Before starting he dedicated the temple of Quirinus, which he had built up anew. By this I mean he had adorned it with seventy-six columns, equal to the total number of years he had lived. This consequently caused some to say that he had chosen the number purposely and not by mere chance. After the consecration of this edifice he arranged through Tiberius and Drusus for gladiatorial combats, permission having been granted them by the senate. Then he committed to Taurus the management of the City together with the rest of Italy,—for Agrippa had been despatched again to Syria and he no longer looked with equal favor on Maecenas because of the latter's wife,—and taking Tiberius, though he was praetor, along, he set out on his journey. Tiberius had become praetor in spite of holding the honors of an ex-praetor, and his entire office by a decree was placed in the hands of Drusus. The night following their departure the Hall of Youth burned to the ground. This was not the only portent that had occurred, for a wolf had rushed along the Sacred Way into the Forum, tearing men to pieces, and at a distance from the Forum ants were very plainly seen together in swarms; likewise a gleam all night long kept shooting from the south toward the north. Prayers were therefore offered for the safe return of Augustus. Meantime they celebrated the quinquennial festival of his sovereignty, the expense being borne by Agrippa; for the latter had been consecrated by his fellow priests to be one of the quindecimviri to whom the oversight of the event fell in regular succession.

[-20-] There was much other confusion, too, during that period. The Camunni and Vennones, Alpine tribes, flew to arms but were conquered and subdued by Publius Silius. The Pannonians in company with the Norici overran Istria, and after suffering damage at the hands of Silius and his lieutenants the former came to terms again and were the cause of the Norici falling into the same slavery. The uprisings in Dalmatia and in Spain were in a short time quelled. Macedonia was ravaged by the Dentheleti and the Scordisci. In Thrace somewhat earlier Marcus Lollius while aiding Rhoemetalces, the uncle and guardian of the children of Cotys, had subjugated the Bessi. Later Lucius Gallus conquered the Sarmatae in the same dispute and drove them back across the Ister. The greatest, however, of the wars which at that time fell to the lot of the Romans, which also had something to do, probably, with Augustus's leaving the city, was against the Celtae.

The Sugambri, Usipetes, and Tencteri had first seized in their own territory some of the Romans and had crucified them, after which they crossed the Rhine and plundered Germania and Gaul. When the Roman cavalry approached they laid an ambush and by taking to flight drew their assailants to follow them; and though they fell in unexpectedly with the Roman leader Lollius, they conquered even him. On ascertaining this Augustus hastened against them but found no warfare to carry on. For the barbarians, learning that Lollius was getting ready and that the emperor was also heading an expedition, retired into their own territory and made peace, giving hostages.

[B.C. 15 (a. u. 739)]

[-21-] On this account Augustus had no need of arms, but the demands of various other business consumed the entire time of this year, as well as of the next, in which Marcus Libo and Calpurnius Piso were consuls. For much injury had been wrought by the Celtae and much by a certain Licinnius.[5] And of this, I think, the sea-monster had very plainly given them warning beforehand. This creature, twenty feet broad and three times as long and resembling a woman except for its head, had been washed up on the land from the ocean. Now Licinnius was originally a Gaul but was captured, brought among Romans, and made a slave to Caesar, by whom he was set free, and then by Augustus he had been made procurator of Gaul. He had barbarian avarice and Roman haughtiness, and tried to overthrow every person and thing deemed superior to himself and to annihilate any power which temporarily appeared strong. It was his care to supply himself with plenty of funds for the requirements of his ministry as well as to secure a plenty for himself and for members of his family. His abuses went so far that in some cases where the population paid tribute by the month he made the months fourteen in number. He declared that this month called December was really the tenth, and for that reason it was necessary to count in also the two last months (of which he called one Undecimber and the other Duodecimber), and to contribute the money that was due for them. These quibbles brought him into danger. The Gauls secured the ear of Augustus and made a terrible protest, so that the emperor first shared their indignation and next begged them to be patient. Of some of the extortions he said he was unaware and others he affected not to believe. Some things he concealed, being ashamed of having employed such a procurator. Licinnius however, by devising another scheme was enabled to laugh to scorn absolutely all their efforts. When found that Augustus was displeased with him and that he was likely to be punished, he took the emperor into his house, and showing him many treasures of silver and gold and many other valuables piled up in heaps, he said: "I have gathered these purposely, master, for you and for the rest of the Romans, to prevent the inhabitants from getting control of so much money and therefore revolting. You see I have kept it all for you and herewith give it to you." Thus the sophist was saved, by pretending that he had sapped the strength of the barbarians to serve Augustus.

[-22-] Drusus and Tiberius meanwhile were concerned with the following undertakings. The Rhaeti, who dwell between Noricum and Gaul, near the Tridentine Alps close to Italy, overran a good part of the adjacent territory of Gaul and carried plunder even out of Italy. Such of the Romans or their allies as used the road going through their country met with depredations. These actions of theirs were of course more or less like those of any nation which has not accepted terms of peace, but further they destroyed all the males among their captives, not only those who were apparent but also the embryo ones in the wombs of women, the sex of which they discovered by some divination. For these reasons Augustus first sent Drusus against them: he joined battle with a detachment of theirs that met him near the Tridentine mountains, and speedily had them routed; for this exploit he received the honors belonging to praetors. Later, when the tribe had been repulsed from Italy but still harassed Gaul, the emperor despatched Tiberius in addition. Both of the leaders then invaded the Rhaetian country at many points at once,—the lieutenants leading such divisions as they did not command personally,—and Tiberius even crossed the lake[6] in boats. In this way, by encountering them separately, the Roman commanders spread alarm and had no difficulty in overcoming those who came near enough for fighting at any time, because they had only to deal with scattered forces; the remainder, who had become weaker and more despondent through such tactics, they captured. And because the land had a large population of males and seemed ripe for revolt, they deported most of those of military age, especially the strongest, leaving behind only so many as would be sufficient to inhabit the country but unable to make any uprising.

[-23-] This same year Vedius Pollio died, a man who in general had done nothing deserving notice, being the son of liberti, ranking as a knight, without any achievement of consequence in his record; but he had become exceedingly renowned for his wealth and his cruelty, so that he has even won a place in history. Most of the things that he did it would be wearisome to relate, but I may mention that he kept in tanks huge eels trained to eat men, and was accustomed to throw to them the slaves that he desired to put to death. Once, when he was entertaining Augustus, the cupbearer shattered a crystal goblet, and without respect to the guest he ordered that the fellow be thrown to the eels. Hereupon the boy fell on his knees supplicating Augustus who at first tried to persuade Pollio not to carry out his intentions. As his host would not yield the point the emperor said: "Bring all the rest of the drinking vessels which are of the same sort or any others of value that you may possess, for I want to use them," and when they were brought he ordered them to be broken. The master seeing this was of course vexed but could no longer be angry over one cup, considering the great number of others that were ruined, and could not punish his servant for what Augustus had done; therefore reluctantly he took no action. That was the sort of person this Pollio was, who died. He left various bequests to many different persons and to Augustus a good share of his inheritance together with Pausilypum[7], a place between Neapolis and Puteoli, with instructions that some public work of great beauty should be erected. Augustus razed his house to the foundation, on the pretext that it was necessary for the preparation of the other structure, but really with the purpose that he should have no monument in the city, and built a colonnade, inscribing on it the name not of Pollio but of Livia.

This he did later. At the time mentioned he founded a number of cities as colonies in Gaul and in Spain and restored to the people of Cyzicus their freedom. To the Paphians, who had suffered from an earthquake, he gave money and allowed them, by a decree, to call their city Augusta. I have recorded this, not because Augustus himself and the senators failed to aid many other cities both before and after this, in case of similar misfortunes,—if any one should attempt to mention them all, the task of such a historian would be endless,—but my aim is to show that the senate assigned names to cities as an honor and the latter did not, as is the usual procedure now, compile for themselves (each separately) such lists of names as they might choose.

[B.C. 14 (a. u. 740)]

[-24-] The next year Marcus Crassus and Gnaeus Cornelius became consuls; and the curule aediles after resigning their office because they had entered upon it under unfavorable auguries took it back again, contrary to precedent, at another meeting of the assembly. The Portico of Paulus was burned and the fire from it reached the temple of Vesta, so that the sacred objects that this shrine contained were carried up to the Palatine by all of the vestal virgins except the eldest (who had gone blind) and were placed in the house of the priest of Jupiter. The portico was afterward rebuilt, nominally by AEmilius, who was the representative of the family that had formerly erected it, but really by Augustus and the friends of Paulus. At this time the Pannonians revolted and were again subdued, and the maritime Alps, inhabited by Ligurians called Cometae and still free even then, were reduced to a slave district. The revolt in the Cimmerian Bosporus was also quelled. One Seribonius, who maintained that he was a grandson of Mithridates and had received the kingdom from Augustus after the death of Asander, married the latter's wife, named Dynamis, who was the daughter of Pharnaces and a grandchild of Mithridates, and obtaining the power committed to her by her husband got control of Bosporus. Agrippa on being informed of this sent against him Polemon, king of the Pontus near Cappadocia. He found Seribonius no longer alive, for the people of Bosporus, learning of his ambitions, had killed him beforehand, but when these resisted Polemon out of fear that he might be allowed to reign over them, he engaged them in a set battle. The victory was his, but he was unable to reduce them to order until Agrippa came to Sinope, apparently with the intention of conducting a campaign against them. At that they laid down their arms and were delivered to Polemon. The woman Dynamis became his spouse,—of course with the sanction of Augustus. For this outcome sacrifices were made in the name of Agrippa, but he did not celebrate the triumph, though voted to him. Nay, he did not so much as write the senate anything about what had been accomplished. As a result subsequent conquerors, taking his method as a law, no longer sent any word themselves to the legislative body and did not accept the celebration of a triumph. For this reason no one else among his peers (so I am inclined to think) was permitted to do this, but they enjoyed merely the ornament of triumphal honors.

