Claudius. He had been notified to do this in case he met with any particularly stubborn resistance, and a large reinforcement for the army, consisting partly of elephants, had been assembled in advance.

When the message reached him, Claudius entrusted domestic affairs (including the management of the soldiers) to his colleague Vitellius, whom he had caused to become consul like himself for the entire six months' period, and started himself on the expedition. He sailed down the river to Ostia, and from there followed the coast to Massilia. Thence advancing partly by land and partly along the water courses he came to the ocean and crossed over to Britain, where he joined the legions that were waiting for him near the Thames. Taking charge of these he crossed the stream, and encountering the barbarians, who had gathered at his approach, he defeated them in a pitched battle and captured Camulodunum, the capital of Cynobelinus. Next he extended his authority over numerous tribes, in some cases by treaty, in others by force, and was frequently, contrary to precedent, saluted as imperator. The usual practice is that no single person may receive this title more than once from one and the same war. He deprived those he conquered of their arms and assigned them to the attention of Plautius, bidding him to subjugate the regions that were left. Claudius himself now hastened back to Rome, sending ahead the news of the victory by his sons-in-law, Magnus and Silanus.

[-22-] The senate on learning of his achievement gave him the title of Britannicus and allowed him to celebrate a triumph.

[A.D. 44 (a. u. 796)]

They voted also that there should be an animal festival commemorating the event and that an arch bearing a trophy should be erected in the City and a second in Gaul, because it was from that district that he had set sail in crossing over to Britain. They bestowed on his son the same honorific title as upon him, so that Claudius was known in a way as Britannicus Proper. Messalina was granted the same privilege of front seats as Livia had enjoyed and also the use of the carpentum. These were the honors bestowed upon the imperial family.

The memory of Gaius disgusted the senators so much that they resolved that all the bronze coinage which had his image stamped upon it should be melted down. Though this was done, yet the bronze was converted to no better use, for Messalina made statues of Mnester the dancer out of it. Inasmuch as the latter had once been on intimate terms with Gaius, she made this offering as a mark of gratitude for his consenting to a liaison with her. She had been madly enamored of him, and when she found herself unable in any way either by promises or by frightening him to persuade him to have intercourse with her, she had a talk with her husband and asked him that the man might be forced to obey her, pretending that she wanted his help for some different purpose. Claudius accordingly told him to do whatsoever he should be ordered by Messalina. On these terms he agreed to enjoy her, alleging that he had been commanded to do so by her husband. Messalina adopted this same method with numerous other men, and committed adultery feigning that Claudius knew what was taking place and countenanced her unchastity.

[-23-] Portions of Britain, then, were captured at this time in the manner described. After this, during the second consulship of Gaius Crispus and the first of Titus Statilius, Claudius came to Rome at the end of a six months' absence from the city (of which time he had spent only sixteen days in Britain) and celebrated his triumph. In this he followed the well-established precedents, even to the extent of ascending the steps of the Capitol on his knees, with his sons-in-law supporting him on each side. He granted to the senators taking part with him in the procession triumphal honors, and this not merely to the ex-consuls ... for he was accustomed to do that most lavishly on other occasions and with the slightest excuse. Upon Rufrius Pollio the prefect he bestowed an image and a seat in the senatorial body as often as he would enter that assembly with him. And to avoid having it thought that he was making any innovation, he declared that Augustus had done this in the case of a certain Valerius, a Ligurian. He also increased the dignity of Laco (formerly praefectus vigilum but now procurator of the Gauls) by this same mark of esteem and in addition by the honors belonging to ex-consuls.

Having finished this business he held the festival following the triumph and assumed for the occasion some of the consular authority. It took place in both the theatres at once. In the course of the spectacle he would frequently absent himself while others superintended it in his place. He had announced as many horse-races as could find place in a day, but they amounted to not more than ten altogether. For between the separate courses bears were slaughtered and athletes struggled. Boys sent for from Asia also executed the Pyrrhic dance. The performers in the theatre gave, with the consent of the senate, another festival likewise intended to commemorate the victory. All this was done on account of the successes in Britain, and to the end that other nations might more readily capitulate it was voted that all the agreements which Claudius or the lieutenants representing him should make with any peoples should be binding, the same as if sanctioned by the senate and the people.

[-24-] Achaea and Macedonia, which ever since Tiberius became emperor had belonged to elected governors, Claudius now returned to the choice by lot. And abolishing the office of "praetor charged with the administration of funds" he put the business in the hands of quaestors as it had been of old; and these were not annual magistrates, as was the case with them previously and with the praetors subsequently, but the same two men attended to their duties for three entire years. Some of these secured a praetorship immediately afterward and others drew a salary the amount of which depended on the impression of efficiency they had created while in office.

