[-56-] In these circumstances and by the very cause and purpose of the war a most notable struggle took place. The city of Rome and the entire dominion over it, even then great and mighty, lay before them as a prize: it was clear to all that it would become the slave of him who conquered. When they reflected on this fact and furthermore recalled their former deeds,—Pompey, Africa and Sertorius and Mithridates and Tigranes and the sea: Caesar, Gaul and Spain and the Rhine and Britain,—they were excited to frenzy, thinking that they were facing danger for those conquests too, and each was eager to acquire the other's glory. For the renown of the vanquished no less than his other possessions becomes the property of the victors. The greater and more powerful the antagonist that a man overthrows, to the greater heights is he raised. [-57-] Therefore they delivered to the soldiers also many exhortations, but very much alike on both sides, saying all that is fitting to be mentioned on such occasions with reference both to the immediate nature of the danger and to its future results. As they both came from the same state and were talking to the same subjects and calling each other tyrants and themselves liberators from tyranny, they had nothing of different kinds to say, but stated that it would be the lot of the one party to die, of the other to be preserved, of the one party to be captives, of the other to enjoy the master's lot, to possess everything or to be deprived of everything, to suffer or to inflict a most terrible fate. After giving some such exhortations to the citizens and furthermore leading the subject and allied contingents into hopes for the better and fears for the worse, they hurled at each other kinsmen, sharers of the same tent, those who had eaten together, those who had drunk together. Why should any one then lament the fate of others involved, when those very men, who were all these things to each other, and had shared many secret words, many similar exploits, who had once been concerned in a marriage and loved the same child, one as a father, the other as grandfather, nevertheless fought? All the ties that nature by mingling their blood had created, they now, directed by insatiate lust of power, hastened to break, tear, and cleave asunder. Because of them Rome was forced to encounter danger for herself against herself, and though victor to be worsted.

Such was the struggle in which they joined. [-58-] They did not, however, immediately come to close quarters. Sprung from the same country and from the same hearth, with almost identical weapons and similar formation, each side shrank from beginning the battle, shrank from slaying any one. There was great silence then, and dejection on the part of both; no one went forward nor moved at all: but with heads bowed they stood motionless, as if devoid of life. Caesar and Pompey, therefore, fearing that if they remained quiet any longer their animosity might be dulled or they might even become reconciled, hurriedly commanded the trumpeters to blow the signal and the men to raise the war cry in unison. Both orders were obeyed, but the contestants were so far from being imbued with courage, that at the similar sound of the trumpeter's call and at their own outcry in the same language, they felt their affinity and were impressed with their kinship, and so fell into tears and wailing. [-59-] At length the allied troops began the battle, and the rest joined in combat, fairly beside themselves at what they were doing. Those whose part in the conflict was a distant one were less sensible of the horror; they threw, shot, hurled javelins, discharged slings, without knowing whom they hit: but the heavy-armed and the cavalry had a fearful experience, as they were close to each other and could even speak a little back and forth; at the same moment they would recognize their vis-a-vis and would wound him, would call to him and slaughter him, would remember their country and despoil the slain. These were the actions and the sufferings of the Romans and the rest from Italy who were joined with them in the campaign, wherever they happened upon each other. Many sent messages home through their very destroyers. The subject force fought both zealously and unflinchingly, showing much alertness as once for their own freedom, so now to secure the slavery of the Romans; they wanted, since they were inferior to them at all points, to have them as fellow-slaves.

[-60-] It was a very great battle and full of diverse incidents, partly for the reasons mentioned and partly on account of the numbers and the variety of the armaments. There were vast bodies of heavy-armed soldiers, vast bodies of cavalry, others that were archers and still others that were slingers, so that they occupied the whole plain and when scattered often fought with their own men, because similarly arrayed, and often promiscuously with others. Pompey surpassed in his body of horse and archers; hence they surrounded troops from a distance, employed sudden assaults, and after throwing them into confusion retired; then again and still again they would attack them, changing now to this side and now to that. The Caesarians were on their guard against this, and by deploying their ranks always managed to face those assailing them, and when they came into close quarters with them readily laid hold of both men and horses in the contest; light-armed infantry had, in fact, been drawn up with their cavalry for this very purpose. And all this took place, as I said, not in one spot but in many places at once, scattered about; and with some contending from a distance and others fighting at close quarters, this body smiting its opponents and that group getting struck, one detachment fleeing, and a second pursuing, many infantry battles and many cavalry battles as well were to be seen. Under these conditions many unexpected things happened. One man having routed another was himself turned to flight, and another who had forced a man out of line was in turn attacked by him. One soldier who had struck another was himself wounded and a second, who had fallen, killed the enemy who stood over him. Many died without being wounded, and many when half dead caused more slaughter. Some exulted and sang the paean, while others were grieved and lamented, so that all places were filled with cries and groans. The majority were thrown into confusion by this fact, for the mass of words which were unintelligible to them, because belonging to different nations and languages, alarmed them greatly, and those who could understand one another suffered a calamity many times worse; in addition to their private misfortunes they saw and heard at the same time those of near neighbors.

[-61-] At last, after they had struggled evenly for a very long space of time and many on both sides alike had fallen or been wounded, Pompey, since the larger part of his army was Asiatic and untrained, was defeated, even as had been made clear to him before the action. Thunderbolts had fallen into his camp, a fire had appeared in the air over Caesar's ditch and then fell up his own, bees had swarmed upon his military standards, and many of the victims after being led up close the very altar had run away. And so far did the effects of that contest extend to the rest of mankind that on the very day of the battle collisions of armies and the clash of arms occurred in many places: in Pergamum a kind of noise of drums and cymbals rose from the temple of Dionysus and spread throughout the city; in Tralles a palm tree grew up in the temple of Victory and the goddess herself turned about toward an image of Caesar located beside her; in Syria two young men (as they seemed) announced the result of the battle and vanished; and in Patavium, which now belongs to Italy but was then still a part of Gaul, certain birds not only brought news of it but even acted it out to some extent, for one Gaius Cornelius drew from them accurate information of all that had taken place, and narrated it to the bystanders. These things happened separately on that very same day and were naturally distrusted at the time; but when news was brought of the engagement, astonishment was felt.

[-62-] Of Pompey's followers who were not destroyed on the spot some fled whithersoever they could, and others changed their allegiance. Those of them who were solders of the line Caesar enrolled among his own troops, exhibiting no resentment. Of the senators and knights all those whom he had captured before and pitied he killed, unless his friends begged some of them off; for he allowed each of these on this occasion to save one man. The rest who had then for the first time fought against him he released, saying: "Those have not wronged me who have advanced the interests of Pompey, their friend, and had received no benefit from me." This same attitude he adopted toward the potentates and peoples who joined his cause. He pardoned them all, bearing in mind that he himself was acquainted with none or almost none of them, whereas from his rival they had previously obtained many favors. These he praised far more than such as had previously received some kindness from Pompey but in the midst of dangers had left him in the lurch: the former he could reasonably expect would be favorably disposed to him also, but as to the latter, no matter how anxious they seemed to be to please him in anything, he believed that inasmuch as they had betrayed a friend in this crisis they would not spare him either on occasion. [-63-] A proof of his feeling is that he spared Sadalus the Thracian and Deiotarus the Gaul, who had been in the battle, and Tarcondimotus, who was ruler of a portion of Cilicia and had very greatly assisted Caesar's opponent in the way of ships. What need is there of listing the rest who sent auxiliaries, to all of whom he granted pardon and merely exacted money from them? He did them no other damage and took from them nothing else, though many had frequently received great gifts from Pompey, some long ago and some just at that time. A certain portion of Armenia that had belonged to Deiotarus he did give to Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia, yet in this he did not injure Deiotarus at all, but rather conferred an additional favor upon him. He did not sunder the territory his domains, but after occupying all of Armenia before occupied by Pharnaces he bestowed one part of it on Ariobarzanes and another part upon Deiotarus. Pharnaces made a plea that he had not assisted Pompey and therefore, in view of his behavior, deserved to obtain pardon: Caesar, however, gave him no satisfactory response, and furthermore reproached him with the very fact that he had proved himself base and impious toward his benefactor. Such humaneness and uprightness did he afterward show in every case to all those who had fought against him. Moreover, all the letters that were found filed away in Pompey's chests which convicted any persons of good-will toward the latter or ill-will toward himself he neither read nor had copied but burned them immediately, in order not to be forced by what was in them to take severe measures; and for this reason if no other any one ought to hate the men that plotted against him. This is not a mere random remark, but may serve to call attention to the fact that Marcus Brutus Caepio, who afterward killed him, was captured by him and preserved from harm.



DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY

42

The following is contained in the Forty-second of Dio's Rome.

How Pompey, defeated in Thessaly, took to flight and perished in Egypt (chapters 1-5).

How Caesar, following Pompey, came into Egypt (chapters 6-16).

How the news about Caesar and Pompey was announced at Rome, and what decrees were passed in honor of Caesar (chapters 17-20).

How in the absence of Caesar the population of Rome revolted (chapters 21-33).

How Caesar fought and subdued the Egyptians and showered favors upon Cleopatra (chapters 34-44).

How Caesar conquered Pharnaces (chapters 45-48).

How Caesar returned to Rome and reconciled the interests there (chapters 49-55).

How Caesar led an expedition into Africa (chapters 56-58).

Duration of time, the remainder of the consulship of Julius Caesar (II) and Publius Servilius Isauricus, together with one additional year, in which there were the following magistrates here enumerated.

C. Iulius C.F. Caesar, Dictator (II), M. Antonius M.F., Master of Horse, and the two consuls C. Fufius C.F. Calenus and P. Vatinius P.F. (B.C. 47 = a.u. 707.)

(BOOK 42, BOISSEVAIN.)

[B.C. 48 (a.u. 706)]

[-1-] The general nature of the battle has, accordingly, been described. As a result of it Pompey straightway despaired of all his undertakings and no longer made any account of his own valor or of the number of his remaining soldiers or of the fact that Fortune often restores the vanquished in the shortest space of time; yet in former times he had always possessed the greatest cheerfulness and the greatest hopefulness on all occasions of failure. The reason for this was that in the cases just mentioned he had usually been evenly matched with the foe and hence had not discounted a victory in advance; but by reflecting beforehand on the dual possibilities of the outcome of the engagement, while he was still coolheaded and before being involved in any alarm, he had not neglected to prepare for the worst. In this way he had not been compelled to yield to disasters and was able with ease to renew the conflict: but this time as he had expected to far surpass Caesar he had foreseen nothing. For instance, he had not put the camp in proper condition nor provided a refuge for himself if defeated. And whereas he might have delayed action and so have conquered without a battle,—for his army kept increasing every day and he had abundant provisions because he was in a country for the most part friendly and because he was lord of the sea,—nevertheless, whether of his own accord and thinking he would conquer in any event, or because he was forced by his associates, he brought on an engagement. Consequently as soon as he was defeated he was terribly alarmed and had no opportune plan or sure hope ready to enable him to face the danger anew Whenever any event befalls a man unexpectedly and most contrary to what seemed reasonable, it humbles his mind and drives out the faculty of calculation, so that he becomes the poorest and weakest judge of what must be done. Calculation cannot live in the midst of fears; if it occupies the ground first, it thrusts them out very effectively, but if it be a second comer, it gets the worst of the encounter.

[-2-] Hence Pompey, also, having considered none of the chances beforehand, was found naked and defenceless, whereas, had anything been foreseen, he might, perhaps, without trouble have quickly recovered all his losses. Large numbers of the combatants had survived and he had other forces that were considerable. Above all, he had gotten into his possession large amounts of money and was master of the entire sea, and the cities both there and in Asia were fond of him even in his misfortune. But, as it turned out, since he had fared so ill where he felt most encouraged, in the temporary seizure of fear he made no use of any one of these resources, but left the fortifications at once and fled with a few companions toward Larissa. He did not enter the city although the Larissaeans invited him, because he feared that by so doing he might incur some blame. Bidding them make terms with the victor, he himself took provisions, embarked on the sea, and sailed away to Lesbos on a merchantman, to his wife Cornelia and his son Sextus. After taking charge of them he did not even enter Mitylene but started for Egypt, hoping to secure an alliance with Ptolemy, the king of that country. This was the son of that Ptolemy who, through the agency of Gabinius, had received back the kingdom at his hands, and he had as an acknowledgment of that service sent a fleet to Pompey's assistance. I have heard that Pompey thought also of fleeing to the Parthians, but I cannot credit the report. For that race so hated all the Romans ever since Crassus had led his expedition against them, and Pompey especially, because related to him, that they imprisoned his envoy who came with a request for aid, though he was a senator. And Pompey would have never endured in his misfortune to become a suppliant of a most hostile nation for what he had failed to obtain while enjoying success. [-3-]However,—he proceeded to Egypt for the reasons mentioned, and after coasting along the shore as far as Cilicia went across from there to Pelusium, where Ptolemy, just then engaged in a war with his sister Cleopatra, was encamped. Bringing the ships to anchor he sent some men to remind the prince of the favor shown his father and to ask that he be permitted to land on definite and secure conditions: he did not venture to disembark before obtaining some guarantee of safety. Ptolemy made him no answer, for he was still a mere child, but some of the Egyptians and Lucius Septimius, a Roman who had made campaigns with Pompey but was a relative of Gabinius and had been left behind by him to keep guard over Ptolemy, came in the guise of friends: for all that they impiously plotted against him and by their act brought guilt upon themselves and all Egypt. They themselves perished not long after and the Egyptians for their part were first delivered to be slaves of Cleopatra (this they particularly disliked) and later were enrolled among the Roman subjects. [-4-] Now at this time Septimius and Achillas, the commander-in-chief, and others who were with them declared they would readily receive Pompey,—to the end, of course, that he might be the more easily deceived and ensnared. Some of them sent on his messengers ahead, bidding them be of good cheer, and the natives themselves next embarked on some small boats and sailed out to him. After many friendly greetings they begged him to come over to their vessels, saying that by reason of its size and the shallow water a trireme could not closely approach their land and that they were very eager to see Pompey himself more quickly. He thereupon changed ships, although all his fellow voyagers urged him not to do it, trusting in his hosts and saying merely:

"Whoever to a tyrant wends his way, His slave is he, e'en though his steps be free." [72]

Now when they drew near the land, fearing that if he even met Ptolemy he might be saved, by the king himself or by the Romans who dwelt with him or by the Egyptians, who regarded him with great affection, they killed him before sailing into harbor. He said not a word and uttered no complaint, but as soon as he perceived their plot and recognized that he would not be able to ward them off nor escape, he veiled his face.

[-5-] Such was the end of the famous Pompey the Great, wherein once more the weakness and the strange fortune of the human race are proved. He was no whit deficient in foresight, but was deceived by having been always absolutely secure against any force of harmful potency. He had won many unexpected victories in Africa, and many in Asia and Europe, both by land and by sea ever since boyhood; and was now in the fifty-eighth year of his age defeated without good reason. He who had subdued the entire Roman sea perished on it: and whereas he had once, as the story goes, been master of a thousand ships, he was destroyed in a tiny boat near Egypt and really by that same Ptolemy whose father he had once restored from exile to that land and to his kingdom. The man whom at that time Roman soldiers were still guarding, soldiers left behind by Gabinius as a favor to Pompey and on account of the hatred felt by the Egyptians for the young prince's father, seemed now to have put him to death by the hands of those Romans and those Egyptians. Pompey, who was previously considered the dominant figure among the Romans so that he even had the nickname of Agamemnon, was now slain like any of the lowest of the Egyptians themselves, near Mount Casius and on the anniversary of the day on which he had celebrated a triumph over Mithridates and the pirates. Even in this point, therefore, there was nothing similar in the two parts of his career. Of yore on that day he had experienced the most brilliant success, whereas he now suffered the most grievous fate: again, following a certain oracle he had been suspicious of all the citizens named Cassius, but instead of being the object of a plot by any man called Cassius he died and was buried beside the mountain that had this name. Of his fellow voyagers some were captured at once, while others fled, among them his wife and child. The former under a safe conduct came later safely to Rome: the latter, Sextus, proceeded to Africa to his brother Gnaeus; these are the names by which they are distinguished, since they both bore the appellation Pompey.