[-25-] Augustus finally finished ordering everything in the Gauls, the Germanias, and the Hispaniae: upon special districts he spent a great deal, and levied a great deal upon others, and to some he gave freedom and citizenship, whereas from others he took them away.

[B.C. 13 (a. u. 741)]

He then left Drusus in Germania and himself returned to Rome in the consulship of Tiberius and of Quintilius Varus. It chanced that the news of his coming reached the city during those days when Cornelius Balbus after dedicating the theatre now called by his name was giving spectacles. At this he assumed great importance as if it were he that was to bring Augustus back, though because of a flooding of the Tiber there was so great a quantity of water in the theatre that no one could enter it save in a boat; and Tiberius put the vote to Balbus first, as an honor for his building the theatre. The senate convened and among other decisions resolved to place an altar in the senate-chamber itself, to commemorate the return of Augustus, and that criminals who approached him as suppliants within the pomerium should be exempt from punishment. However, he accepted neither of these honors and even escaped a reception by the people on this occasion by being brought into the city under the cover of night. This he did almost always whenever he had to go out to the suburbs or anywhere else, both on his way out and on his way back, so that nobody should annoy him. The following day he greeted the people on the Palatine, ascended the Capitol, and taking off the laurel from around his rods he placed it upon the knees of Jupiter. For that day he furnished the people with baths and barbers free of charge. After this he convened the senate and made no address himself by reason of hoarseness, but gave the book to the quaestor to read which enumerated his achievements and promulgated rules as to how many years the citizens should serve in the army and how much money they should receive at the end of their services in place of the land for which they were always wont to ask. The object was that by being enlisted on certain specified terms from the very start they should find in their treatment no excuse for revolt. The number of years was for the Pretorians twelve and for the rest sixteen; and the money to be distributed was less for some and more for others. These measures caused the soldiers neither pleasure nor anger for the time being, because they had neither obtained all they were desiring nor yet lost everything. In the remainder of the population it aroused confident hopes of not being deprived of their possessions in the future.

[-26-] His next action was to dedicate the theatre called after Marcellus. In the festival held on this account the patrician children as well as his grandson Gaius performed the "Troy" equestrian exercise, and six hundred Libyan wild beasts were slaughtered. Iullus, the son of Antony, who was praetor, celebrated the birthday of Augustus with horse-races and slaughterlng of wild beasts, and entertained both him and the senate (following a decree of that body) upon the Capitol.

After this there was another reorganization of the senate. At first the necessary value of their property had been limited to ten myriad denarii because many of them had been deprived by the wars of their ancestral estates. As time went on and men's possessions became larger, it was advanced to twenty-five myriads, and no one was any longer found who wanted to be senator. On the contrary, some children and grandchildren of senators, of whom a part were really poor and another part had been brought low through calamities suffered by their ancestors, not only failed to lay claim to the senatorial dignity, but when already placed on the list withdrew on oath. Therefore previous to this, while Augustus was still out of the City, a decree had been passed that the so-called viginti viri[8] should be appointed from the knights. Hence none of them was any longed enrolled in the senate without having secured some one of the other offices that lead to it.—These twenty men are a part of the six-and-twenty.[9] Three of them have charge of capital cases at law. The next three attend to the coinage of the money. Four act as commissioners of the streets in the City. Ten are put over the courts that fall by lot to the Centumviri. The two who were entrusted with the roads outside the walls and the four who were sent to Campania had been abolished. The senate had voted during the absence of Augustus another measure besides this, namely that, since nobody could any longer be easily induced to become a candidate for the tribuneship, they might appoint by lot some who had been quaestors and were not yet forty years old. At this time the emperor made a scrutiny of the whole body of citizens. Those of them who were over thirty-five years of age he did not trouble, but those under that age who had property of the requisite value he forced to become senators, except in the case of cripples. Their bodies he viewed himself but in regard to their property he accepted sworn statements, the men themselves taking the oath (with others to corroborate their allegations) and accounting for their lack of funds as well as for their habits of life.

[-27-] Nor did he, while observing such strictness in ordinary public business, neglect the conduct of his own family. Indeed, he rebuked Tiberius because he had seated Gaius beside him at the thanksgiving festival which he gave in honor of the emperor's return: and he censured the people for honoring him with applause and eulogies. On the death of Lepidus he was appointed high priest and the senate consequently wished to vote him certain honors;[10] but he declared that he would not accept them, and when the senators became urgent he rose and left the gathering. So that measure was not ratified, and he received no official residence, but because it was absolutely essential that the high priest should live on public ground he made a portion of his own dwelling public property. The house of the rex sacrificulus, however, he gave to the vestal virgins because it was separated merely by a wall from their apartments.

Cornelius Sisenna was blamed for the conduct of his wife and stated in the senate that he had married her with the knowledge and on the advice of the emperor,—whereat Augustus grew exceedingly angry. He indulged in no violence of word or action but hurried out of the senate-chamber and then a little later came back again, choosing rather to do this (as he said to his friends afterward), in spite of its not being right, than to remain where he was and be compelled to do some harm.

[B.C. 12 (a. u. 742)]

[-28-] Meantime he bestowed upon Agrippa, who had come from Syria, the great honor of the tribunician authority for another five years, and sent him out to Pannonia, which was ready for war, allowing him greater powers than officials outside of Italy ordinarily possessed. Agrippa made the campaign though it already was winter: Marcus Valerius and Publius Sulpicius were the consuls. As the Pannonians became terror stricken at his approach and showed no further signs of uprising he returned, and on reaching Campania fell sick. Augustus happened to be giving, under the name of his children, contests of armed warriors at the Panathenaic festival, and when he learned of Agrippa's condition he left the country. Finding him dead, he conveyed his body to the capital and allowed it to lie in state in the Forum. He also delivered the oration over the dead man, with a curtain stretched in front of the corpse. Why he did this I know not. Yet some have said it was because he was high priest, and others because he was discharging the functions of censor. Both are mistaken. A high priest is not forbidden to behold a corpse, nor yet a censor, except when he is about to put the finishing touches to the census. Then if he sees such an object before his purification, all his work is rendered null and void. Besides this oration Augustus conducted his funeral procession in the way that his own was later conducted. He buried him in his own tomb, though the deceased had a lot of his own in the Campus Martius.

[-29-] Such was the end of Agrippa, who had in every way proved himself clearly the noblest of the men of his day and used the friendship of Augustus for the emperor's own greatest benefit and for that of the commonwealth. So much as he surpassed others in excellence, to such an extent did he voluntarily make himself lower than his patron. He employed all his own skill and bravery for what would prove most profitable to Augustus and expended all the honor and power received from him on benefiting others. As a result he never became in the least troublesome to Augustus nor the object of jealousy on the part of others. He helped his friend organize the monarchy like one who was really in love with the idea of supreme power and he won over the populace by his kindness, showing himself most truly a friend of the people. At his death he left them gardens and the bath-house called after his name, so that they might bathe free of charge; and he gave Augustus certain lands for this purpose. The latter not only rendered these public property, but distributed to the people also a hundred denarii apiece, with the explanation that Agrippa had ordered it. He had inherited most of the deceased's property, among the articles of which was the Hellespontine Chersonese, which had come I know not how into the possession of Agrippa. The emperor felt his loss for a very long time and therefore caused the populace to hold him in honor. A posthumous son born to him he called Agrippa. However, he did not allow any of the citizens to omit any of the ancestral customs (although none of the more prominent men wished to present himself for the festivals) and he personally superintended the gladiatorial combats. They were often given, too, in his absence.—This demise of Agrippa was not only a private loss to his own household, but a public loss to all the Romans, as was shown by the fact that portents occurred on this occasion as great as were usually seen before the most tremendous disasters. Owls gathered in the capital and a bolt of lightning descended upon the house at Albanum, where the consuls reside during the sacrifices.[11] The star called comet stood for several days over the City and was finally dissolved into flashes of light. Many buildings in the City were destroyed by fire, among them the tent of Romulus, which was set ablaze by crows dropping upon it burning meat from some altar.—These were the matters of interest connected with Agrippa.

[-30-] After this Augustus was chosen supervisor and corrector of morals for another five years,—this also he received for a limited period as he had the monarchy,—and he ordered the senators to burn incense as often as they had a sitting, and not to come to his residence: the first, that they might show reverence to the gods, and the second, that they might have no difficulty in convening. Inasmuch as very few became candidates for the tribuneship on account of its power having been abolished, he made a law that magistrates should each nominate one of the knights who possessed not less than twenty-five myriads; the people should then choose from these the number lacking, and if the men desired to be senators afterward, well and good; otherwise they should return again to the rank of knights.

The province of Asia also stood very greatly in need of some assistance on account of earthquakes, and he therefore paid into the public treasury from his own resources their annual tribute and assigned them a governor for two years chosen by lot and not arbitrarily selected.