The quaestors, then, were given charge of the treasury in place of governorships in Italy outside of the City; for he did away with all of the latter. To compensate the praetors he entrusted to their care several kinds of judicial cases which the consuls were previously accustomed to try. Those serving as soldiers, since by law they could not have wives, were granted the privileges of married men. Marcus Julius Cottius received an increase in his ancestral domain (which included the Alps named after him) and was now for the first time called king. The Rhodians were deprived of their liberty because they had impaled certain Romans. And Umbonius Silio, governor of Baetica, was summoned and ejected from the senate because he had sent so little grain to the soldiers then serving in Mauretania. At least, this was the accusation brought against him. In reality it was not so at all, but his treatment was due to his having offended some of the freedmen. So he brought together all his furniture, considerable in amount and very beautiful, in the auction room as if he were going to call for bids on all of it: but he sold only his senatorial dress. By this he showed that he had received no deadly blow and could enjoy life as a private citizen.—Beside these events of the time the weekly market was transferred to a different day because of some religious rites. That happened, too, on many other occasions.

[A.D. 45 (a. u. 798)]

[-25-] following year Marcus Vinicius for the second and Statilius Corvinus for the first time entered upon the office of consul. Claudius himself took all the customary oaths in detail, but prevented the rest from taking oath separately. Accordingly, as in earlier times, one man who was a praetor and second who was a tribune and one each of the other officials repeated the oaths for those of the same grade. This custom was followed for several years.

Now since the City was becoming filled with numbers of images,—for those who wished might without restrictions appear in public in a painting or in bronze or stone,—he had most of those already existing set somewhere else and for the future forbade that any private citizen be allowed to follow the practice, unless the senate should grant permission or except he had built or repaired some public work. Such persons and their relatives might have their likenesses set up in the places in question.

Having banished the governor of a certain province for venality the emperor confiscated to public uses all the extra funds that the man had gathered in office. Again, to prevent these persons eluding those who wished to bring them to trial, he would give to nobody one office immediately after another. This had been the custom in earlier days also, to the end that any one without difficulty might institute a suit against them in the intervening period; indeed, those whose terms had expired and who were granted leave of absence from the City might not even take these absences in succession, since it was intended that, if officials should be guilty of any irregularity, they should not gain the further benefit of escaping investigation by either continuous office or continuous absence. The custom had, however, fallen out of use. So carefully did Claudius guard against both possibilities that he would not without out some delay allow even an official who was his colleague to be chosen by lot for the governorship of a province that would naturally belong to him. Still, he allowed some of them to govern for two years and sometimes he would send elected magistrates. Persons who preferred a request to leave Italy for a time were given permission by Claudius himself without action of the senate; yet, in order to appear to be doing it under some form of law, he ordered that a decree to the effect be issued. Votes of this sort were also passed the following year. At the time under consideration he arranged the votive festival which he had promised in commemoration of his campaign. To the populace supported by public dole he gave seventy-five denarii in every case and in some cases more, so that for a few it amounted to three hundred twelve and a half. He did not, however, distribute all of it in person, but his sons-in-law also took part, because the distribution lasted several days and he was anxious to use them in holding court.

In the case of the Saturnalia he put back the fifth day which had been appointed by Gaius but was later abolished. [-26-] and inasmuch as the sun was to undergo an eclipse on his birthday, he feared that some disturbance might result,—for already certain other portents had occurred,—and therefore he gave notice beforehand not only that there would be an eclipse and when and for how long, but also the reasons for which this would necessarily take place. They are as follows:

The moon, which revolves lower down than the sun (or so it is believed), either directly below him or perhaps with Mercury and likewise Venus intervening, has a longitudinal movement just like him, and a higher and lower movement just like him, but furthermore a latitudinal movement such as nowhere belongs to the sun under any circumstances. When, therefore, she gets in a direct line with him over our heads and passes under his blaze, then she obscures his beams that extend toward the earth, for some to a greater, for some to a less degree, but does not conceal his presence for even the briefest moment. For since the sun has a light of his own he can never surrender it, and consequently, when the moon is not directly in people's way so as to throw a shadow over him, he always appears entire.

This, then, is what happens to the sun and it was made public by Claudius at the time mentioned. With regard to the moon, however,—for it is not irrelevant to speak of lunar phenomena also, since once I have broached this subject,—as often as she gets directly opposite the sun (and she only takes such a position with reference to him at full moon, whereas he takes it with reference to her at the season of new moon), a conical shadow falls upon the earth. This occurs whenever in her motion to and from us her revolution takes her between the sun and the earth; then she is deprived of the sun's light and appears by herself just as she really is. Such are the conditions of the case.