[-6-] Caesar, when he had attended to pressing demands after the battle and had assigned to certain others Greece and the remainder of that region to win over and administer, himself pursued after Pompey. He hurried forward as far as Asia in quest of news about him, and there waited for a time since no one knew which way he had sailed. Everything turned out favorably for him: for instance, while crossing the Hellespont in a kind of ferryboat, he met Pompey's fleet sailing with Lucius Cassius in command, but so far from suffering any harm at their hands he terrified them and won them to his side. Next, meeting with no resistance any longer he took possession of the rest of that district and regulated its affairs, levying a money contribution, as I said, but otherwise doing no one any harm and even conferring benefits on all, so far as was visible. He did away with the taxgatherers, who abused the people most cruelly, and he converted the product of the taxes into a payment of tribute.

[-7-] Meanwhile, learning that Pompey was sailing to Egypt, he was afraid that his rival by occupying it in advance might again acquire strength, and he set out with, all speed. Him he found no longer alive. Then with a few followers he sailed far in advance of the others to Alexandria itself before Ptolemy came from Pelusium. On discovering that the people of the city were in a tumult over Pompey's death he did not at once venture to disembark, but put out to sea and waited till he saw the head and finger-ring of the murdered man, sent him by Ptolemy. Thereupon he approached the land with some courage: the multitude, however, showed irritation at the sight of his lictors and he was glad to make his escape into the palace. Some of his soldiers had their weapons taken from them, and the rest accordingly put to sea again until all the ships had reached harbor. [-8-] Caesar at the sight of Pompey's head wept and lamented bitterly, calling him countryman and son-in-law, and enumerating all the kindnesses they had shown each other. He said at he owed no reward to the murderers, but heaped reproaches upon them, and the head he commanded to be adorned and after proper preparation to be buried. For this he received praise, but for his pretences he was made a laughing stock. He had from the outset been thoroughly set upon dominion; he had always hated Pompey as his antagonist and adversary; besides all his other measures against him he had brought on this war with no other purpose than to secure his rival's ruin and his own leadership; he had but now been hurrying to Egypt with no other end in view than to overthrow him completely if he should still be alive: yet he feigned to miss his presence and made a show of vexation over his destruction.

[-9-] Under the belief that now that Pompey was out of the way there was no longer any spot left that was hostile to him, he spent some time in Egypt collecting money and adjudicating the differences between Ptolemy and Cleopatra. Meanwhile other wars were being prepared for him. Egypt revolted, and Pharnaces had begun, just as soon as he learned that Pompey and Caesar were at variance, to lay claim to his ancestral domain: he hoped that they would consume much time in their disputes and use up their own powers upon each other. He was at this time still clinging to the districts mentioned, partly because he had once asserted his claim and partly because he understood that Caesar was far off; and he had occupied many points in advance. Meanwhile Cato and Scipio and the rest who were of the same mind with them set on foot in Africa a war that was both a civil and a foreign conflict.

[-10-] It was this way. Cato had been left behind at Dyrrachium by Pompey to keep an eye upon reinforcements from Italy, in case any one should cross, and to repress the Parthini in case they should cause any disturbance. At first he carried on war with the latter, but after Pompey's defeat he abandoned Epirus and proceeding to Corcyra with those of the same mind as himself he there received the men who escaped from the battle and the rest who had the same interests. Cicero and a few other senators had set out for Rome at once: but the majority, together with Labienus and Afranius, since they had no hope in Caesar,—the one because he had deserted, the other because after having been pardoned by him he had again made war on him,—went to Cato, put him at their head and continued the war. [-11-] Their number was later increased by the addition of Octavius. The latter after sailing into the Ionian sea and arresting Gaius Antonius conquered several places but could not take Salonae though he besieged it for a very long time. Having Gabinius to assist them they repulsed him vigorously and finally along with the women made a sortie which was eminently successful. The women with hair let down and robed in black garments took torches, and after arraying themselves wholly in the most terrifying manner assaulted the besieging camp at midnight: they threw the outposts, who thought they were spirits, into panic and then from all sides at once hurled the fire within the palisade and following on themselves slew many in confusion and many who were asleep, occupied the place without delay, and captured at the first approach the harbor in which Octavius was lying. They were not, however, left at peace. He escaped them somehow, gathered a force again, and after defeating them in battle invested their city. Meanwhile Gabinius died of sickness and he gained control of the whole sea in that vicinity, and by making descents upon the land did the inhabitants much harm. This lasted until the battle near Pharsalus, after which his soldiers at the onset of a contingent from Brundusium changed sides without even making a resistance. Then, destitute of allies he retired to Corcyra.

[-12-] Gnaeus Pompey first sailed about with the Egyptian fleet and overran Epirus, so-called, almost capturing Oricum. The commander of the place, Marcus Acilius,[73] had blocked up the entrance to the harbor by boats crammed with stones and about the mouth of it had raised towers on both sides, on the land, and on ships of burden. Pompey, however, had submarine divers scatter the stones that were in the vessels and when the latter had been lightened he dragged them out of the way, freed the passage, and next, after putting heavy-armed troops ashore on each half of the breakwater, he sailed in. He burned all the boats and most of the city and would have captured the rest of it, had he not been wounded and caused the Egyptians to fear that he might die. After receiving medical attendance he no longer assailed Oricum but journeyed about pillaging various places and once vainly made an attempt upon Brundusium itself, as some others had done. This was his occupation for awhile. When his father had been defeated and the Egyptians on receipt of the news sailed home, he betook himself to Cato. [-13-] And his example was followed by Gaius Cassius, who had done very great mischief both in Italy and in Sicily and had overcome a number of opponents in many battles by sea and by land.

Many simultaneously took refuge with Cato because they saw that he excelled them in uprightness, and he, using them as comrades in struggle and counselors to all matters, sailed to the Peloponnesus with the apparent intention of occupying it, for he had not yet heard that Pompey was dead. He did seize Patrae and there received among other accessions Petreius and Pompey's son-in-law[74] Faustus. Subsequently Quintus Fufius Calenus led an expedition against them, whereupon they set sail, and coming to Cyrene there learned of the death of Pompey. Their views were now no longer harmonious: Cato, loathing the thought of Caesar's sovereignty, and some others in despair of getting pardon from him, sailed to Africa with the army, added Scipio to their number, and were as active as possible against Caesar; the majority scattered, and some of them retired to make their peace as each one best might, while the rest, among them Gaius Cassius, went to Caesar forthwith and received assurance of safety.

[-14-] Calenus had been sent by Caesar into Greece before the battle, and he captured among other places the Peiraeus, owing to its being unwalled. Athens (although he did a great deal of damage to its territory) he was unable to take before the defeat of Pompey. The inhabitants then capitulated voluntarily and Caesar without resentment released them altogether, making only this remark, that in spite of their many offences they were saved by the dead. This speech signified that it was on account of their ancestors and on account of the latter's glory and excellence that he spared them. Accordingly Athens and most of the rest of Greece then at once made terms with him: but the Megarians in spite of this resisted and were captured only at a considerably later date, partly by force and partly by treachery. Wherefore a great slaughter of the people was instituted and the survivors sold. Calenus had so acted that he might seem to have taken a merited vengeance upon them. But since he feared that the city might perish utterly, he sold the dwellers in the first place to their relatives, and in the second place for a very small sum, so that they might regain their freedom.

