[579] Hibernacula, 'a winter-camp;' the same as hiberna, 'winter-quarters;' for in chap. 100 it was stated that Marius ordered quarters to be taken in the maritime towns. It is, however, doubtful whether he placed the whole army in those towns, or whether he ordered a portion to spend the winter in barracks, or leathern tents made for the purpose. If the latter—in hibernaculis is used in its proper sense. [580] Turrim is here the same as castellum. Perfugae omnes are not 'all the deserters,' but 'nothing but deserters,' or 'all deserters;' for all the soldiers of the garrison consisted of deserters. [581] Venerant has the meaning of evenerant. Respecting sibi for ipsi, see p. 121, note 2 [note 320]. [582] Reliquerat, not 'he had left them behind,' which is the usual meaning of relinquo, but 'he had left them unbribed:' that is, he had neglected to bribe them. [583] That is, he had given him the praetorian imperium during his absence, and thereby appointed him independent commander. [584] 'He did not treat them as untrustworthy enemies;' for they were still enemies engaged in war with the Roman people, no peace having yet been concluded. The epithet vani belongs to them, because their master had hitherto shown himself irresolute, sometimes suing for peace, and sometimes carrying on war. Accurate, 'with care,' 'with respect.' [585] Volens expresses a hearty inclination to do that which one does. [586] 'Were considered as acts of kindness,' as parts or proofs of a kindly disposition. [587] Benevolentiae sunt, 'are calculated to produce good-will' towards the king.

104. Marius postquam confecto negotio, quo intenderat, Cirtam redit, de adventu legatorum certior factus, illosque et Sullam venire jubet,[588] item L. Bellienum praetorum Utica, praeterea omnes undique senatorii ordinis, quibuscum mandata Bocchi cognoscit. Legatis potestas eundi Romam fit ab consule; interea induciae postulabantur. Ea[589] Sullae et plerisque placuere; pauci ferocius decernunt, scilicet ignari humanarum rerum, quae fluxae et mobiles semper in adversa mutantur.[590] Ceterum Mauri, impetratis omnibus, tres Romam profecti cum Gn. Octavio Rufo,[591] qui quaestor stipendium in Africam portaverat; duo ad regem redeunt. Ex his Bocchus quum cetera, tum maxime benignitatem et studium Sullae libens accepit. Romae legatis ejus, postquam errasse regem et Jugurthae scelere lapsura deprecati sunt,[592] amicitiam et foedus petentibus hoc modo respondetur:

'Senatus et populus Romanus beneficii et injuriae memor esse solet. Ceterum Boccho, quoniam poenitet, delicti gratiam facit;[593] foedus et amicitia dabantur, quum meruerit.'

[588] Sulla undoubtedly had his quarters near the Mauretanian frontier; that is, in the extreme west; as the ambassador of Bocchus fled to him. Marius summoned him to his head-quarters, Cirta, whither he also summoned the praetor Bellienus from Utica. This praetor was no doubt propraetor of the province of Africa, sent thither from Rome to undertake the regular administration, but he was at the same time placed at the disposal of the consul Marius; for as a propraetor had the jus praetorem in his province, he was sometimes simply called praetor; thus Verres is often called praetor of Sicily. All the other military commanders who happened to be in the province, and were of senatorial rank, were likewise summoned to Cirta, in order to give weight and dignity to the preliminary negotiations for peace, for its real conclusion rested with the senate. [589] Ea, the neuter plural, though referring to induciae. [590] Namely, when previously they have been successful, as had hitherto been the case with the Roman war. [591] The manuscripts have Rufone, which unusual name must be corrected either into Rufo or Rusone. We prefer Rufo, because Suetonius, in his life of Octavianus, mentions the Octavii Rufi as a senatorial family of the time here spoken of. [592] Deprecati sunt; that is, deprecantes dixerunt; for deprecari properly signifies 'to avert something by prayers.' [593] Gratiam facere, 'to grant pardon for something.' To quoniam poenitet we must supply eum.