Apuleius and Maecenas were at one time bitterly reviled in some court of adultery, not because they had themselves behaved wantonly but because they had actively aided the man on trial; thereupon Augustus entered the courtroom and sat in the praetor's chair: he did nothing violent, but simply forbade the accuser to insult his relatives or friends, and then rose and left the place. For this action and others the senators honored him with statues, paid for by private subscription, and by giving bachelors and spinsters the right to behold spectacles with other people and to attend banquets on his birthday. Neither of these privileges was previously permitted them.

[-31-] When now Agrippa, whom he loved for his excellence and not through any compulsion, had died, the emperor found that he needed an assistant in the public business, one who would far surpass the rest in both honor and power, who might manage everything opportunely and be free from envy and plots. Therefore he reluctantly chose Tiberius, for his own grandsons were at this time still minors. He caused him also to divorce his wife, though she was a daughter of Agrippa by another marriage and had one child an infant and was soon to give birth to another; and having betrothed Julia to him he sent him out against the Pannonians. This people had for a time been quiet, fearing Agrippa, but now after his death they revolted. Tiberius subdued them, having ravaged considerable of their territory and done much injury to its inhabitants; he had as enthusiastic allies the Scordisci, who were neighbors of theirs and similarly equipped. He took away their arms and sold for export most of the male population that was of age. For these achievements the senate voted him a triumph, but Augustus did not allow him to hold it, granting him instead the triumphal honors.

[-32-] Drusus had this same experience. The Sugambri and their allies, owing to the absence of Augustus and the fact that the Gauls were restive under the yoke of slavery, had become hostile, and he therefore occupied the subject territory before them, sending for the foremost men on the pretext of the festival which they celebrate even now about the altar of Augustus at Lugdunum. Also he observed the Celtae crossing the Rhine and drove them back. Next he crossed over to the land of the Usipetes opposite the very island of the Batavi, and from there marched along the river to the Sugambri country, devastating vast stretches. He sailed along the Rhine to the ocean, conciliated the Frisii, and traversing the lake invaded Chaucis, where he ran in danger, as his boats were left high and dry at the ebb-tide of the ocean. He was saved at this time by the Frisii (who joined his expedition with infantry), and withdrew, for it was now winter.

[B.C. 11(a. u. 743)]

Coming to Rome he was made aedile[12]in the consulship of Quintus Aelius and Paulus Fabius, though he had already praetor's honors.

[-33-] At the opening of the spring he set out again to the war, crossed the Rhine, and subjugated the Usipetes. He bridged the Lupia, invaded the country of the Sugambri and advanced through it into Cheruscis, as far as the Visurgis. He was able to do this because the Sugambri in anger at the Chatti, the only tribe among their neighbors that had refused to join their alliance, had made a campaign of the whole population against them. Drusus took this opportunity to traverse their country unnoticed. And he would nave crossed also the Visurgis, had not provisions grown scarce and the their country, and though beaten at first vanquished them in turn and ravaged both that land and the territory of adjacent tribes which had taken part in the uprising. Immediately he reduced all of them to subjugation, gaining control of some with their consent, terrifying others into reluctant submission, and engaging in pitched battles with others. Later, when some of them rebelled, he again enslaved them. And for this thanksgivings and triumphal honors were accorded him.

[-35-] While these events were occurring Augustus took a census, reckoning in all the property that belonged to him, as an individual might do, and also making a list of the senate. As he saw that many were not always present at the meetings he ordered that even less than four hundred might constitute a quorum for passing decrees. Previously that had been the minimum number for ratifying any measure. The senate and the people again contributed money to be spent on images of himself, but he would erect no such likeness, and only set up representations of the Public Health, of Concord, and of Peace. The citizens were always collecting money for statues to him, on the slightest excuse; and at last they ceased paying it privately, as before, but would come to him on the first day of the year and give, some more, some less. He, after adding as much or more again, would return it, not only to the senators but to all the rest. I have also heard the story that on one day of the year, following some oracle or dream, he would assume the guise of a beggar and would accept money from those who passed. This, whether trustworthy or not, is a prevailing tradition.

That year he gave Julia in marriage to Tiberius, and his sister Octavia dying, he caused her body to lie in state in the hero-shrine of Julius; on this occasion, too, he had a curtain over the corpse. He himself delivered there the funeral speech and Drusus, having changed his senatorial dress, had a place on the platform, for the mourning was a public affair. Her body was carried in procession by her sons-in-law: not all the honors voted to her were accepted by Augustus.

At this same time the first priest of Jupiter since [-36-] Merula was appointed; and the quaestors were ordered to pay careful heed to the decrees passed from time to time, because the tribunes and the aediles, who had previously been entrusted with this business, transacted it through their assistants, and as a result some mistakes and confusion took place.

It was voted, moreover, that the temple of Janus Geminus, which was open, should be closed, on the assumption that wars had ceased.

[B.C. 10 (a. u. 744)]

It was not closed, however, for the Dacians crossing the Ister on the ice took the crops of Pannonia as booty, and the Dalmatians revolted at the imposition of taxes. Against the latter Tiberius was sent from Gaul, whither he had gone in company with Augustus, and he restored order. The nations of the Celtae, and especially the Chatti, were partly weakened and partly subdued by Drusus; the tribe mentioned had gone to join the Sugambri, having abandoned their own country, which the Romans had given them to dwell in. The emperor delayed in Lugdunis, where he could keep a sharp watch on affairs, as it was so near the Celtae. The victors returned to Rome with Augustus, assumed whatever dignities had been voted them by the senate, and performed such other duties as belonged to them.—These events took place in the consulship of Iullus and Fabius Maximus.

[Footnote 1: Pliny (Natural History VI, 181) calls him Publius.]

[Footnote 2: Readings and punctuation from Dindorf.]

[Footnote 3: Augustus returned to Rome October twelfth, and the temple in question was consecrated December fifteenth.]

[Footnote 4: Boissevain here amends to [Greek: 'epelpisas]]

[Footnote 5: In the matter of the spelling of this name the weight of authority prefers Licinus. Dio's form is less correct.]

[Footnote 6: I. e., the lacus Venetus.]

[Footnote 7: This eminence with its villa appropriately bore the Greek title Pausilypon (Grief's Surcease), a compound word like our modern names Heartsease, Sans Souci, etc. It is the modern "Hill of Posilipo."]

[Footnote 8: English, Twenty Men; their regular title.]

[Footnote 9: Latin, Viginti Sex Viri.]

[Footnote 10: The words "certain honors" are supplied on the suggestion of Boissevain. Boissee and others, who surmise that the text here contains a lacuna]

[Footnote 11: I. e., at the time of the Feriae.]

[Footnote 12: The reading [Greek: agoranomos] is generally preferred here to [Greek: asotunmos]]



DIO'S

ROMAN HISTORY

55

The following is contained in the Fifty-fifth of Dio's Rome:

How Drusus died (chapters 1, 2).

How the Precinct of Livia was consecrated (chapter 8)

How the Campus Agrippae was consecrated (chapter 8)

How the Diribitorium was consecrated (chapter 8).

How Tiberius retired to Rome (chapter 11).

How the Forum of Augustus was consecrated (chapter 12).

How the Temple of Mars therein was consecrated (chapter 12).

How Lucius Caesar and Gaius Caesar died (chapters 11, 12).

How Augustus adopted Tiberius (chapter 13).

How Livia urged Augustus to rule more mercifully (chapters 14-22).

About the legions and how men were appointed to manage the military fund (chapters 23-25).

How the night-watchmen[1] were appointed (chapter 26).

How Tiberius fought against the Dalmatians and Pannonians (chapters 28-34).

Duration of time, 17 years, in which there were the following magistrates here enumerated:

Nero Claudius Tib. F. Drusus, T. Quinctius T. F. Crispinus. (B.C. 9 = a. u. 745.)

C. Marcius L. F. Censorinus, C. Asinius C. F. Gallus. (B.C. 8 = a. u. 746.)

Tib. Claudius Tib. F. Nero (II), Cn. Calpurnius Cn. F. Piso. (B.C. 7 = a. u. 747.)

Decimus Laelius Decimi F. Balbus, C. Antistius C. F. Veter. (B.C. 6 = a. u. 748.)

Augustus (XII), L. Cornelius P. F. Sulla. (B.C. 5 = a. u. 749.)

C. Calvisius C. F. Sabinus (II), L. Passienus Rufus (B.C. 4 = a. u. 750.)

L. Cornelius L. F. Lentulus, M. Valerius M. F. Messalla [or] Messalinus. (B.C. 3 = a. u. 751.)

Augustus (XIII), M. Plautius M. F. Silvanus. (B.C. 2 = a. u. 752.)

Cossus Cornelius Cn. F. Lentulus, L. Calpurnius Cn. F. Piso (B.C. 1 = a. u. 753.)

C. Caesar Augusti F., L. AEmilius L. F. Paulus. (A.D. 1 = a. u. 754.)

P. Vinicius [or Minucius] M. F., P. Alfenus [or Alfenius] P.F. Varus. (A.D. 2 = a. u. 755.)

L. AElius L. F. Lamia, M. Servilius M.F. (A.D. 3 = a. u. 756.)

Sextus AElius Q. F. Catus, C. Sentius C.F. Saturninus. (A.D. 4 = a. u. 757.)