[-15-] After these achievements Caesar marched upon Patrae and occupied it easily, as he had frightened out Cato and his followers in advance. While these various troubles were being settled, there was an uprising in Spain, although the country was at peace. The Spaniards were at the time subject to many abuses from Quintus Longinus, and at first some few banded together to kill him. He was wounded but escaped, and after that proceeded to wrong them a great deal more. Then a number of Cordubasians and a number of soldiers who had formerly belonged to the Pompeian party rose against him, putting at their head Marcus Marcellus Aeserninus, the quaestor. He did not accept their appointment with his whole heart, but seeing the uncertainty of events and admitting that they might turn out either way, he straddled the issue. All that he said or did was of a neutral character, so that whether Caesar or Pompey should prevail he would seem to have fought for the cause of either one. He favored Pompey by receiving those who transferred their allegiance to him and by fighting against Longinus, who declared he was on Caesar's side: at the same time he did a kindness to Caesar because he assumed charge of the soldiers when (as he would say) Longinus was guilty of certain irregularities, and kept these men for him, while not allowing their commander to be alienated. And when the soldiers inscribed the name of Pompey on their shields he erased it so that he might by this act offer to the one man the deeds done by the arms and to the other their reputed ownership, and by laying claim to one thing or the other as done in behalf of the victor and by referring the opposite to necessity or to different persons he might continue safe.[-16-] Consequently, although he had the opportunity of overthrowing Longinus altogether by mere numbers, he refused, but while extending his actions over considerable time in the display and preparation of what he desired, he put the responsibility for doubtful measures upon other persons. Therefore both in his setbacks and the advantages he gained he could make the plea that he was acting equally in behalf of the same person: the setbacks he might have planned himself or might not, and for the advantages others might or might not be responsible. He continued in this way until Caesar conquered, when, having incurred the victor's wrath, he was temporarily banished, but was later brought back from exile and honored. Longinus, however, being denounced by the Spaniards in an embassy, was deprived of his office and while on his way home perished near the mouth of the Iber.

These events took place abroad. [-17-] The population of Rome while the interests of Caesar and Pompey were in a doubtful and vacillating state all professedly espoused the cause of Caesar, influenced by his troops that were in their midst and by his colleague Servilius. Whenever a victory of his was reported, they rejoiced, and whenever a reverse, they grieved,—some really, some pretendedly in each case. For there were many spies prowling about and eavesdroppers, observing what was being said and done on such occasions. Privately the talk and actions of those who detested Caesar and preferred Pompey's side were the very opposite of their public expressions. Hence, whereas both parties made a show of receiving any and all news as favorable to their hopes, they in fact regarded it sometimes with fear and sometimes with boldness, and inasmuch as many diverse rumors would often be going the rounds on the same day and in the same hour their position was a most trying one. In the briefest space of time they were pleased, were grieved, grew bold, grew fearful. [-18-] When the battle of Pharsalus was reported they were long incredulous. Caesar sent no despatch to the government, hesitating to appear to be rejoicing publicly over such a victory, for which reason also he celebrated no triumph: and again, there seemed little likelihood of its being true, in view of the relative equipment of the two forces and the hopes entertained. When at last they gave the story credence, they took down the images of Pompey and of Sulla that stood upon the rostra, but did nothing further at that time. A large number did not wish to do even that, and an equally large number fearing that Pompey might renew the strife regarded this as quite enough for Caesar and expected that it would be a fairly simple matter to placate Pompey on account of it. Moreover, when he died, they would not believe this news till late, and until they saw his signet that had been sent. (On this were carved three trophies, as on that of Sulla.) [-19-] But when he appeared to be really dead, at last they openly praised the winner and abused the loser and proposed that everything in the world which they could devise be given to Caesar. In the course of it all there was a great rivalry among practically all of the foremost men who were eager to outdo one another in fawning upon him and voting pleasing measures. By their shouts and by their gestures all of them as if Caesar were present and looking on showed the very greatest zeal and deemed that in return for it they would get immediately,—as if they were doing it to please him at all and not from necessity,—the one an office, another a priesthood, and a third some pecuniary reward. I shall omit those honors which had either been voted to some others previously,—images, crowns, front seats, and things of that kind,—or were novel and proposed now for the first time, which were not also confirmed by Caesar: for I fear that I might become wearisome, were I to enumerate them all. This same plan I shall adopt in my later narrations, adhering the more strictly to it, as the honors proposed grew more in number and more universal. Only such as had some special and extraordinary importance and were then confirmed will be set down. [-20-] They granted him, then, permission to do whatever he liked to those who had favored Pompey's cause; it could not be said that he had not already received this right from himself, but it was intended that he might seem to be acting with some show of legal authority. They appointed him lord of wars and peace (using the confederates in Africa as a Pretext) in regard to all mankind, even though he should make no communication on the subject to the people or the senate. This was also naturally in his power before, inasmuch as he had so large a force; and the wars he had fought he had undertaken himself in nearly every case: nevertheless, because they wished still to appear to be free and independent citizens, they voted him these rights and everything else which it was in his power to have even against their will. He received the privilege of being consul for five consecutive years and of being chosen dictator not for six months but for an entire year, and could assume the tribunician authority practically for life. He was enabled to sit with the tribunes upon the same benches and to be reckoned with them for other purposes,—a right commonly accorded to no one. All the elections except those of the people were put in his hands and for this reason they were delayed till after his arrival and were carried on only toward the close of the year.[75] The governorships in subject territory the citizens themselves of course allotted to the consuls, but they voted that Caesar might give them to the praetors without the casting of lots: for they had gone back to consuls and praetors again contrary to their decrees. And another practice which had the sanction of custom, indeed, but in the corruption of the times might justly be deemed a cause of hatred and resentment, formed the matter of one of their resolutions. Caesar had at that time heard not a word of the mere inception of the war against Juba and against the Romans who had fought on his side, and yet they assigned a triumph for him to hold, as if he had been victor.

[-21-] In this way these votes and ratifications took place. Caesar entered upon the dictatorship at once, though he was outside Italy, and chose Antony, who had not yet been praetor, as his master of the horse: and the consul proposed his name, although the augurs most strongly opposed him with the declaration that no one was allowed to be master of the horse for more than six months. They incurred, however, a great deal of laughter for this,—deciding that Caesar should be chosen dictator for a year contrary to all ancestral precedent, and then splitting hairs about the master of the horse. [-22-]Marcus Caelius[76] actually perished because he dared to break the laws laid down by Caesar regarding loans of money, as if their propounder was defeated and ruined, and because he had therefore stirred up to strife Rome and Campania. He had been very prominent in carrying out Caesar's wishes, for which reason moreover he had been appointed praetor; but he became angry because he had not also been made praetor urbanus, and because his colleague Trebonius had been preferred before him for this office, not by lot as had been the custom, but by Caesar's choice. Hence he opposed his colleague in everything and would not let him perform any of the duties that belonged to him. He would not consent to his executing judgments according to Caesar's laws, and furthermore gave notice to such as owed any sum that he would assist them against the money-lenders, and to all who dwelt in other peoples' houses that he would release them from payment of rent. Having by this course won the attachment of many he set upon Trebonius with their aid and would have killed him, had he not managed to change his robe and escape in the crowd. After this failure Caelius privately issued a law in which he gave to all the use of houses free and annulled debts. [-23-] Servilius consequently sent for some soldiers who chanced to be going by on the way to Gaul and after convening the senate under their protection he presented a proposition about the matter in hand. No ratification was reached, since the tribunes prevented it, but the sense of the meeting was recorded and Servilius then ordered the court officers to take down the offending tablets. When Caelius drove them away and acted in a disorderly manner toward the consul himself, they convened again, still protected by the soldiers, and delivered to Servilius the "care of the city," a phrase I have often used previously in regard to it. After this he would not permit Caelius, even in his capacity as praetor, to do anything, but assigned the duties pertaining to his office to some other praetor, debarred him from the senate, dragged him from the rostra in the midst of some vociferation, and broke to pieces his chair.