[A.D. 46 (a. u. 799)]

[-27-] At the close of that year Valerius Asiaticus for the second time and also Marcus Silanus became consuls. The latter held office for the period for which he was elected. Asiaticus, however, though elected to serve for the whole year (as was done in other cases), failed to do so and resigned voluntarily. Some others had done this, though mostly by reason of poverty. The expenses connected with the horse-races had greatly increased, for generally there was a series of twenty-four contests. But Asiaticus withdrew simply by reason of his wealth, which also proved his destruction. Inasmuch as he was extremely well-to-do and by being consul a second time had aroused the dislike and jealousy of many, he desired in a way to overthrow himself, feeling that by so doing he would be less likely to encounter danger. Still he was deceived.—Vinicius, on the other hand, suffered no harm from Claudius, for though he was an illustrious man he managed by keeping quiet and minding his own business to preserve his life; but he perished by poison administered by Messalina. She suspected that he had killed his wife Julia and was angry because he refused to have intercourse with her. He was duly accorded a public funeral and eulogies,—an honor which had been granted to many.

Asinius Gallus, half-brother of Drusus by the same mother, conspired against Claudius but instead of being put to death was banished. The reason perhaps was that he made ready no army and collected no funds in advance but was emboldened merely by his extreme folly, which led him to think that the Romans would submit to having him rule them on account of his family. But the chief cause was that he was a very small and unshapely person and was therefore held in contempt, incurring ridicule rather than danger.

[-28-]The people were truly loud in praise of Claudius for his moderation, and also, by Jupiter, at the fact that he showed displeasure when a certain man sought the aid of the tribunes against the person who had freed him, asking and securing thus a helper in his cause. Both the man in question and those associated with him in the proceedings were punished; and the emperor further forbade rendering assistance to persons in this way against their former masters, on pain of being deprived of the right to bring suit against others. Per contra, people were vexed at seeing him so much the slave of his wife and freedmen. This feeling was especially marked on an occasion when Claudius himself and all the rest were anxious to kill Sabinus (former governor of the Celtae in the reign of Gains) in a gladiatorial fight, but the latter approached Messalina and she saved him. They were also irritated at her having withdrawn Mnester from the theatre and keeping him with her. But whenever any talk about his not dancing sprang up among the people, Claudius would appear surprised and make various apologies, taking oath that he was not at his house. The populace, believing him to be really ignorant of what was going on, was grieved to think that he alone was not cognizant of what was being done in the imperial apartments,—behavior so conspicuous that news of it had already traveled to the enemy. They were unwilling, however, to reveal to him the state of affairs, partly through awe of Messalina and partly to spare Mnester. For he pleased the people as much by his skill as he did the empress by his beauty. With his abilities in dancing he combined great cleverness of repartee, so that once when the crowd with mighty enthusiasm begged him to perform a famous pantomime, he dared to come to the front of the stage and say:

"To do this, friends, I may not try; Orestes' bedfellow am I."

This, then, was the relation of Claudius to these matters.

As the number of lawsuits was now beyond reckoning and persons summoned would now no longer put in an appearance because they expected to be defeated, he gave written notice that by a given day he should decide the case against them, by default, so that they would lose it even if absent. And there was no deviation from this rule.

Mithridates king of the Iberians[8] undertook to rebel and was engaged in preparations for a war against the Romans. His mother, however, opposed him and since she could not win him over by persuasion, determined to take to flight: he then became anxious to conceal his project, and so, while himself continuing preparations, he sent his brother Cotys on an embassy to convey a friendly message to Claudius. But Cotys proved a treacherous ambassador and told the emperor all, and he was made king of Iberia in place of Mithridates.

[A.D. 47, (a. u. 800)]

[-29-]The following year, the eight hundredth anniversary of the founding of the city of Rome, Claudius became consul for the fourth and Lucius Vitellius for the third time. Claudius now ejected some members of the senate, the majority of whom were not sorry to be driven out but willingly stood aside on account of their poverty. Likewise he brought in a number to fill their places. Among these he summoned with haste one Surdinius Gallus, qualified to be a senator, who had emigrated to Carthage, and said to him: "I will bind you with golden fetters." Gallus, therefore, fettered by his rank, remained at home.

Although Claudius visited dire punishment upon the freedmen of others, in case he caught them in any crime, he was very lenient with his own. One day an actor in the theatre uttered this well-worn saying:

"A knave who prospers scarce can be endured,"[9]

whereupon the whole assemblage looked at Polybius, the emperor's freedman. He, undismayed, shouted out: "The same poet, however, says:—

'Who once were goatherds now have royal power.'" [9]

and suffered no harm for his behavior.