L. Valerius Potiti F. Messala Valesus, Cn. Cornelius L. F. Cinna Magnus. (A.D. 5 = a. u. 758.)

M. AEmilius L.F. Lepidus, L Arruntius L.F. (A.D. 6 = a. u. 759)

Aul. Licinius Aul. F. Nerva Silianus, Q. Caecilius Q.F. Metellus Creticus. (A.D. 7 = a. u. 760.)

M. Furius M. F. Camillus, Sex. Nonius L.F. Quintilianus. (A.D. 8 = a. u. 761.)

(BOOK 55, BOISSEVAIN.)

[B.C. 9 (a. u. 745)]

[-1-] The following year Drusus became consul with Titus Crispinus, and omens occurred that were not favorable to him. Many buildings were destroyed by storm and thunderbolts, among them many temples: even that of Jupiter Capitolinus and the temple annexed to it were injured. He, however, paid no attention to this and invaded the country of the Chatti, advancing as far as Suebia, conquering the territory traversed not without hardship and vanquishing the troops that assailed him not without bloodshed. From there he marched to Cheruscis and crossing the Visurgis proceeded as far as the Albis, pillaging the entire district. This Albis rises in the Vandaliscan mountains and empties in a great flood into the ocean this side of the Arctic Sea. Drusus undertook to cross it, but failing in the attempt set up trophies and withdrew. For a woman taller than mankind confronted him and said: "Whither are thou hastening, insatiable Drusus? It is not fated that thou shalt see all this region. Depart. For thee the end of labor and of life is already at hand." It is strange to think that any such voice should have come to a person's ears from the apparition, yet I can not discredit the tale, for he at once retired. And as he was returning in haste he died on the way of some disease, before he reached the Rhine. Proof of the story seems to me to lie in the fact that at the time of his death wolves prowled and yelped about the camp and two youths were seen riding through the middle of the ramparts. A kind of lamentation in a woman's voice was also heard, and there were shooting stars in the sky. These are the noteworthy points. [-2-] Augustus, soon learning that he was sick (for he was not far off), sent Tiberius to him with speed. The latter found him still breathing and on his death carried his body to Rome, causing the centurions and military tribunes to convey him over the first stage,—as far as the winter quarters of the army,—and from there the foremost men of each city. When the deceased was laid in state in the Forum a double funeral oration was delivered. Tiberius eulogized him there and Augustus in the Flaminian hippodrome. Since the latter had been abroad on a campaign it was impious for him to do otherwise than perform the fitting rites in honor of the exploits of Drusus at the very entrance of the pomerium. The body was carried to the Campus Martius by the knights, both those who belonged strictly to the equestrian order and those, as well, who were of senatorial family.[2] Then, after being given to the flames, it was deposited in the monument of Augustus. He and his children received the title of Germanicus and honors in the way of both images and an arch, besides obtaining a cenotaph close to the Rhine itself.

Tiberius, while Drusus was still alive, had overcome the Dalmatians and Pannonians, who were again a little restless, had celebrated a triumph on horseback, and had banqueted the people, a part on the Capitol and a part in many other places. At this time also Livia and Julia together entertained the women. Same festivities were being made ready for Drusus The Feriae were to be held a second time on this account so that he might celebrate his triumph on the same occasion, but his untimely death upset the plans. As a consolation to Livia images were awarded her and she was enrolled among the mothers of three children. For upon such men or women as are not granted so many offspring by Heaven, or at least upon some of them, a law emanating formerly from the senate but now from the emperor bestows the dignities belonging to parents of three children. In this way they are not subject to the reproaches for childlessness and may receive all but a few of the prizes for fecundity. Not only men but gods enjoy the privilege, to the end that, if any one dying leaves them anything, they may take possession of it. These are the facts of the matter.

[-3-] Augustus ordered that the sittings of the senate should be held on specified days. Previously there had been no real system about them, and some members on that account were often late; therefore he appointed two regular monthly councils, so that those whom the law summoned should be under compulsion to attend; and in order that no other excuse for their absence should be within their power he commanded that no court or other meeting which required their attention should be held at that time. He made provision with respect to the number necessary for ratifying decrees under each separate category, to put it briefly; and he increased the fines imposed upon those who without good excuse were not present at the gatherings. Inasmuch as many such offences had generally gone unpunished owing to the large number of those who had incurred penalties, he commanded that if many should do this, they should draw lots, and every fifth one to draw a lot should be held liable to punishment.—The names of all the senators he had recorded on a white tablet and conspicuously posted. From the beginning made by him this is now annually done. His intention in doing it was to make it absolutely necessary for them to come together. Sometimes, by some accident, not so many might assemble as a special case demanded. This would be known, because except on such days as the emperor himself might be present the number of those in attendance was both at this time and later carefully ascertained, and with a great degree of accuracy. Under these circumstances they would deliberate and their decision would be recorded, but it was not final, was not ratified: instead, auctoritas was declared, in order that their will might be evident,—for such is the force of this word. To translate the term into Greek by a single expression is not possible. This same custom prevailed in case they ever assembled through haste in an irregular place, or on a day that was not fitting, or without a legal summons, or if because of the opposition of tribunes a decree could not be passed, but their opinion was not to be concealed. Later, ratification was granted according to ancestral precedent to the resolution in question, and the latter obtained the name of senatus consultum. This method, strictly observed for an extremely long period by the men of old time, has in a already become null and void,—as also the prerogative of the praetors. For the latter were indignant that they might bring no proposition before the senate although they ranked above the tribunes in dignity and they received from Augustus the right of doing so, but in the course of time it was taken away from them again.

[-4-] These and other laws which he at this time enacted he inscribed on white tablets and submitted to the senate before taking any final action with regard to them; and he allowed the senators to read, each one, the articles separately, his object being that if any provision did not please them, or if they could suggest anything better, they might speak. He was very desirous of being democratic, and once, when one of the companions of his campaigns asked him to aid him in the capacity of advocate, at first he pretended to be busy and bade one of his friends serve as advocate; when, however, the petitioner grew angry and said: "but as often as you needed my assistance, I did not send somebody else to you in place of myself, but in person I encountered dangers everywhere in your behalf," the emperor then entered the courtroom and pled his cause. He also stood by a friend of his who was defendant in a suit, having first communicated this very purpose to the senate: he saved the friend but was so far from being angry at his accuser, although the latter spoke most bluntly, that when he had to undergo a scrutiny regarding his morals the emperor acquitted him, saying that his bluntness was a necessary thing on account of the out-and-out baseness of the mass of mankind. Augustus, indeed, punished others who were reported to be conspiring against their sovereign. He had quaestors hold office in the coast districts near the City and in certain other parts of Italy; and this he did for several years. Yet at this time he was unwilling, as I have remarked, [3] to enter the city on account of Drusus's death.

[B.C. 8 (a. u. 746)]

[-5-] But the next year, in which Asinius Gallus and Graius Marcius were consuls, he came back and carried the laurel, contrary to custom, into the temple of Jupiter Feretrius. No festival did he celebrate over his achievements, thinking that he had lost far more in the death of Drusus than he had gained by the victories. The consuls carried out the program usual on such occasions and set some of the captives to fighting with one another. Later, when they and the rest of the officials were accused of having been appointed by means of some bribery, he did not investigate the case but pretended not even to know of it. He did not like to visit punishment on any of them or to pardon them if they were convicted. But from office seekers he demanded before the elections a deposit of money as a guarantee that they would resort to no such methods, on pain of forfeiting what they had paid in. This course all approved.—As it was not permissible for a slave to be tortured for evidence against his master, he ordered that, as often as the necessity for such a course should arise, the slave should be sold either to the State or to him, in order that being now the property of some one else than the man on trial he might be examined. Some found fault with this, because the law was to be invalidated by the change of masters; but others declared it to be necessary, because many under the previous arrangement united to take advantage of the loophole offered and to get the offices.

[-6-] Augustus, after this, although, as he said, he was minded to lay aside the supreme power, since the second ten-year period had run out, resumed it again with a show of reluctance and made a campaign against the Celtae. He himself remained behind on Roman territory, but Tiberius crossed the Rhine. The barbarians in dread of him, all except the Sugambri, made overtures for peace, but they did not obtain their request at this time,—for Augustus refused to conclude a truce with them if they lacked the Sugambri,—nor did they later. To be sure, the Sugambri, too, sent envoys, but they failed completely to accomplish anything: on the contrary, all of them, a numerous and distinguished band, met an untimely end. Augustus arrested them and placed them in various cities: they took this very much amiss and committed suicide. The tribes then were quiet for a time, but later they amply requited the Romans for the calamity.—Besides doing this Augustus granted money to the soldiers, not as to victors, though he himself had taken the name of imperator and had given it to Tiberius, but because this was the first time that they had Gaius appearing in the exercises with them. He advanced Tiberius to the position of imperator in place of Drusus, and besides exalting him with that title appointed him consul once more. According to the ancient custom he had a written notice bulletined for the public benefit before Tiberius entered upon the office, and he furthermore accorded him the solemnity of a triumph. Augustus himself did not wish to hold it, but obtained the privilege of a horse-race perpetually upon his birthday. He enlarged the pomerium and renamed the month called Sextilis, Augustus. The people generally wanted September to be so named, because he had been born in it, but he preferred the other month, in which he had first been appointed consul and had conquered in many great battles. It was in these things that he took pride.