[-24-]Of course Caelius was violently angry at him for each of these acts, but since Servilius had a rather respectable body of troops in town he was afraid that he might suffer chastisement, and therefore decided to set out for Campania to join Milo, who was instituting a kind of rebellion. The latter, when it proved that he was the only one of the exiles not restored by Caesar, had come to Italy, where he gathered a number of men, some in want of a livelihood and others fearing some punishment, and ravaged the country, assailing Capua and other cities. It was to him that Caelius wished to betake himself, in order that with his aid he might do Caesar all possible harm. He was watched, however, and could not leave the city openly; and he did not venture to escape secretly because (among other motives) he hoped to accomplish a great deal more by possessing the attire and the title of praetor. At last, therefore, he approached the consul and obtained from him leave of absence, saying that he wished to proceed to Caesar. The other, though he suspected his intention, still allowed him to do this, particularly because he was very insistent, invoking Caesar's name and pretending that he was eager to submit his defence. Servilius sent a tribune with him, so that if he should attempt any rebellious conduct he might be prevented.[25] When they got to Campania, and found that Milo after a defeat near Capua had taken refuge in the Tifatine mountain, and Caelius would go no farther, the tribune was alarmed and wished to bring him back home. Servilius, learning of this in advance, declared war upon Milo in the senate and gave orders that Caelius (who must be prevented from stirring up any confusion) should remain in the suburbs. However, he did not keep him under strict surveillance, because the man was a praetor. Thus Clius made his escape and hastened to Milo: and he would certainly have aroused some sedition, had he found him alive. As it proved, Milo had been driven from Campania and had perished in Apulia: Caelius therefore went to Bruttium, presumably to form some league in that district, and there he perished before doing anything important; for the persons who favored Caesar banded together and killed him.

[26-] So these men died, but that did not bring quiet to Rome. On the contrary, many dreadful events took place, as, indeed, omens indicated beforehand. Among other things that happened toward the end of that year bees settled on the Capitol beside the statue of Hercules. At the time sacrifices to Isis chanced to be going on and the soothsayers gave their opinion to the effect that the precincts of that goddess and of Serapis should be razed to the ground, as of yore. In the course of demolition a small shrine of Bellona had unwittingly been taken down, and in it were found jars full of human flesh.

[B.C. 47 (a.u. 707)]

The following year a violent earthquake occurred, an owl was seen, thunderbolts descended upon the Capitol and upon the temple of the so-called Public Fortune and into the gardens of Caesar, where a horse of considerable value was destroyed by them, and the temple of Fortune opened of its own accord. In addition to this, blood issuing from a bake-shop flowed to another temple of Fortune, whose statue on account of the fact that the goddess necessarily oversees and can fathom everything that is before us as well as behind and does not forget from what beginnings any great man came they had set up and named in a way not easy for Greeks to describe.[77] Also some infants were born holding their left hands to their heads, so that whereas no good was looked for from the other signs, from this especially an uprising of inferiors against superiors was both foretold by the soothsayers and accepted by the people as true.

[-27-] These portents so revealed by supernatural power disturbed them; and their fear was augmented by the very appearance of the city, which had been strange and unaccustomed at the beginning of the month and thereafter for a long time. There was as yet no consul or praetor, and Antony, in so far as his costume went (which was the toga laticlavia) and his lictors, of whom he had only six, and his convening the senate, furnished some semblance of democracy: but the sword with which he was girded, and the throng of soldiers that accompanied him, and his actions themselves most of all indicated the existence of one sole ruler. Many robberies, outrages, and murders took place. And not only were the existing conditions most distressing to the Romans, but they dreaded a far greater number of more terrible acts from Caesar. For when the master of the horse never laid aside his sword even at the festivals, who would not have been suspicious of the dictator himself? (At the most of these festivals Antony presided at the orders of Caesar. Some few the tribunes also had in charge.) It any persons stopped to think of his magnanimity, which had led him to spare many that had opposed him in battle, nevertheless seeing that men who had gained an office did not stick to the same principles as guided them in striving for it, they therefore expected that he too would change his tactics. [-28-] They felt aggrieved and discussed the matter with one another at length,—those at least who were safe in so doing, for they could not make everybody a companion with impunity. Many who would seem to be good friends and others who were relatives were liable to slander them, perverting some statements, and telling downright lies on other points. This was a cause of the greatest discomfort to the rest who were not equally safe, because, being able neither to lament nor to share their views with others they could not in any way get rid of their thoughts. Communication with those similarly afflicted lightened their burden somewhat, and the man who could safely utter and hear in return what the citizens were undergoing became easier. But distrust of such as were not of like habits with themselves confined their dissatisfaction within their minds and inflamed them the more, as they could not tell their secret[78] nor obtain any relief. In addition to keeping their sufferings shut up within they were compelled to praise and admire their treatment, as also to celebrate festivals, perform sacrifices, and appear happy in it all.

[-29-] This was the condition of the Romans in the City at that time. And, as if it were not sufficient for them to be abused by Antony, Lucius Trebellius and Publius Cornelius Dolabella, tribunes, began a factional disturbance. The latter fought on the side of the debtors, to which category he belonged, and had therefore changed his legal standing from patrician to plebeian, to get the tribuneship. The former said he represented the nobles, but none the less published edicts and had recourse to murders. This, too, naturally resulted in a great disturbance and many weapons were everywhere in evidence, although the senators had commanded that no changes should be made before Caesar's arrival in the city, and Antony that no private individual in the city should carry arms. As they paid no attention themselves, however, to these orders, but resorted to all kinds of measures against each other and against the men just mentioned, there arose a third dispute between Antony and the senate. In order to have it thought that that body had allowed him weapons and the authority that resulted from them (which he had been overready to usurp) he got the privilege of keeping soldiers within the wall and of helping the tribunes in maintaining a guard over the city. After this Antony did whatever he desired with a kind of legal right, and Dolabella and Trebellius were nominally guilty of violence: but their effrontery and resources led them to resist both each other and him as if they too had received some position of command from the senate. [-30-] Meanwhile Antony learned that the legions which Caesar after the battle had sent ahead into Italy, as if to indicate that he would follow them, were engaged in doubtful proceedings; and in fear of some insurrection from that quarter he turned over the charge of the city to Lucius Caesar, appointing him praefectus urbi, an office never before conferred by a master of the horse. He himself set out to the soldiers. The tribunes that were at variance with the two despised Lucius because of his advanced age and inflicted many outrages upon one another and on the rest until they learned that Caesar, having settled the affairs of Egypt, had started for Rome. They were carrying on the quarrel under the assumption that he would never return again but be killed somewhere abroad by the Egyptians, as, indeed, they kept hearing. When his coming was reported they moderated their conduct for a time, but as soon as he set out against Pharnaces they relapsed into factional differences once more.[-31-] Antony was unable to restrain them, and finding that his opposition to Dolabella was obnoxious to the populace he at first joined his party and brought charges against Trebellius,—one being to the effect that he was appropriating the soldiers to his own use. Later, when he perceived that he was not esteemed at all by the multitude, which was attached only to Dolabella, he became vexed and changed sides. He was especially influenced in this course by the fact that while not sharing popular favor with the plebeian leader he received the greatest share of blame from the senators. So nominally he adopted a neutral attitude toward both, but really in secret he chose the cause of Trebellius, and cooeperated with him among other ways by allowing him to obtain soldiers. From this time on he made himself a spectator and director of their contests; and they fought, seized in turn the most advantageous points in the city, and entered upon a career of killing and burning, so that on one occasion the holy vessels were carried by the virgins out of the temple of Vesta. [-32-] Once more the senators voted that the master of the horse should guard the city still more scrupulously, and practically the entire town was filled with soldiers. Yet there was no respite. Dolabella in despair of obtaining any pardon from Caesar desired to accomplish some great evil and then perish,—with the idea that he would forever have renown for this act. So many men in the past have become infatuated with basest deeds for the mere sake of fame! Under this influence he too wrought universal disturbance, promising even that on a certain specified day he would enact his laws in regard to debts and house-rents. On receipt of these announcements the crowd erected barricades around the Forum, setting up wooden towers at some points, and put itself in readiness to cope with any force that might oppose it. At that, Antony brought down from the Capitol about dawn a large body of soldiers, cut down the tablets of the laws and hurled some offenders who still continued to be unruly from the cliffs of the Capitol itself.

[-33-] However, this did not stop the factional disputes. Instead, the greater the number of those who perished, the more did the survivors raise a tumult, thinking that Caesar had got involved in a very great and difficult war. And they did not cease until suddenly he himself appeared before them. Then they became quiet even if unwilling. Some of them were expecting to suffer every conceivable ill fate, for there was talk against them all through the city, and some made one charge and others another: but Caesar at this juncture also pursued his usual method. He accepted their attitude of the moment as satisfactory and did not concern himself with their past conduct: he spared them all and some of them (including Dolabella) he honored. To the latter he owed some kindness, which he did not see fit to forget. For in place of overlooking that favor because he had been wronged, he pardoned him in consideration of the benefit received, and besides bringing him to other honors Caesar not long after appointed him consul, though he had not yet served as praetor.