Information was laid that some persons were plotting against Claudius, but in the majority of instances he paid no attention, saying: "It doesn't do to adopt the same defensive tactics against a flea as against a beast of prey." Asiaticus, however, was tried before him and came very near being acquitted. He entered a general denial, declaring: "I have no knowledge of nor acquaintance with any of these persons who are testifying against me." Then the soldier who stated he had been an associate of his, being asked which one Asiaticus was, pointed out a baldheaded man that happened to be standing near him. Baldness was the only thing of which he was sure about Asiaticus. This event occasioned much laughter and Claudius was on the point of freeing him, when Vitellius to please Messalina made the statement that he had been sent for by the prisoner, who requested the privilege of deciding the manner of death to be visited upon him. Hearing this, Claudius believed that on account of a guilty conscience Asiaticus had really condemned himself and accordingly had him executed.

Among many others who were calumniated by Messalina he put to death Asiaticus and likewise Magnus, his son-in-law. Asiaticus had property, and the family of Magnus as well as his close relationship were irksome. Of course, they were nominally convicted on different charges from these.

This year a new island, not large, made its appearance by the side of the island Thera.

Claudius, monarch of the Romans, published a law to the effect that no senator might journey above seven mile-posts from the City without the monarch's express orders.[10]

Moreover, since many persons would afford their sick slaves no care, but drove them out of their houses, a law was passed that all slaves surviving such an experience should be free.

He also prohibited anybody's driving through the City [sic] seated in a vehicle.[11]

[-30-]Vespasian in Britain had been hemmed in by the barbarians and was in danger of annihilation, but his son Titus becoming alarmed about his father managed by unusual daring to break through the enclosing line; he then pursued and destroyed the fleeing enemy. Plautius for his skillful handling of the war with Britain and his successes in it both received praise from Claudius and obtained an ovation. [In the course of the armed combat of gladiators many foreign freedmen and British captives fought. The number of men receiving their finishing blow in this part of the spectacle was large, and he took pride in the fact.]

Gnaeus Domitius Corbulo as praetor in Celtica organized the forces and damaged among other barbarians the Cauchi, as they are commonly called. While in the midst of the enemy's country he was recalled by Claudius, who on ascertaining his valor and his discipline would not allow him to climb to any greater heights. Corbulo learning this turned back, giving vent only to the following exclamation:—"How fortunate were those who became praetors in the days of old!" He implied that the latter had been permitted to exhibit their prowess without danger whereas his progress had been blocked by the emperor on account of jealousy. Yet even so he obtained a triumph. Being again entrusted with an army he trained it no less thoroughly, and as the nations were at peace he had the men dig a trench all the way across from the Rhine to the Meuse, as much as a hundred and seventy stadia long, the purpose of which was to prevent the rivers flowing back and causing inundations at the flood tide of the ocean.

[A.D. 48 (a. u. 801)]

When a grandson was borne to him by his daughter Antonia (whom, after the death of Magnus, he had given in marriage to Cornelius Faustus Sulla, brother of Messalina), he had the good sense not to allow any decree to be passed in honor of the occasion.

Messalina and her freedmen swelled with importance. There were three of the latter in particular who divided the ruling power among themselves: Callistus, who had been given charge of the records of value; Narcissus, who presided over the letters and hence wore a dagger at his belt; and Pallas, to whom the administration of funds had been entrusted.

[-31-] Messalina, as if it did not satisfy her to play the adulteress and harlot,—for besides her usual shameful behavior she sometimes carried on a regular brothel in the palace, serving as a prostitute herself and compelling women of highest rank to do the same,—now conceived a desire to have many husbands, that is, with the legal title. [And she would have entered upon a legal contract with all those who enjoyed her favors, had she not been detected and destroyed in her very first attempt. For a time all the Caeesarians were on good terms with her and everything they did was with one mind. But when she slandered and killed Polybius, after herself making repeated advances to him, they no longer trusted her. As a result, deserted by their good-will, she perished.] She registered Gaius Silius [son of the Silius slain by Tiberius] as her husband, celebrated the marriage in costly fashion, bestowed a royal residence upon him, and gathered in it all the most valuable of Claudius's heirlooms. Finally she declared him consul. Now all this though [even previously] heard and seen by everybody [else] continued to escape the notice of Claudius. So when he went down to Ostia to inspect the grain supply, and she was left behind in Rome on the pretext of being ill, she got up a banquet of no little renown and carried on a most licentious revel. Then Narcissus, having got Claudius alone, conveyed to him through the medium of concubines information of all that was taking place. [And by frightening him with the idea that Messalina was going to kill him also and set up Silius as emperor in his place, he persuaded him to arrest and torture several persons.] The moment this was done the emperor hastened back in person to the city; and entering just as he was he put to death Mnester with many others and then slew Messalina [after she had retreated into the gardens of Asiaticus, which more than anything else were the cause of her ruin.]