105. Quis rebus cognitis Bocchus per litteras a Mario petivit, uti Sullam ad se mitteret, cujus arbitratu de communibus negotiis consuleretur.[594] Is missus cum praesidio equitum atque peditum, funditorum Balearium;[595] praeterea iere sagittarii et cohors Peligna cum velitaribus armis, itineris properandi causa, neque his secus atque aliis armis adversum tela hostium, quod ea levia sunt, muniti. Sed in itinere quinto denique die Volux filius Bocchi, repente in campis patentibus cum mille non amplius[596] equitibus sese ostendit, qui temere et effuse euntes Sullae aliisque omnibus et numerum ampliorem vero et hostilem metum efficiebant. Igitur se quisque expedire, arma atque tela temptare, intendere,[597] timor aliquantus, sed spes amplior, quippe victoribus, et adversum eos, quos saepe vicerant. Interim equites exploratum praemissi rem uti erat[598] quietam nuntiant.

[594] 'By whose decision a final determination might be come to respecting the common affairs.' Respecting the ablative arbitratu, see Zumpt, S 190. [595] The infantry which, besides an escort of Roman cavalry, was sent to accompany Sulla, consisted of light-armed troops, who were prepared both to march through uncultivated districts, and to fight with the barbarians. Roman infantry could not have kept up with the cavalry. The inhabitants of the Balearian Islands (Majorca, Minorca, and Iviza) were celebrated in antiquity as slingers; and as socii of the Romans, they furnished slingers for the Roman armies. Their weapon was a leathern sling, by which leaden balls were thrown, with great skill and accuracy, at a distance of 500 paces. The Pelignians are a people of central Italy, not far from the Adriatic, with two important towns, Corfinium and Sulmo. All the Italian nations which had then not yet received the Roman franchise furnished their auxiliary cohorts of 400, 500, or 800 men to the Roman army. Whether the Pelignians always bore arma velitaria (a round shield, a short sword, and a light javelin), or whether they did so only on this occasion, is doubtful; but it seems that this was their proper armour. [596] Non amplius. See Zumpt, S 485. [597] 'They tried (tested) their arms and darts, and directed them against the supposed enemy,' but without making actual use of them. [598] 'As was in reality the case;' namely, that the approaching cavalry had no hostile intentions.

106. Volux adveniens quaestorem appellat dicitque se a patre Boccho obviam illis simul et praesidio missum. Deinde eum et proximum diem sine metu conjuncti eunt. Post ubi castra locata et diei vesper erat; repente Maurus incerto vultu, pavens ad Sullam accurrit dicitque sibi ex speculatoribus cognitum, Jugurtham haud procul abesse; simul, uti noctu clam secum profugeret, rogat atque hortatur. Ille animo feroci negat se toties fusum Numidam pertimescere; virtuti suorum satis credere;[599] etiamsi certa pestis adesset, mansurum potius quam proditis, quos ducebat, turpi fuga incertae ac forsitan post paulo morbo interiturae vitae parceret.[600] Ceterum ab eodem monitus, uti noctu proficiscerentur, consilium approbat, ac statim milites coenatos esse, in castris ignes quam creberrimos fieri, dein prima vigilia silentio egredi jubet. Jamque nocturno itinere fessis omnibus Sulla pariter cum ortu solis castra metabatur, quum equites Mauri nuntiant Jugurtham circiter duum milium intervallo ante eos[601] consedisse. Quod postquam auditum est, tum vero ingens metus nostros invadit; credere se proditos a Voluce et insidiis circumventos. Ac fuere, qui dicerent manu vindicandum neque apud illum tantum scelus inultum relinquendum.

[599] To this and the following infinitive we must supply dicit, which is to be taken out of the preceding negat. See Zumpt, S 774. [600] Mansurum potius, quam—vitae parceret is correctly said, though it might also be quam vitae parsurum. See Zumpt, S 603, 2. The indicative quos ducebat is a remark of the historian; quos duceret would be a remark of the speaker, which would here have been the regular form. Coenatos esse, 'they were to have finished dining.' See Zumpt, S 148. [601] Ante eos, 'before them;' that is, on the road along which they had to march.