[-34-] These were the events which were brought about in Rome by Caesar's absence. The reasons why he was so long in coming there and did not arrive immediately after Pompey's death are as follows.

[B.C. 48 (a.u. 708)]

The Egyptians were discontented at the levies of money and highly indignant because not even their temples were left untouched. They are the most excessively religious people on earth and wage wars even against one another on account of their beliefs, since their worship is not a unified system, but different branches of it are diametrically opposed one to another. As a result, then, of their vexation at this and their further fear that they might be surrendered to Cleopatra, who had great influence with Caesar, they commenced a disturbance. For a time the princess had urged her claim against her brother through others who were in Caesar's presence, but as soon as she discovered his disposition (which was very susceptible, so that he indulged in amours with a very great number of women at different stages of his travels), she sent word to him that she was being betrayed by her friends and asked that she allowed to plead her case in person. She was a woman of surpassing beauty, especially conspicuous at that time because in the prime of youth, with a most delicious voice and a knowledge of how to make herself agreeable to every one. Being brilliant to look upon and to listen to, with the power to subjugate even a cold natured or elderly person, she thought that she might prove exactly to Caesar's tastes and reposed in her beauty all her claims to advancement. She begged therefore for access to his presence, and on obtaining permission adorned and beautified herself so as to appear before him in the most striking and pitiable guise. When she had perfected these devices she entered the city from her habitation outside, and by night without Ptolemy's knowledge went into the palace. [-35-] Caesar upon seeing her and hearing her speak a few words was forthwith so completely captivated that he at once, before dawn, sent for Ptolemy and tried to reconcile them, acting as an advocate for the same woman whose judge he had previously assumed to be. For this reason and because the sight of his sister within the royal dwelling was so unexpected, the boy was filled with wrath and rushed out among the people crying out that he had been betrayed, and at last he tore the diadem from his head and cast it down. In the mighty tumult which thereupon arose Caesar's soldiers seized the prince who had caused the commotion; but the Egyptian mob was in upheaval. They assaulted the palace by land and sea together and would have taken it without difficulty (for the Romans had no force present sufficient to cope with the foreigners, because the latter had been regarded as friends) but for the fact that Caesar, alarmed, came out before them and standing in a safe place promised to do for them whatsoever they wished. Then he entered an assembly of theirs and producing Ptolemy and Cleopatra read their father's will, in which it was directed that they should live together according to the customs of the Egyptians and rule in common, and that the Roman people should exercise a guardianship over them. When he had done this and had added that it belonged to him as dictator, holding all the power of the people, to have an oversight of the children and to fulfill the father's wishes, he bestowed upon them both the kingdom and granted Cyprus to Arsinoe and Ptolemy the Younger, a sister and a brother of theirs. So great fear possessed him that he not only laid hold on none of the Egyptian domain, but actually gave the inhabitants in addition some of what was his.

[-36-] By this action they were calmed temporarily, but not long after they raised a rebellion which reached the dignity of war. Potheinos, a eunuch who had taken a prominent part in urging the Egyptians on, who was also charged with the management of Ptolemy's funds, was afraid that he might some time pay the penalty for his behavior. Therefore he sent secretly to Achillas who was at this time still near Pelusium and by frightening him and inspiring him at the same time with hopes he made him his associate, and next won over also all the rest who bore arms. To all of them alike it seemed a shame to be ruled by a woman: for they suspected that Caesar on the occasion mentioned had given the kingdom to both of the children merely to quiet the people, and that in the course of time he would offer it to Cleopatra alone. Also they thought themselves a match for the army he then had present. Some started immediately for Alexandria where they busied themselves with their project. [-37-] Caesar when he learned this was afraid of their numbers and daring, and sent some men to Achillas not in his own but in Ptolemy's name, bidding him keep the peace. But he, understanding that this was not the child's command, but Caesar's, so far from giving it any attention was filled with contempt for the sender, believing him afraid. Then he called his soldiers together and by haranguing them at length in favor of Ptolemy and against Caesar and Cleopatra he finally so incensed them against the messengers, though they were Egyptians, that they defiled themselves with their murder and accepted the necessity of a war without quarter. Caesar, when the news was brought him, summoned his soldiers from Syria, put a ditch around the palace and the other buildings near it, and fortified it with a wall reaching to the sea. [38-] Meanwhile Achillas had arrived on the scene with his regular followers and with the Romans left behind by Grabinius and Septimius to keep guard over Ptolemy: these as a result of their stay there had changed their character and were attached to the local party. Thus he immediately won over the larger part of the Alexandrians and made himself master of the most advantageous positions. After this many battles between the two armies occurred both by day and at night and many places were set on fire, and among others the docks and the storehouses both of grain and of books were burned,—the volumes being, as is reported, of the greatest number and excellence.

Achillas commanded the mainland, with the exception of what Caesar had walled off, and the latter the sea—except the harbor. Caesar, indeed, was victorious in a sea-fight, and when the Egyptians consequently, fearing that he would sail into their harbor, had filled up the entrance all except a narrow passage, he cut off that outlet also by sinking freight ships full of stones; so they were unable to stir, no matter how much they might desire to sail out. After this achievement provisions, and among other things water, were brought in more easily. Achillas had deprived them of the city water supply by cutting the pipes.

[-39-] While these events were taking place one Ganymedes, a eunuch, abducted Arsinoe, as she was not very well guarded, and led her out to the people. They declared her queen and proceeded to prosecute the war more vigorously, inasmuch as they now had a representative of the race of the Ptolemies. Caesar, therefore, in fear that Pothemos might kidnap Ptolemy, put the former to death and guarded the latter strictly without any further dissimulation. This contributed to incense the Egyptians still more, to whose party numbers were added daily, whereas the Roman soldiers from Syria were not yet on the scene. Caesar was anxious to bring the people to a condition of peace, and so he had Ptolemy take his stand on a high place from which they could hear his voice and bade him say to them that he was unharmed and was averse to warfare. He urged them to peaceful measures and promised that he would arrange the details for them. Now if he had talked thus to them of his own accord, he could have persuaded them to become reconciled; but as it was, they suspected that it was all prearranged by Caesar, and they would not yield.

[-40-] As time went on a dispute arose among the followers of Arsinoe, and Ganymedes prevailed upon her to put Achillas to death, on the ground that he wished to betray the fleet. When this had been done he assumed command of the soldiers and gathered all the boats that were in the river and the lake, besides constructing others. All of them he conveyed through the canals to the sea, where he attacked the Romans while off their guard, burned some of their freight ships to the water's edge and towed others away. Then he cleared out the entrance to the harbor and by lying in wait for vessels there he caused the foreigners great annoyance. One day Caesar noticed them behaving carelessly, by reason of their supremacy, and suddenly sailed into the harbor, where he burned a number of boats, and disembarking on Pharos slew the inhabitants of the island. When the Egyptians on the mainland saw that, they came to their aid over the bridges and after killing many of the Romans in their turn they hurled the remainder back to their boats. While these fugitives were forcing their way into them at any point and in crowds, Caesar, besides many others, fell into the sea. And he would have perished miserably weighed down by his robes and pelted by the Egyptians—his garments, being purple, offered a good mark—had he not thrown off the incumbrances and then succeeded in swimming out somewhere to a skiff, which he boarded. In this way he was saved without wetting one of the documents of which he held up a large number in his left hand as he swam. His clothing the Egyptians took and hung upon the trophy which they set up to commemorate this rout, as if they had as good as captured the man himself. They also kept a close watch upon the landings (for the legions which had been sent from Syria were now near at hand) and did the Romans much injury. Caesar could ward off in a way the attack of those who assailed him in the direction of Libya: but near the mouth of the Nile they deceived many of his men by using signal fires as if they too were Romans, and captured them, so that the rest no longer ventured to coast along until Tiberius Claudius Nero at length sailed up the river itself, conquered the foe in battle, and rendered the approach less terrifying to his own followers.