[-7-] The death of Maecenas caused him grief. He had enjoyed many kind services at his hands, for which reason he had entrusted him, though but a knight, with the care of the City for a long time, but especially was his ministry of use when the emperor's passion became nearly uncontrollable. Maecenas was then able to banish his anger and to lead him into a gentler frame of mind. Here is an instance. Maecenas once found his patron holding court, and seeing that would undoubtedly condemn many persons to death, he undertook to push through the bystanders and get Finding this impossible, he wrote on a tablet: "Pray desist now, executioner." Making as if it contained something different, he threw it into the lap of Augustus, and the latter imposed no death sentences but immediately rose and left. The emperor was not displeased at such hints but rather glad of them, because whatever excess of anger he felt by reason of his own nature and the press of affairs he was able to tone down with the aid of his friend's frank advice.—This also is a very great proof of Maecenas's excellence, that he made himself liked by Augustus, in spite of resisting his projects, and pleased all the people. Though he had tremendous influence with the emperor, so that he could bestow offices and honors upon many men, he did not lose his head but continued to the end of his life in the equestrian class. For all these reasons Augustus missed him greatly, and he was affected by the fact that his minister, though irritated about his own wife, had left him as his heir and had put all his property, save a very small amount, in his hands to give to his friends or not, as he saw fit. Such was the character of Maecenas and such his treatment of Augustus. He was the first to construct a swimming pool of warm water in the city and the first to devise signs for letters, to facilitate speed,—a system which, through Aquila [4] a freedman, he taught to a number.

[B.C. 7 (a. u. 747)]

[-8-] Tiberius on the first day that he began the consulship with Gnaeus Piso convened the senate in the Octavium, because it was outside the pomerium. After assigning himself the duty of repairing the temple of Concord, in order that he might inscribe upon it his own name and that of Drusus, he held his triumph, and in company with his mother dedicated the so-called Precinct of Livia. He himself entertained the senate on the Capitol, and she the women privately. Not much later, as there was some disturbance in Germany, he took the field. The festival held in honor of the return of Augustus was managed by Gaius together with Piso, in his place. The Campus Agrippae (except the portico) and the Diribitorium Augustus himself made public property. The latter was the largest house ever constructed under a single roof; now the whole top of it has been taken off because it could not be put together solidly again, and the edifice stands wide open to the sky. Agrippa had left it still in the process of building, and it was completed at this time. The portico in the plain, which Polla his sister (who had also decorated the race-courses) was making, was not yet finished. Meantime funeral combats in honor of Agrippa were given, all except Augustus wearing dark clothing and even his sons the same, and there were both duels and contests of groups; they were held in the Saepta out of honor to Agrippa and because many of the structures surrounding the Forum had been burned. The blame for the fire was laid upon the debtor class and they were suspected of having set it with the purpose of having some of their debts remitted when they appeared to have lost considerable. They obtained nothing, however. The lanes at this time were provided with certain supervisors from among the people, whom we call road commissioners[5] They were allowed to use official dress and two lictors just in the places where they had jurisdiction and on certain days, and they were given charge of the body of slaves which previously had accompanied the aediles to save buildings that were set afire,—an arrangement still continued to the present day. They, together with the tribunes and praetors, were by lot appointed to have charge of the entire city, which was divided into fourteen wards.—These were all the events of that year, for nothing worthy of mention happened in Germany.

[B.C. 6 (a. u. 748)]

[-9-] The year following, which marked the consulship of Gaius Antistius and Laelius Balbus, Augustus was displeased to see that Gaius and Lucius, who were being brought up in the lap of sovereignty, did not carefully imitate his ways. They not only lived too luxuriously, but showed unseemly audacity. Lucius once entered the theatre by himself and became the center of attraction of the whole population; some merely let him engross their thoughts and others openly paid court to him. This treatment made him more arrogant, and among his other doings he proposed for consul Gaius, who was not yet a iuvenis. His father, however, expressed the earnest wish that no such complication of circumstances might arise as once occurred in his own case,—that any one younger than twenty should be consul. When the people still remained urgent he then said that a man ought to receive this office at time when he would not be liable to error himself and could resist the passions of the populace. After that he gave Gaius a priesthood, with the right of attendance in the senate and of beholding spectacles and sitting at banquets with that body. And wishing in some way [6] to rebuke them still more severely he bestowed upon Tiberius the tribunician authority for five years, and assigned to him Armenia, which was becoming estranged since the death of Tigranes. The result was that he was soon at odds with the people and Tiberius, though without effecting anything. The people felt that they had been slighted, and Tiberius feared their anger. He was, however, soon sent to Rhodes on the pretext that he needed some education; and he took not even his entire retinue, to say nothing of others, that so his appearance and his deeds might drop out of their minds. [The trip he made as a private person except in so far as he compelled the Parians to sell him the statue of Vesta, that it might be placed in the temple of Concord. When he reached the island he neither behaved at all nor spoke in an overweening way.—This is the truest reason for his foreign journey.] There is also a story current that he did this on account of his wife Julia, because he could no longer endure her; at any rate she was left behind at Rome. [Others have said that he was angry at not having been designated Caesar. Others still, that he was driven out by Augustus, being accused of plotting against the latter's children. But that his departure was not for the sake of education nor because he was displeased at the decrees passed became plain from many of his subsequent actions, and especially through his immediately opening his will at that time, and reading it to his mother and to Augustus. But all possible conjectures were made.]

[B.C. 5 (a. u. 749)]

The following year Augustus in the course of his twelfth consulship placed Gaius among the iuvenes and at the same time brought him before the senate, declared him Princeps luventutis, and allowed him to become cavalry commander.

* * * * *

[B.C. 2 (a. u. 752)]

And after the elapse of a year Lucius also obtained all the honors that had been granted to his brother Gaius. On an occasion when the populace had gathered and were asking that some reforms be instituted, when, indeed, they had sent for this purpose the tribunes to Augustus, Lucius came and deliberated with them about their demands; and at this all were pleased.

[-10-]Augustus limited the number of the populace to be supplied with grain, something previously left vague, to twenty myriads, and, as some say, he gave each one sixty denarii.. .. to Mars, and that he himself and his grandsons, as often as they pleased, and those who were passing from the classification of children and were being registered among the iuvenes, should invariably resort thither; that magistrates being despatched to offices abroad should make that their starting-point; that the senate should there declare their votes in regard to the granting of triumphs and the victors celebrating them should devote to this Mars their sceptre and their crown; that such victors and all others who might obtain triumphal honors should have their likenesses in bronze erected in the Forum; that in case military standards captured by the enemy were ever recovered, they should be placed in the temple; that a festival of the god should be celebrated near the Scalae by the persons successively occupying the office of praefectus alae; that a nail should be driven for his glory by those acting as censors; that senators have the right to undertake the work of furnishing the horses that were to compete in the equestrian contest, as well as the general care of the temple, precisely as had been provided by law in the case of Apollo and in the case of Jupiter Capitolinus.

These matters settled, Augustus dedicated that spacious hall: yet to Gaius and to Lucius he gave once and for all powers to officiate at all similar consecrations, on the strength of a kind of consular authority (founded on precedent) that they were to use. They, too, directed the horse-race on this occasion, and their brother Agrippa took part with the children of the leading families in the so-called "Troy" equestrian games. Two hundred and sixty lions were slaughtered in the hippodrome. There was a gladiatorial combat in the Saepta, and a naval battle of "Persians" and "Athenians" was given on the spot, where even at the present day some relics of it are still exhibited. The above were the names applied to the parties engaged, and the Athenians, as of old, came out victorious.

In the course of the spectacle he let water into the Flaminian Hippodrome and thirty-six crocodiles were there cut in pieces. However, Augustus did not serve as consul every day continuously, but after holding office a little while he gave the title of the consulship to another.

These were the exercises in honor of Mars. To Augustus himself a sacred contest was offered in Neapolis, the Campanian city, nominally because he had helped it rise when it was prostrated by earthquake and by fire, but in reality because the inhabitants, alone of their neighbors, were enthusiastic over Greek customs; and he also received the title of Father, with, binding force (for previously he was merely spoken of by that name and no decree had been passed). Moreover, it was now that for the first time he appointed two pretorian prefects, Quintus Ostorius Scapula and Publius Salvius Aper. This term "prefect" is the word which I, too, shall use solely to designate the commanders of any body, since it has won its way into general currency. Likewise Pylades the dancer conducted certain games, not performing any manual labor in connection with them (since he was now a man of advanced age) but employing the insignia of office and authorizing the necessary expenditures. Similarly the praetor Quintus Crispinus conducted games (though I need lay no emphasis on that point) and under his management knights and women of families not unknown to fame were brought into the orchestra. But of all this Augustus made no account; his daughter Julia, however, proved so dissolute that she held revels and drinking bouts by night in the Forum and on the very rostra. When at last he found this out, he was exceedingly enraged. He had guessed before that she did not lead a right life, but refused to believe it. For those who hold supreme power are acquainted with anything better than with their own affairs. Their own deeds do not go undetected by their associates, but they are not fully aware of the latter's. In this instance [when he learned what was going on], he gave way to such violent rage that he could not keep the matter to himself, but communicated it to the senate. As a result she was banished to the island of Pandateria, near Campania, and her mother Scribonia voluntarily was the companion of her voyage. Of the men who enjoyed her favors Iullus Antonius, on the ground that his conduct was prompted by designs upon the monarchy, was put to death, along with others, [prominent persons]. The remainder were banished to islands. [And since there was a tribune among them he was not tried till he had completed his term of office.] Many other women, too, were accused of similar behavior, but the emperor would not permit all the suits: he set a definite time and forbade investigation of what had occurred previous to that. In the case of his daughter he would show no mercy, urging that he would rather have been Phoebe's father than hers, but the rest he spared. Now Phoebe been a freedwoman of Julia's and the companion of her undertakings, and had already caused her own death. For this Augustus praised her.