107. At Sulla, quamquam eadem existimabat, tamen ab injuria Maurum prohibet;[602] suos hortatur, uti fortem animum gererent; saepe ante paucis strenuis[603] adversum multitudinem bene pugnatum; quanto sibi in proelio minus pepercissent, tanto tutiores fore, nec quemquam decere, qui manus armaverit, ab inermis[604] pedibus auxilium petere, in maximo metu nudum et caecum corpus ad hostes vertere. Deinde Volucem, quoniam hostilia faceret, Jovem maximum obtestatus, ut sceleris atque perfidiae Bocchi testis adesset, ex castris abire jubet. Ille lacrimans orare, ne ea crederet; nihil dolo factum, ac magis calliditate Jugurthae, cui videlicet speculanti iter suum cognitum esset. Ceterum, quoniam neque ingentem multitudinem haberet et spes opesque ejus ex patre suo penderent, credere illum nihil palam ausurum, quum ipse filius testis adesset; quare optimum factu[605] videri per media ejus castra palam transire; sese vel praemissis vet ibidem relictis Mauris solum cum Sulla iturum. Ea res ut in tali negotio[606] probata; ac statim profecti, quia de improviso acciderant,[607] dubio atque haesitante Jugurtha, incolumes transeunt. Deinde paucis diebus, quo ire intenderant, perventum est.

[602] 'He protects the Mauretanian against violence.' [603] A dative. See Zumpt, S 419. [604] The same as inermibus. See Zumpt, S 101. Nudum et caecum corpus, 'the undefended part of the body, and not provided with eyes;' that is, the back, which a person ought not to turn towards the enemy, if he wants to be safe. [605] 'It seemed to him to be the most advisable.' Instead of factu, other editions have factum, 'it seemed to him to be the best thing.' [606] 'As the matter stood,' a limitation suggesting that, under other circumstances, that dangerous way would not have been chosen. [607] 'As they had come upon him unexpectedly;' for Jugurtha had not imagined that the Romans would thus, without negotiation, pass through his lines.

108. Ibi cum Boccho Numida quidam, Aspar nomine, multum et familiariter agebat, praemissus ab Jugurtha, postquam Sullam accitum audierat, orator[608] et subdole speculatum Bocchi consilia; praeterea Dabar, Massugradae filius, ex gente Masinissae, ceterum materno genere impar (nam pater ejus ex concubina ortus erat), Mauro ob ingenii multa bona carus acceptusque. Quem Bocchus fidum esse Romanis multis ante tempestatibus expertus illico ad Sullam nuntiatum mittit paratum sese facere, quae populus Romanus vellet; colloquio diem, locum, tempus ipse delegeret; consulta sese omnia cum illo integra habere;[609] neu Jugurthae legatum pertimesceret, quo res communis licentius gereretur;[610] nam ab insidiis ejus aliter caveri[611] nequivisse. Sed ego comperior Bocchum magis Punica fide[612] quam ob ea, quae praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numidam spe pacis attinuisse multumque cum animo suo volvere solitum, Jugurtham Romanis an illi Sullam traderet; libidinem[613] adversum nos, metum pro nobis suasisse.

[608] 'As ambassador with a public commission,' though at the same time he privately acted the part of a spy. [609] 'That he kept firmly and unalterably everything which had been previously determined upon with Sulla.' [610] 'In order that the common business might be conducted the more carelessly.' The laying aside of fear in the presence of Jugurtha's ambassador was to induce Sulla to carry on the negotiations for peace more openly, frankly, and incautiously, since, under the influence of fear, he would have been cautious and mistrustful. Non pertimescere are joined together as one idea, somewhat in the sense of contemnere, 'he should disregard' the ambassador, and accordingly act with Bocchus more confidentially. [611] The infinitive of the impersonal passive cavetur ab insidiis, 'precaution is taken against snares.' [612] Punica fides is proverbially the same as mala fides, the Carthaginians being generally regarded by the Romans as perfidious double-dealers. Attinere is the same as morari, 'to detain.' [613] 'His inclination.'

109. Igitur Sulla respondit, pauca coram Aspare locuturum, cetera occulte aut nullo aut quam paucissimis praesentibus; simul edocet, quae sibi responderentur. Postquam sicuti voluerat congressi, dicit se missum a consule venisse quaesitum ab eo, pacem an bellum agitaturus foret. Tum rex, uti praeceptum fuerat, post diem decimum redire jubet, ac nihil etiamnunc[614] decrevisse, sed illo die responsurum. Dein ambo in sua castra digressi. Sed ubi plerumque noctis processit, Sulla a Boccho occulte accersitur; ab utroque tantummodo fidi interpretes adhibentur, praeterea Dabar internuntius, sanctus vir et ex sententia ambobus.[615] Ac statim sic rex incipit:

[614] 'And says (which must be taken from the preceding jubet) that as yet he had determined upon nothing.' As past time is here spoken of, it should properly not be etiamnunc, but etiamtunc; and it is doubtful as to whether the reading of some manuscripts tum etiam ought not to be received into the text. If etiamnunc is correct, we must explain it by supposing that the historian abandons the character of a narrator of past events, and transfers himself to the present. [615] 'A conscientious (trustworthy) man, and acceptable to both' (Sulla and Bocchus).