[-41-] Meanwhile Mithridates, named the Pergamenian, undertook to ascend with his ships the mouth of the Nile opposite Pelusium; but when the Egyptians barred his entrance with their boats he betook himself by night to the canal, hauled the ships over into it (it was one that does not open into the sea), and through it sailed up into the Nile. After that he suddenly began from the sea and the river at once a conflict with the vessels that were guarding the mouth and broke up their blockade, whereupon he assaulted Pelusium with both his infantry and his force of ships, and took it. Advancing then to Alexandria he learned that a certain Dioscorides was going to confront them, and he ambushed and annihilated him.

[-42-] The Egyptians on receiving the news would not end the war even under these conditions; yet they were irritated at the sovereignty of the eunuch and the woman and thought if they could put Ptolemy at their head, they would be superior to the Romans. So then, finding themselves unable to seize him by any kind of violence because he was skillfully guarded, they pretended that they were worn out by disasters and desired peace; and they sent to Caesar a herald to ask for Ptolemy, to the end that they might consult with him about the terms on which they would make a truce. Caesar thought that they had in very truth changed front, especially since he heard that they were cowardly and fickle and perceived that at this time they were terrified in the face of their defeats. And in order not to be regarded as hindering peace, even if they were devising some trick, he said that he approved their request, and sent them Ptolemy. He saw no tower of strength in the lad in view of his youth and ignorance, and hoped that the Egyptians would either become reconciled with him on what terms he wished or else would better deserve the waging of war and subjugation, so that there might be some reasonable excuse for delivering them to Cleopatra. He had no idea of being defeated by them, particularly since his force had been augmented. [-43-] The Egyptians, when they secured the child, had not a thought for peace but straightway set out against Mithridates as if they were sure to accomplish some great achievement in the name and by the family of Ptolemy. They cut him off near the lake, between the river and the marshes, and raised a great clamor. Caesar through fear of being ambushed did not pursue them but at night he set sail as if he were hurrying to some outlet of the Nile and kindled an enormous fire on each vessel so that it might be thought that he was going a very long distance in this direction. He started at first, then, to sail away, but afterward extinguished the glare, returned and passed alongside the city to the peninsula on the Libyan side, where he landed; there he disembarked the soldiers, went around the lake, and fell upon the Egyptians unexpectedly about dawn. They were so startled on the instant that they sent a herald to him for terms, but, when he would not receive their entreaty, a fierce battle subsequently took place in which he was victorious and slew great numbers of the enemy. Some fled hastily to cross the river and perished in it, together with Ptolemy.

[B.C. 47 (a.u. 707)]

[-44-] In this way Caesar overcame Egypt. He did not, however, make it subject to the Romans, but bestowed it upon Cleopatra, for whose sake he had waged the conflict. Yet, being afraid that the Egyptians might rebel again because they were delivered to a woman to rule them and that the Romans for this reason and because the woman was his companion might be angry, he commanded her to make her other brother partner of her habitation, and gave the kingdom to both of them,—at least nominally. In reality Cleopatra alone was to hold all the power. For her husband was still a child and in view of Caesar's favor there was nothing that she could not do. Hence her living with her brother and sharing the sovereignty with him was a mere pretence which she accepted, whereas she actually ruled alone and spent her life in Caesar's company.

[-45-] She would have detained him even longer in Egypt or else would have at once set out with him for Rome, had not Pharnaces drawn Caesar most unwillingly from Afric's shores and hindered him from hurrying to Italy. This man was a son of Mithridates and ruled the Cimmerian Bosporus, as has been stated: it was his desire to win back again all his ancestral kingdom, and so he revolted just at the time of the quarrel between Caesar and Pompey, and, as the Romans had at that time found business, with one another and afterward were detained in Egypt, he got possession of Colchis without effort and, in the absence of Deiotarus, subjugated all of Armenia and some cities of Cappadocia and Pontus that were attached to the district of Bithynia. [-46-] While he was thus engaged Caesar himself did not stir,—Egypt was not yet settled and he had some hope of overcoming the man through others—but he sent Gnaeus Domitius Calvinus, assigning him charge of Asia and ...[79] legions. This officer added to his force Deiotarus and Ariobarzanes and marched straight against Pharnaces, who was in Nicopolis,—a city he had previously occupied. Indeed, he felt contempt for the barbarian, because the latter in terror of his presence was ready to agree to an armistice looking to an embassy, and so he would not conclude a truce with him, but attacked him and was defeated.

After that he had to retire to Asia, since he was no match for his conqueror, and winter was approaching. Pharnaces, greatly elated, joined to his cause nearly all of Pontus, captured Amisus, though it held out against him a long time, plundered the city and put to the sword all the young men in it. He then hastened into Bithynia and Asia with the same hopes as his father had harbored. Meanwhile, learning that Asander whom he had left as governor of the Bosporus had revolted, he no longer advanced any farther. For Asander, as soon as the advance of Pharnaces to a point distant from his own position was reported to him and it seemed likely that even if he should temporarily escape his observation with the greatest success, he would still not get out of it well later, rose against him, so as to do a favor to the Romans and to receive the government of the Bosporus from them. [-47-] This was the news on hearing which Pharnaces started against him, but the venture was in vain. For on ascertaining that Caesar was on the way and was hurrying into Armenia Pharnaces turned back and met him there near Zela. Now that Ptolemy was dead and Domitius vanquished Caesar had decided that delay in Egypt was neither fitting nor profitable for him, but set out from there and by using great speed reached Armenia. The barbarian, alarmed and fearing his quickness much more than his army, sent messengers to him before he drew near, making frequent propositions to see if in any way on any terms he could compromise the existing situation and escape. One of the principal pleas that he presented was that he had not cooeperated with Pompey, and by this he hoped that he might induce the Roman general to grant a truce, particularly since the latter was anxious to hasten to Italy and Africa; and once he was gone he, Pharnaces, could easily wage war again. Caesar suspected this, and the first and second sets of envoys he treated with great kindness in order that he might fall upon the foe in a state quite unguarded, through hopes of peace: when the third deputation came he began to reproach him, one of his grounds of censure being that he had deserted Pompey, his benefactor. Then without delay, that very day and just as he was, Caesar marched forward and attacked him as soon as he came up to him; for a little while some confusion was caused by the cavalry and the scythe-bearing chariots, but after that he conquered the Asiatics with his heavy-armed soldiers. Pharnaces escaped to the sea and later forced his way into Bosporus, where Asander shut him up and killed him.

[-48-] Caesar took great pride in the victory,—more, indeed, than in any other, in spite of the fact that it had not been very glorious,—because on the same day and at one and the same hour he had come to the enemy, had seen him, and had conquered him. All the spoils, though of great magnitude, he bestowed upon the soldiers, and he set up a trophy to offset one which Mithridates had raised to commemorate the defeat of Triarius.[80] He did not dare to take down that of the barbarians because it had been dedicated to the gods of war, but by the erection of his own he overshadowed and to a certain extent demolished the other. Next he gained possession of all the region belonging to the Romans and those bound to them by oath which Pharnaces had ravaged, and restored it to the individuals who had been dispossessed, except a portion of Armenia, which he granted to Ariobarzanes. The people of Amisus he rewarded with freedom, and to Mithridates the Pergamenian he gave a tetrarchy in Galatia with the name of kingdom and allowed him to wage war against Asander, so that by conquering him, because he had proved base toward his friend Mithridates might get Bosporus also.

[-49-] After accomplishing this and bidding Domitius arrange the rest he came to Bithynia and from there to Greece, whence he sailed for Italy, collecting all the way great sums of money from everybody, and upon every pretext, just as before. On the one hand he levied all that individuals had promised in advance to Pompey, and on the other he asked for still more from outside sources, bringing some accusation against the places to justify his act. All votive offerings of Heracles at Tyre he removed, because the people had received the wife and child of Pompey when they were fleeing. Many golden crowns, also, commemorative of victories, he took from potentates and kings. This he did not out of malice but because his expenditures were on a vast scale and because he was intending to lay out still more upon his legions, his triumph, and everything else that could add to his brilliance. Briefly, he showed himself a money-getter, declaring that there were two things which created and protected and augmented sovereignties,—soldiers and money; and that these two were dependent upon each other. By proper support armies were kept together, and this support was gathered by the use of arms: and if either the one or the other were lacking, the second of them would be overthrown at the same time.