[A.D. 48-54]

After her Claudius destroyed also his own slave for insulting one of the prominent men.

[A.D. 49 (a. u. 802)]

After a little he married his niece Agrippina, mother of Domitius, who was surnamed Nero. She had beauty and had been in the habit of consulting him constantly and being in his company alone because he was her uncle, though she was rather more free in her conduct toward him than would properly become a niece. [And for this reason he executed Silanus, feeling that he was plotting against him.] [Yet Silanus was regarded as an upright man and was honored by Claudius to the extent of receiving triumphal honors while still a boy, being betrothed to the emperor's daughter Octavia, and becoming praetor long before the age ordained. He was allowed to give the festival that fell to his lot at the expense of Claudius, and during it the latter asked some favors of him as if he were himself the mere head of some party[12] and uttered any shouts that he saw other people wished him to utter. Yet in spite of all this Claudius had become such a slave to the women that on their account he killed both his sons-in-law.]

On the heels of this occurrence Vitellius came forward in the senate with a declaration that the good of the State required Claudius to marry. He indicated Agrippina as a suitable person in this emergency and suggested that they force him to the marriage. Then the senators rose and came to Claudius and "compelled" him to marry. They also passed a decree permitting Romans to wed their nieces, a union formerly prohibited.

[-32-] As soon as Agrippina had become settled in the palace, she gained complete control of Claudius; for she possessed in an unusual degree the quality of savoir faire. Likewise she won the devotion of all those who were at all fond of him, partly by fear and partly by benefits conferred. [At length she caused his son Britannicus to be brought up as if he were no relation of the emperor. The other child, who had betrothed the daughter of Sejanus, was dead. She made Domitius at this time son-in-law of Claudius and later actually had him adopted. She accomplished these ends partly by causing the freedmen to persuade Claudius and partly by seeing to it beforehand that the senate, the populace, and the soldiers should always concur to favor her demands. This son Agrippina] was training for the assumption of imperial office and was having educated under Seneca. She gathered for him an inconceivable amount of wealth, omitting not one of the most humble and least influential citizens in her search for money, paying court to every one who was in the least degree well-off and murdering many for this very reason. In addition, she destroyed out of jealousy some of the foremost women and put to death Lollia Paulina because the latter had cherished some hope of being married to Claudius. As she did not recognize the woman's head when it was brought to her, she opened with her own hand the mouth and inspected the teeth, which had certain peculiarities.

Mithridates, king of the Iberians; was defeated in a conflict with a Roman army. Despairing of his life he begged that a hearing be granted him to show cause why he should not be summarily executed or led in the procession of triumph. This right having been accorded him Claudius received him in Rome, standing on a tribunal, and addressed threatening language to him. The king throughout replied in an unabashed manner and concluded his remarks with "I was not carried to you, but made the journey: if you doubt it, release me and try to find me."

[-33-] She [sc. Agrippina] quickly became a second Messalina, and chiefly because she obtained from the senate among other honors the right to use the carpentum at festivals.

[A.D. 50 (a. u. 803)]

Subsequently Claudius applied to Agrippina the additional title of Augusta.

When Claudius had adopted her son Nero and had made him his son-in-law (by disowning his daughter and introducing her into another family so that he might not have the name of uniting brother and sister), a mighty portent occurred. All that day the sky seemed to be on fire.

Agrippina banished also Calpurnia, one of the most distinguished ladies in the land, or perhaps even caused her death (as one version of the story reports), because Claudius had admired and commended her beauty.

[A.D. 51 (a. u. 804)]

When Nero (for this is the name for him that has won its way into favor) was registered among the iuvenes, the day that he was registered the Divine Power shook the earth for long distances and by night struck terror to the hearts of all men without exception.

[-32-] [While Nero was growing up, Britannicus received neither honor nor care. Agrippina, indeed, either drove away or killed those who showed any zeal in his behalf. Sosibius, to whom his bringing up and education had been entrusted, she caused to be slain on the pretext that he was plotting against Nero. After that she delivered the boy to the charge of persons who suited her and did him all the harm she could. She would not let him visit his father nor appear before the people, but kept him in a kind of imprisonment, though without bonds.]

Dio, 61st Book: "Since the prefects Crispinus and Lusius Veta would not yield to her in every matter, she ousted them from office."