[B.C. 1 (a. u. 753)]

Gaius' captaincy of the legions on the Ister was a peaceful period. He fought no war, not because there was none but because he cultivated ruling in quiet and safety, and the dangers were assigned to others.

The revolt of the Armenians and the Parthians' cooeperation with them kept Augustus sorrowful, and he was at a loss to know what to do. His age rendered him incapable of campaigning, Tiberius (as stated) had already withdrawn, he could not venture to send any other influential man, and Gaius and Lucius were, as it happened, young and inexperienced in affairs. Still, under the prod of necessity, he chose Gaius, gave him the proconsular authority and a wife (an act intended to increase his dignity) and assigned advisers to him. Gaius set out and was everywhere received with marks of distinction, occupying as he did the position of the emperor's grandson,—one might almost say son,—and Tiberius went to Chios and paid him court to rid himself of suspicion. He humiliated himself and groveled at the feet not only of Gaius but of all the latter's associates. On his return to Syria, after no great successes won, he was wounded.

[When the barbarians heard of the campaign of Gaius, Phrataces sent to Augustus men to explain what had occurred and asked to get back his brothers on condition of accepting peace.

[A.D. 1 (a. u. 754)]

The emperor's reply, addressed simply to "Phrataces," without the title of king, directed him to lay aside the royal name and withdraw from Armenia. The Parthian, however, instead of being cowed at this, wrote back in a generally supercilious tone, calling himself "king of kings," but the other only "Caesar."—Tigranes did not at once send any envoys, but when Artabazus somewhat later fell sick and died he despatched a letter, not writing the name "king" in it, and asked Augustus for the kingdom. Influenced by these considerations and in fear, likewise, of war with the Parthians, the emperor accepted the gifts and bade him go with good hopes to meet Gaius in Syria.]

[-10a-(Boissevain)] ... other party from Egypt that campaigned against them they repulsed, and did not yield till a tribune from the pretorian guard was sent against them. He in progress of time checked their incursions, and for a long period no senator governed the cities in this region.

Coincident with these troubles there was a new movement on the part of the Celtae. Some time earlier Domitius, while still governing the regions adjacent to the Ister, had intercepted the Hermunduri (a tribe that for some unknown reason had left their native land and were wandering about in search of a different country), and he had settled them in a portion of Marcomania; next, encountering no opposition, he had crossed the Albis, cemented friendship with the barbarians on the other side, and set up an altar to Augustus to commemorate the event. Just now he had transferred his position to the Rhine, where, in pursuance of an intention to have his subordinates restore certain Cheruscian exiles, he had met with misfortune and had caused the other barbarians likewise to concieve a contempt for the Romans. This was, however, the extent of his operations during the year in question, for because of the Parthian war impending no chastisement was visited upon the rebels immediately.

Nevertheless the war with the Parthians did not materialize. Phrataces heard that Gaius was in Syria, equipped with consular powers, and was furthermore uneasy about home interests in which even previously he had failed to discern a friendly feeling; hence he hastened to effect a reconciliation, secured on the proviso that he himself should depart from Armenia and his brothers remain over seas.

[A.D. 2(a. u. 755)]

Now the Armenians fell into conflict with the Romans the following year, in which Publius Vinicius and Publius Varus were consuls. The restraining influence of the fact that Tigranes had perished in some barbarian war and that Erato had resigned the sovereignty was nullified as soon as they were delivered to a Mede, Ariobarzanes, who had once come to the Romans in company with Tiridates. They accomplished nothing worthy of note save that a leader named Addon,[7] who was occupying Artagira, induced Gaius to come close up to the wall, pretending that he would reveal to him some secrets of the Parthian king, and then wounded him. In the consequent siege he maintained a prolonged resistance. When he was at last overthrown, not only Augustus but Gaius, too, assumed the title of imperator, and Armenia passed into the control of Ariobarzanes. Soon after the latter died, and his son Artabazus received it as the gift of Augustus and the senate. Gaius fell ill from the wound, and though he was not in any way robust and the condition of his health had, in fact, injured his mind, he now grew still more feeble. At length he begged leave to retire to private life, and it was his wish to take up his abode somewhere in Syria. Augustus, in the depth of grief, communicated his desire to the senate, and urged him to come at any rate to Italy and then do what he pleased. So Gaius resigned at once all the duties of his office and took a coastwise trading vessel to Lycia, where, at Limyra, he breathed his last. Prior to his demise the spark of Lucius's life had also paled. (He, too, was being given practice in many places, sent now here, now there; and he was wont to read personally the letters of Gaius before the senate, so often as he was present.) His death was due to a sudden illness. In connection with both these cases, therefore, suspicion rested upon Livia, and particularly because the return of Tiberius from Rhodes to Rome occurred at this time. [-11-] As for him he was so extremely well versed in the art of divination by the stars, having with him Thrasyllus, who was a past master of all astrology, that he had understood accurately what was fated both for himself and for them. And the story goes that once in Rhodes he was about to push Thrasyllus from the walls, because the latter was the only one aware of all he had in mind; observing, however, that his intended victim looked gloomy, he asked him why his face was overcast. When the other replied that he suspected some danger, he was surprised [8] and gave up his murderous designs. Thrasyllus had such a clear knowledge of all things that when he descried approaching afar off the boat which brought to Tiberius the message from his mother and Augustus to return to Rome, he told him in advance what news it would bring.

[-12-] The bodies of Lucius and of Gaius were brought to Rome by the military tribunes and by the chief men of each city. The targes and the golden spears which they had received from the knights on entering the class of iuvenes were set up in the senate-house.

Augustus was once called "master" by the people, but he not only forbade that any one should use this form of address to him but took very good care in every way to enforce his command.

[A.D. 3 (a. u. 756)]

When his third ten-year period had been accomplished, he then accepted the rulership for the fourth time,—of course under compulsion! He had become milder through age and more hesitating in regard to offending any of the senators and now wished to have no differences with any of them.

For lending for three years to such as needed it fifteen hundred myriads of denarii, without interest, he was praised and reverenced by all.

Once, when a fire destroyed the palace, and many persons offered him large amounts, he would take nothing except an aureus from the various peoples and a denarius from single individuals. The name aureus, which I give here, is a local term for a piece of money worth twenty-five denarii.[9] Some of the Greeks also, whose books we read for acquiring a pure Attic style, give it this name. When Augustus had restored his dwelling he made all of it public property, either because of the contributions made by the people or because he was high priest and wished to live in a building both private and public.

[-13-] The people urged Augustus very strongly to rescind the sentence of exile passed upon his daughter, but he answered that fire would mix with water before she should be brought back. And the populace did throw a good deal of fire into the Tiber. For the time being they accomplished nothing, but later they brought such pressure to bear that she was at last moved from the island to the mainland.

And later the outbreak of war with the Celtae found Augustus worn out in body (by reason of old age and sickness) and incapable of taking the field. Yielding, then, partly to the requirements of the situation and partly to the persuasions of Julia[10] (who had already been restored from banishment) he both adopted Tiberius and sent him out[11] against the Celtae, granting him the tribunician authority for ten years.

[A.D. 4 (a. u. 757)]

Yet suspecting that he might lose his head and fearing a possible insurrection he adopted for him also his nephew Germanicus, though Tiberius himself had a son. After this he took courage, and feeling that he had successors and supporters, he became desirous to organize the senate once more. So he nominated the ten senators whom he most honored and appointed three of them, selected by lot, to be scrutinizers. There were not many, however, who either imposed sentence on themselves beforehand,—permission being given them to do so, just as previously,—or were retired against their will.

This business, then, was managed by others. The emperor himself took a census of the inhabitants of Italy possessing property valued at not less than five myriad denarii. The weaker citizens and those dwelling outside of Italy he did not compel to undergo the taking of a census, for he feared that they might be disturbed and show insubordination of some sort. And in order that he might not seem to be acting in the capacity of censor (for the reason I mentioned before) [12] he assumed proconsular powers for the purpose of completing the census and accomplishing the purification. And inasmuch as many of the young men of the senatorial class and of the equestrian, as well, had grown poor though not at fault for it themselves, he made up to most of them the required amount of property, and in the case of some eighty increased it to thirty myriads.

[A.D. 4 ( a. u. 757) ]

Since, also, many were giving unrestricted emancipation to their slaves, he directed what age the manumitter and likewise the person to be liberated by him must have reached: moreover, what regulations people in general, and the former masters, should observe toward those made freedmen.

[-14-] While he was thus occupied plots were formed against him, and notably one by Gnaeus Cornelius, a son of the daughter of Pompey the Great. For some time the emperor was a prey to great perplexity not wishing to kill the men,—for he saw that no greater safety would be his by their destruction,—nor yet to let them go, for fear this might attract others to conspire against him. While he was in a dilemma as to what he should do and could not be free from anxiety by day nor from terror by night, Livia one day said to him:—

"What is this, husband? Why is it you do not sleep!"