110. 'Nunquam ego ratus sum fore, uti rex maximus in hac terra et omnium, quos novi, privato homini[616] gratiam deberem. Et mehercule, Sulla, ante te cognitum multis orantibus, aliis ultro egomet opem tuli, nullius indigui.[617] Id imminutum, quod ceteri dolere solent, ego laetor; fuerit mihi eguisse[618] aliquando amicitiae tuae, qua apud animum meum nihil carius habeo. Id adeo experiri licet:[619] arma, viros, pecuniam, postremo quidquid animo libet, sume, utere; et quoad vives, nunquam tibi redditam gratiam putaveris; semper apud me integra[620] erit; denique nihil me sciente frustra voles. Nam, ut ego aestimo, regem armis quam munificentia vinci minus flagitiosum est.[621] Ceterum de re publica vestra, cujus curator huc missus es, paucis accipe. Bellum ego populo Romano neque feci neque factum umquam volui:[622] fines meos adversum armatos armis tutatus sum. Id omitto, quando vobis ita placet; gerite quod vultis cum Jugurtha bellum. Ego flumen Mulucham, quod inter me et Micipsam fuit, non egrediar neque id intrare Jugurtham sinam. Praeterea si quid meque vobisque dignum petiveris, haud repulsus abibis.[623]

[616] The king calls the quaestor Sulla a private person, being unwilling, as a king, to allow any one a public character who is not, like himself, a king. But in the opinion of the Romans, the quaestor Sulla was by no means a private person. [617] 'I have assisted many at their request, and others of my own accord (unasked), while I myself was in need of no man's assistance.' [618] Fuerit mihi eguisse, the concessive mood: 'granting that it was the case that I needed,' might also have been expressed simly by eguerim. [619] 'This you may try at once.' For this meaning of adeo, whereby that which precedes is confirmed by the result, see Zumpt, S 281. [620] 'Unimpaired,' 'in the same condition.' [621] We should express the same idea rather thus: regem munificentia vinci flagitiosius est, quam armis. [622] About factum volui, see Zumpt, S 611. [623] 'Your wish will not be refused by me.' Bocchus no doubt here alludes to the surrender of Jugurtha, but he is yet doubtful as to whether it is worthy of himself.

111. Ad ea Sulla pro se breviter et modice, de pace et de communibus rebus multis disseruit. Denique regi patefecit, 'quod polliceatur, senatum et populum Romanum, quoniam amplius armis valuissent, non in gratiam habituros;[624] faciundum aliquid, quod illorum magis quam sua rettulisse videretur; id adeo in promptu esse, quoniam Jugurthae copiam haberet; quem si Romanis tradidisset, fore, ut illi plurimum deberetur; amicitiam, foedus, Numidiae partem, quam nunc peteret, tunc ultro adventuram.'[625] Rex primo negitare;[626] affinitatem, cognationem, praeterea foedus intervenisse; ad hoc metuere, ne fluxa fide usus popularium animos averteret, quis et Jugurtha carus et Romani invisi erant. Denique saepius fatigatus lenitur et ex voluntate Sullae omnia se facturum promittit. Ceterum ad simulandam pacem, cujus Numida defessus bello avidissimus, quae utilia visa, constituunt. Ita composito dolo digrediuntur.

[624] 'What he promised them, they would not consider as a favour (as a thing for which they owed him gratitude); that he must do something beyond, something that might appear to be their interest more than his.' [625] 'Would then come to him,' implying an advantage gained without exertion. [626] _Negitare_, a rare word, but very expressive; for the simple _negare_, in a case like this, is stronger than a repeated assertion that you cannot, or will not, do a certain thing. The _affinitas_ (connexion by marriage) refers to what is mentioned chap. 80, a daughter of Bocchus being married to Jugurtha. Respecting their cognatio_ (relation by blood) nothing is known, but there must have been a family connexion between the neighbouring kings. _Intervenisse_—that is, _factum esse_—referring especially to _foedus_.