[-50-] These were ever his ideas and this his talk upon such matters. Now it was to Italy he hurried and not to Africa, although the latter region had been made hostile to him, because he learned of the disturbances in the City and feared that they might get beyond his control. However, as I said, he did no harm to any one, except that there too he gathered large sums of money, partly in the shape of crowns and statues and the like which he received as gifts, and partly by borrowing not only from individual citizens but also from cities. This name (of borrowing) he applied to levies of money for which there was no other reasonable excuse; his exactions from his creditors were none the less unjustified and acts of violence, since he never intended to pay these loans. What he said was that he had spent his private possessions for the public good and it was for that reason he was borrowing. Wherefore, when the multitude demanded that there should be an annulment of debts, he would not do it, saying; "I too am heavily involved." He was easily seen to be wresting away the property of others by his position of supremacy, and for this his companions as well as others disliked him. These men had bought considerable of the confiscated property, in some cases for more than its real value, in the hope of retaining it free of charge, but found themselves compelled to pay the full price.

[-51-] To such persons he paid no attention. However to a certain extent he did court the favor of the people as individuals. To the majority he allowed the interest they were owing, an act by which he had incurred the enmity of Pompey, and he released them from all rent for one year, up to the sum of five hundred denarii; furthermore he raised the valuations on goods in which it was allowable according to law for loans to be paid to their value at the time of payment, and this after having considerably lowered the price for the populace on all confiscated property. By these acts he gained the attachment of the people; and he won the affection of the members of his party and those who had fought for him also. For upon the senators he bestowed priesthoods and offices,—some which lasted for the rest of that year and some which extended to the following season. In order to reward a larger number he appointed ten praetors for the next year and more than the customary number of priests. To the pontifices and the augurs, of whom he was one, and to the so-called Fifteen he added one each, although he really wished to take all the priesthoods himself, as had been decreed. To the knights in his army and to the centurions and subordinate officers he gave among other rights the important privilege of choosing some of their own number for the senate to fill the places of those who had perished.

[-52-] The unrest of the troops, however, made trouble for him. They had expected to obtain great things, and finding their rewards not less, to be sure, than their deserts, but inferior to their expectations, they raised an outcry. The most of them were in Campania, being destined to sail on ahead to Africa. These nearly killed Sallust, who had been appointed praetor so as to recover his senatorial office, and when escaping them he set out for Rome to lay before Caesar what was being done, a number followed him, sparing no one on their way, and killed among others whom they met two senators. Caesar as soon as he heard of their approach wished to send his guard against them, but fearing that it too might join the uprising he remained quiet until they reached the suburbs. While they waited there he sent to them and enquired what wish or what need had brought them. Upon their replying that they would tell him face to face he allowed them to enter the city unarmed, save as to their swords; these they were regularly accustomed to wear in the city, and they would not have submitted to laying them aside at this time. [-53-] They insisted a great deal upon the toils and dangers they had undergone and said a great deal about what they had hoped and what they declared they deserved to obtain. Next they asked to be released from service and were very clamorous on this point, not because they wished to return to private life,—they were far from anxious for this since they had long become accustomed to the gains from warfare—but because they thought they would scare Caesar in this way and accomplish anything whatever, since his projected invasion of Africa was close at hand. He, however, made no reply at all to their earlier statements, but said merely: "Quirites,[81] what you say is right: you are weary and worn out with wounds," and then at once disbanded them all as if he had no further need of them, promising that he would give the rewards in full to such as had served the appointed time. At these words they were struck with alarm both at his attitude in general and because he had called them Quirites and not soldiers; and humiliated, in fear of suffering some calamity, they changed their stand, and addressed him with many entreaties and offers, promising that they would join his expedition as volunteers and would carry the war through for him by themselves. When they had reached this stage and one of their leaders also, either on his own impulse or as a favor to Caesar, had said a few words and presented a few petitions in their behalf, the dictator answered: "I release both you who are here present and all the rest whose years of service have expired. I really have no further need of you. Yet even so I will pay you the rewards, that no one may say that I after using you in dangers later showed myself ungrateful, even though you were unwilling to join my campaign while perfectly strong in body and able in other respects to prosecute a war." [-54-] said for effect, for they were quite indispensable to him. He then assigned them all land from the public holdings and from his own, settling them in different places, and separating them considerable distances from one another, to the end that they should not inspire their neighbors with terror nor (dwelling apart) be ready for insurrection. Of the money that was owing them, large amounts of which he had promised to give them at practically every levy, he offered to discharge a part immediately and to supply the remainder with interest in the near future. When he had said this and so enthralled them that they showed no sign of boldness but expressed their gratitude, he added: "You have all that is due you from me, and I will compel no one of you to endure campaigns any longer. If, however, any one wishes of his own accord to help me subjugate what remains, I will gladly receive him." Hearing this they were overjoyed, and all alike were anxious to join the new expedition.

[-55-]Caesar put side the turbulent spirits among them, not all, but as many as were moderately well acquainted with farming and so could make a living,—and the rest he used. This he did also in the case of the rest of his soldiers. Those who were overbold and able to cause some great evil he took away from Italy in order that they might not raise an insurrection by being left behind there; and in Africa he was glad to employ different men on different pretexts, for while he was making away with his opponents through their work, he at the same time got rid of them. Though he was the kindliest of men and most frequently did favors of various sorts for his soldiers and others, he bitterly hated those given to uprisings and punished them with extreme severity.

This he did in that year in which he ruled as dictator really for the second time and the consuls were said to be Calenus and Vatinius, appointed near the close of the season.[-56-] He next crossed over into, although winter had set in. And he had no little success when, somewhat later, he made an unlooked for attack on his opponents. On all occasions he accomplished a great deal by his rapidity and the unexpectedness of his expeditions, so that if any one should try to study out what it was that made him so superior to his contemporaries in warfare, he would find by careful comparison that there was nothing more striking than these two characteristics. Africa had not been friendly to Caesar formerly, but after Curio's death it became entirely hostile. Affairs were in the hands of Varus and Juba, and furthermore Cato, Scipio, and their followers had taken refuge there simultaneously, as I have stated. After this they made common cause in the war, trained the land forces, and making descents by sea upon Sicily and Sardinia they harassed the cities and brought back ships from which they obtained[82] arms andiron besides, which alone they lacked. Finally they reached such a condition of readiness and disposition that, as no army opposed them and Caesar delayed in Egypt and the capital, they despatched Pompey to Spain. On learning that the peninsula was in revolt they thought that the people would readily receive him as being the son of Pompey the Great; and while he made preparations to occupy Spain in a short time and set out from there to the capital, the others were getting ready to make the voyage to Italy. [-57-] At the start they experienced a slight delay, due to a dispute between Varus and Scipio about the leadership because the former had held sway for a longer time in these regions, and also Juba, elated by his victory, demanded that he should have first place. But Scipio and Cato reached an agreement as being far in advance of them all, the former in esteem, the latter in understanding, and won over the rest, persuading them to entrust everything to Scipio. Cato, who might have led the forces on equal terms with him or even alone, refused, first because he thought it a most injurious course in the actual state of affairs, and second, because he was inferior to the other in political renown. For he saw that in military matters the principle of preference to ex-magistrates as a matter of course had especial force, and therefore he willingly yielded him the command and furthermore delivered to him the troops that he had brought there. After this Cato made a request for Utica, which was suspected of favoring Caesar's cause and had come near having its citizens removed by the others on this account, and he received it to guard; and the whole country and sea in that vicinity was entrusted to his garrisons. The rest Scipio commanded as dictator. His very name was a source of strength to those who sided with him, since by some strange, unreasonable hope they believed that no Scipio could meet with misfortune in Africa.