"Wife," answered Augustus, "who could be even to the slightest degree free from care, that has so many enemies and is so constantly the object of plots of one set of men or another? Do you not see how many are attacking both me and our sovereignty? The vengeance meted out to those found guilty does not retard them: quite the contrary, as if they were pressing forward to do some noble action the rest also hasten to perish similarly."

Livia, hearing this, said: "That you should be the object of plots is not remarkable, nor is it contrary to human nature. Having so large an empire you must do many things and naturally you cause grief to not a few people. A ruler can not please all: on the contrary, even an exceedingly upright sovereign must inevitably make foes of many persons. For those who wish to be unjust are many more than those who act justly, and their desires it is impossible to satisfy. Even among such as possess a certain excellence some yearn for many great rewards which they can not obtain and some chafe because they are inferior to others: so both of them find fault with the ruler. From this you can see that it is impossible to avoid evil, and furthermore that of all the attacks made none is upon you but all upon your position of supremacy. If you were a private citizen, no one would willingly do you any harm unless he had previously received some injury. But for the supremacy and for the good things that it contains all yearn, and those who occupy any post of influence far more than their inferiors. It is the nature of wicked men, who have very little sense, to do so. It is implanted in their dispositions, just like anything else, and it is impossible by either persuasion or compulsion to remove such a bent from some of them. There is no law or fear stronger than natural tendencies. Reflect on this and do not take the offences of others so hard, but keep yourself and your supremacy carefully guarded, that we may hold it safely not by virtue of inflicting severe punishments but by means of strict watchfulness."

[-15-] To this Augustus replied: "Wife, I too know that nothing great is ever free from envy and plots,—least of all sole power. We should be peers of the gods if we did not have troubles and cares and fears beyond all private individuals. But to me it is also a source of grief that this is inevitably so and that no cure for it can be found."

"Yet," said Livia, "since some men are so constituted as to want to do wrong in any event, let us guard against them. We have many soldiers who protect us,—some marshaled against foreign foes and others about your person,—and a large retinue, so that by their help we may live safely both at home and abroad."

"I do not need," said Augustus, interrupting, "to state that many men on many occasions have perished at the hands of their immediate associates. For in addition to other disadvantages this, too, is a most distressing thing in monarchies, that we fear not only enemies (like other people) but also our friends. Many more rulers have been plotted against by such persons than by those who had nothing to do with them. This is to be expected, since the inner circle is with the potentate day and night, exercising and eating, and he has to take food and drink that they have prepared. Moreover, against acknowledged enemies you can array these very men, but against the latter themselves there is no one else to employ as an ally. To us, therefore, the whole time through, solitude is dreadful, company dreadful: to be unguarded is terrifying, but most terrifying are the guards themselves: enemies are difficult to deal with, but still greater difficulties are presented by our friends. They must all be called friends, whether they are such or not, but even if one should find them most reliable, even so one may not trust one's self in their company with a clear, carefree, unsuspecting heart. This, then, and the fact that it is requisite to take measures of defence against ordinary conspirators, make the situation overwhelmingly dreadful. For to be always compelled to be inflicting punishment and chastisement upon somebody is highly repugnant to men of character."

[-16-] "You are right," answered Livia, "and I have some advice to give you,—at least, if you prove willing to receive it and willing not to censure me that, woman as I am, I dare to make suggestions to you which no one else, even of your most intimate friends, would venture. And this is not through any lack of knowledge on their part, but because they are not bold enough to speak."

"Say on," rejoined Augustus, "and let us have it."

"I will tell you," continued Livia, "without hesitation, because I share your comforts and adversities, and while you are safe I myself hold dominion day by day, whereas if you come to any harm (which Heaven forbid!) I shall perish with you. Well, then, human nature persuades some to sin under any conditions, and there is no device for controlling it when it has once started toward any goal. What seems good to persons,—not to rehearse the vices of the masses,—at once induces very many of them to do wrong. [-17-] The boast of birth and pride of wealth, greatness of honor, audacity founded on bravery, and conceit due to authority, bring shipwreck to not a few. There is no making nobility ignoble, bravery cowardly, or prudence foolish: it is impossible. Nor, again, is it to curtail men's abundance or to strike down ambitions where conduct has been correct: that is iniquitous. That he who is on the defensive and anticipates others' movements should incur injury and ill repute is inevitable. Come, let us change our policy and spare some of them. To me it seems far more feasible to set things right by kindness than by harshness. Not only are those who grant pardon loved by the objects of their clemency, who strive to repay the favor, but all others both respect and reverence them and will not readily endure to see harm done to them. Sovereigns, however, who maintain an inexorable anger not only are hated by those who have aught to fear, but cause uneasiness to all the rest. As a result, men plot against them to avoid meeting an untimely fate. Do you not notice that physicians very rarely have recourse to cutting and burning, wishing to avoid aggravating a person's disease, but in the majority of cases soothe and cure by means of fomentations and mild drugs? Do not think that because those ailments have to do with the body and these with the mind that they are essentially different. Very many experiences of the body are similar in a way to what goes on in the souls of men, no matter how bodiless the latter may be. The soul contracts under the influence of fear and expands under that of wrath. Pain humiliates men and audacity puffs them up. The correspondences then are very close and therefore both kinds of trouble need treatments which are much alike. A gentle speech uttered to a man causes all his unruliness to subside, just as a harsh one provokes to anger even an easy-going person. The granting of pardon melts the most audacious, just as punishment irritates the most mild. Acts of violence inflame all men in every instance, even though such measures may be thoroughly just, but considerate treatment mollifies them. Hence one would more readily brave great dangers through persuasion and voluntarily, than under compulsion. Such is the inherent, unalterable quality of both methods of behavior that even among brute beasts that have no mind many of the strongest and fiercest are domesticated by petting and are subdued by coaxing, whereas many of the most cowardly and weak are made unmanageable and maddened by cruelties and terrors.

[-18-] "I am not saying that we must spare absolutely all wrongdoers, for we must cut out of the way the daredevil and busybody, the man of evil nature and evil devices, who gives himself up to an unyielding, persistent baseness, just as we treat parts of the body that are quite incurable. But of the rest, who err through youth or ignorance or a misunderstanding or some other chance, some purposely and others unwillingly, it is proper to admonish some with words, to bring others to their senses by threats, and to handle still others with moderation in some different way, precisely as in other [matters] ... all men impose upon some greater and upon others lesser punishments. So far as these persons are concerned you may employ moderation without danger, inflicting upon some the penalty of banishment, upon others that of loss of political rights, upon still others a money fine. You may also place some of them in country districts or in certain cities.

"In the past a few have been brought to their senses by missing what they hoped for, by failing to secure what they aimed at. A degradation in seats[13] and factional disputes involving disgrace, as well as being injured or terrified before they could make a move, has improved not a few. Yet one well born and courageous would prefer to die rather than to have any such experience. As a result, vengeance would become not easier for the plotters but more difficult, and we should be able to live in safety, since not a word could be said against us. At present we are thought to kill many through anger,[14] many because of a desire for their money, others through fear of their bravery, and a great many others on account of jealousy of their excellence. No one will readily believe that a person possessing so great an authority and power can seriously be the object of the plots of any unarmed individual. Some talk as above and others say that we hear a great many lies and foolishly pay heed to many of them, believing them true. They assert that those who spy into and overhear doubtful matters concoct many falsehoods, some being influenced by enmity, others by wrath, some because they can get money from their foes, others because they can get no money from the same persons, and further, that they report not only the fact of certain persons having committed suspicious actions or intending to commit them, but also how A said so-and-so, and B hearing it was silent, how one man laughed and somebody else wept.

[-19-] "I could cite innumerable other details of like nature which, no matter how true they were, are no business for free men to concern themselves about or report to you. If they went unnoticed, they would do you no harm, but when heard they might irritate you even against your will: and that ought by no means to happen, especially in a ruler of the people. Now many believe that from this cause large numbers unjustly perish, some without a trial and others by some unwarranted condemnation of a court. They will not admit that the evidence given or statements made under torture or any similar proof against them is genuine. This is the sort of talk, though some of it may not be just, which is reported in the case of practically all so put to death. And you ought, Augustus, to be free not only from injustice but from the appearance of it. It is sufficient for a private individual to avoid irregular conduct, but it behooves a ruler to incur not even the suspicion of it. You are the leader of human beings, not of beasts, and the only way you can make them really friendly to you is by persuading them by every means and constantly, without a break, that you will wrong no one either voluntarily or involuntarily. A man can be forced to fear another but he has to be persuaded to love him: and he is to be persuaded by the good treatment he himself receives and the benefits he sees conferred on others. The person, however, who suspects that somebody has perished unjustly both fears that he may some day meet the same fate and is compelled to hate the one responsible for the deed. And to be hated by one's subjects is (besides containing no element of good) exceedingly unprofitable. The general mass of people feel that ordinary individuals must defend themselves against all who wrong them in any way or else be despised and consequently oppressed: but rulers, they think, ought to prosecute those who wrong the State but endure those who are thought to commit offences against them privately; rulers can not be harmed by disdain or assault, because they have many guardians to protect them.

[-20-] "When I hear this and turn my attention to this I feel inclined to tell you outright to put no one to death for any such reason. Places of supremacy are established for the preservation of subjects, to prevent them from being injured either by one another or by foreign tribes: such places are not, by Jupiter, for the purpose of allowing the rulers themselves to hard their subjects. It is most glorious to be able not to destroy most of the citizens but to save them all, if possible. It is right to educate them by laws and, favours and admonitions, that they may be right-minded and further to watch and guard them, so that even if they wish to do wrong they may not be able. And if there is anything ailing, we must cure and correct it in some way, in order that there may be no entire loss. To endure the offences of the multitude is a task requiring great prudence and force: if any one should simply punish all of them as they deserve, before he knew it he would have destroyed the majority of mankind. For these reasons, then, I give you my opinion to the effect that you should not inflict the death penalty for any such error, but bring the men to their senses in some other way, so that they will not again do anything dangerous. What crime could a man commit shut up on an island, or in the country, or in some city, not only destitute of a throng of servants and money, but under guard, if it be necessary? If the enemy were anywhere near here or some alien force had dominion over this sea so that one of the prisoners might escape to them and do us some harm, or if, again, there were strong cities in Italy with fortifications and weapons, so that if a man seized them he might become a menace to us, that would be a different story. But all towns in this neighborhood are unarmed and lacking any walls that would serve in war, and the enemy is removed from them by vast distances; a long stretch of sea, and a journey by land including mountains and rivers hard to cross lie between them and us.

Why, then, should one fear this man or that man, defenceless, private citizens, here in the middle of your empire and enclosed by your armed forces? I can not see how any one could conceive such a notion or how the maddest madman could accomplish anything.

[-21-] "With these premises, therefore, let us give the idea a trial. The discontented will soon themselves change their ways and bring about an improvement in others. You notice that Cornelius is both of good birth and renowned. This matter has to be reasoned out in a human fashion. The sword can not effect everything for you; it would be a great blessing if it could bring some men to their senses and persuade them or even compel them to love any one with genuine affection: but, instead, it will destroy the body of one man and alienate the minds of the rest. People do not become more attached to any one because of the vengeance they see meted out to others, but they become more hostile through the influence of their own fears. That is one side of the picture. On the other hand, those who obtain pardon for any crime and repent are ashamed to wrong their benefactors again, but render them much service in return, hoping to receive much more again for it. When a man is saved by some one who has been wronged, he thinks that his rescuer, if fairly treated, will go to any lengths to aid him. Heed me, therefore, dearest, and make a change. Then all your other acts that have caused displeasure will appear to have been due to necessity. In conducting so great a city from democracy into monarchy it is impossible to make the transfer without bloodshed. But if you follow your old policy, you will be thought to have done these unpleasant things intentionally."

[-22-] Augustus heeded these suggestions of Livia and released all those against whom charges were pending, admonishing some of them orally; Cornelius he even appointed consul. Later he so conciliated both him and the other men that no one else again really plotted against him or had the reputation of so doing. Livia had had most to do with saving the life of Cornelius, yet she was destined to be held responsible for the death of Augustus.

[A.D. 5 (a. u. 758)]

At this time, in the consulship of Cornelius and Valerius Messala, earthquakes of ill omen occurred and the Tiber tore away the bridge so that the City was under water for seven days. There was an eclipse of the sun, and famine set in. This same year Agrippa was enrolled among the iuvenes, but obtained none of the same privileges as his brother. The senators attended the horse-races separately and the knights also separately from the remainder of the populace, as is done nowadays. And since the noblest families did not show themselves inclined to give their daughters for the service of Vesta, a law was passed that the daughters of freedmen might likewise be consecrated. Many contended for the honor, and so they drew lots in the senate in the presence of their fathers; no priestess, however, was appointed from this class.

[-23-] The soldiers were displeased at the small size of the prizes for the wars that had taken place at this period and no one was willing to carry arms for longer than the specified term of his service. It was therefore voted that five thousand denarii be given to members of the pretorian guard when they had ended sixteen, and three thousand to the other soldiers when they had completed twenty years' service. Twenty-three legions were being supported at that time, or, as others say, twenty-five, of citizen soldiers. Only nineteen of them now remain. The Second (Augusta) is the one that winters in Upper Britain. Of the Third there are three divisions,—the Gallic, in Phoenicia; the Cyrenaic, in Arabia; the Augustan, in Numidia. The Fourth. (Scythian) is in Syria, the Fifth (Macedonian), in Dacia. The Sixth is divided into two parts, of which the one (Victrix) is in Lower Britain, and the other (Ferrata) is in Judaea. The soldiers of the Seventh, generally called Claudians, are in Upper Moesia. Those of the Eighth, Augustans, are in Upper Germany. Those of the Tenth are both in Upper Pannonia (Legio Gemina) and in Judaea. The Eleventh, in Lower Moesia, is the Claudian. This name two legions received from Claudius because they had not fought against him in the insurrection of Camillus. The Twelfth (Fulminata) is in Cappadocia: the Thirteenth (Gemina) in Dacia: the Fourteenth (Gemina) in Upper Pannonia: the Fifteenth (Apollinaris) in Cappadocia. The Twentieth, called both Valeria and Victrix, is also in Upper Britain. These, I believe, together with those that have the title of the Twenty second[15] and winter in Upper Germany Augustus took in charge and kept; and this I say in spite of the fact that they are by no means called Valerians by all and do not themselves use the title any longer. These are preserved from the Augustan legions. Of the rest some have been scattered altogether and others were mixed in with different legions by Augustus himself and by the other emperors, from which circumstance they are thought to have been called Gemina.

[-24-] Now that I have once been brought into a discussion of the legions, I shall speak of the forces as they are at present according to the disposition made by subsequent emperors: in this way any one who desires to learn anything about them may do so easily, finding all his information written in one place. Nero organized the First legion, called the Italian, and now wintering in Lower Moesia; Galba, the First legion, called Adiutrix, in Lower Pannonia, and the Seventh (Gemina), which is in Spain; Vespasian, the Second, Adiutrix, in Lower Pannonia, and the Fourth (the Flavian) in Syria; Domitian, the First (Minervia), in Lower Germany; Trajan, the Second (the Egyptian), and the Thirtieth (Germanic), which he also named after himself. Marcus Antoninus organized the Second, which is in Noricum, and the Third, in Rhaetia; these are also called Italian: Severus the Parthian legions, i. e., the First and the Third in Mesopotamia and between them the Second, the one in Italy.

This is at present the number of legions which are enrolled in the service, exclusive of the cohortes urbanae and the pretorian guard. At that time, in the days of Augustus, those I mentioned were being supported, whether twenty-three or twenty-five altogether; and then there was some allied force, whatever the size, of infantry and cavalry and sailors. I can not state the exact figures. The body-guards, ten thousand in all, were divided into ten portions, and the six thousand warders of the city into four portions, and there were picked foreign horsemen to whom the name Batavians is applied (from the island Batavia in the Rhine), because the Batavians are noted for superiority in horsemanship. I can not, however, state their exact number any more than that of the evocati. He began to reckon in the latter from the time that he called the warriors who had previously supported his father to arms again against Antony; and he retained control of them. They constitute even now a special corps and carry rods, like the centurions.

For the distribution mentioned he needed money and therefore introduced a motion into the senate to the effect that a definite permanent fund be created, in order that without troubling any private citizen they might obtain abundant support and rewards from the proposed appropriation. The means for such a fund was accordingly sought.—As no one showed a willingness to become aedile, some from the ranks of ex-quaestors and ex-tribunes were compelled by lot to take the office. This happened frequently at other times.

[A.D. 6 (a. u. 759)]

[-25-] After this, in the consulship of AEmilius Lepidus and Lucius Arruntius, when no source for the fund was found that suited anybody, but quite everybody felt dejected because such an attempt was being made, Augustus in the name of himself and of Tiberius put money into the treasury, which he called the aerarium militare. Some of the ex-praetors—such as drew the lots—he instructed to administer it for three years, employing two lictors apiece and such further assistance as was fitting. This was done by successive officials for a number of years. At present they are chosen by whoever is emperor and they go about without lictors. Augustus himself made some further contributions and promised to do this annually, and he accepted offers from kings and certain peoples. From private individuals, though a number were ready and glad to give (as they said), he would take nothing. But as all this proved very slight in comparison with the large amount spent, and there was need of some inexhaustible supply, he ordered each one of the senators to devise means by himself, to write his plan in a book, and give it to him to look over. This was not because he had no plan of his own, but because he was most anxious to persuade them to choose the one that he wished. Various men proposed various courses, but he would approve none of them: instead, he arranged for five per cent. of the inheritances and bequests which should be left by deceased persons (except in the case of very near relations or poor families); he pretended that he had found this tax suggestion in Caesar's memoirs. It was a method that had been introduced once before, but had been later abolished and was now introduced anew. In this way he increased the revenues. The expenditures made by three men of consular rank, whom the lot designated, he partly made smaller and partly did away with altogether.

[-26-] This was not the only source of trouble to the Romans: there was also a severe famine. As a consequence, the gladiators and the slaves offered for sale were removed to a distance of over seven hundred and fifty stadia, Augustus and others dismissed the greater part of their retinue, there was a cessation of lawsuits, and senators were permitted to leave the city and go where they pleased. In order to prevent any hindrance to decrees from this last measure it was ordered that all those framed by as many as happened to attend meetings should be binding. Moreover, ex-consuls were appointed to take charge of grain and bread supplies, so as to have a stated quantity sold to each person. Those who were recipients of public bounty had as much added to their supply gratis by Augustus as they might obtain at any time. When even that did not suffice, he forbade the citizens to hold any public festivals on his birthday.