112. At rex postero die Asparem Jugurthae legatum appellat dicitque sibi per Dabarem ex Sulla cognitum, posse condicionibus bellum poni;[627] quamobrem regis sui sententiam exquireret. Ille laetus in castra Jugurthae venit; dein ab illo cuncta edoctus, properato itinere post diem octavum redit ad Bocchum et ei denuntiat, 'Jugurtham cupere omnia, quae imperarentur, facere, sed Mario parum confidere; saepe antea cum imperatoribus Romanis pacem conventam[628] frustra fuisse. Ceterum Bocchus si ambobus consultum et ratam pacem vellet, daret operam, ut una ab omnibus quasi de pace in colloquium veniretur, ibique sibi Sullam traderet; quum talem virum in potestatem habuisset,[629] tum fore, uti jussu senatus populique Romani foedus fieret, neque hominem nobilem non sua ignavia sed ob rem publicam[630] in hostium potestate relictum iri.'

[627] 'That the war could be brought to a close by mutual concessions.' [628] Pax conventa, 'the peace which is agreed upon.' Observe the rare use of the passive participle; for convenire is commonly intransitive—as pax convenit, a 'peace is concluded.' [629] In potestatem habere is ungrammatical for in potestate habere, but is found now and then. See Zumpt, S 316. [630] The expression is somewhat contorted; for the inserted clause non sua ignavia sed ob rem publicam should have a verb of its own, which, however, would be a part of the leading verb—namely, qui in hostium potestate esset.

113. Haec Maurus secum ipse diu volvens tandem promisit, ceterum dolo an vere cunctatus, parum comperimus. Sed plerumque regiae voluntates, ut vehementes, sic mobiles, saepe ipsae sibi adversae.[631] Postea tempore et loco constituto, in colloquium uti de pace veniretur, Bocchus Sullam modo, modo Jugurthae legatum appellare, benigne habere, idem ambobus polliceri. Illi pariter laeti ac spei bonae pleni esse. Sed nocte ea, quae proxima fuit ante diem colloquio decretum, Maurus adhibitis amicis ac statim, immutata voluntate, remotis ceteris,[632] dicitur secum ipse multa agitavisse, vultu [633] corporis pariter atque animo varius, quae scilicet tacente ipso occulta pectoris patefecisse. Tamen postremo Sullam accersi jubet et ex ejus sententia Numidae insidias tendit. Deinde, ubi dies advenit et ei nuntiatum est Jugurtham haud procul abesse, cum paucis amicis et quaestore nostro quasi obvius honoris causa procedit in tumulum facillimum visu insidiantibus. Eodem Numida cum plerisque necessariis suis inermis, uti dictum erat,[634] accedit ac statim, signo dato, undique simul ex insidiis invaditur. Ceteri obtruncati; Jugurtha Sullae vinctus traditur, et ab eo ad Marium deductus est.[635]

[631] 'In contradiction with themselves,' 'contradictory.' [632] 'The king first summoned his councillors, then dismissed them immediately, and for a long time meditated by himself.' Ceteris refers to the preceding amicis, but is used instead of iis, to form antithesis to himself: 'after the removal of all the rest, he deliberated by himself.' [633] Vultus, chiefly 'the look of the eyes,' but also 'the features of the countenance,' by which the inward emotions are manifested; hence Sallust here, by the addition of corporis, opposes the outward expression to the emotions of the mind: 'He changed (varied) in the expression of his bodily features as much as in his sentiments.' Quae scilicet patefecisse, 'which, as could be seen, revealed his mental emotions.' Quae is the neuter plural, and scilicet contains the leading verb. [634] That is, ut praeceptum erat, and not dictum in the sense of edictum; for according to the deceitful agreement, the condiciones pacis were to be determined peaceably. [635] Sallust passes very rapidly over the catastrophe of a king who had worn out, by simulation and war, the Roman armies for six years. He was taken prisoner in B.C. 106, when Marius was no longer consul, but yet remained in Africa as proconsul. Sulla considered the capture of Jugurtha to be an event so important, and to himself so glorious, that he had it engraved on his sealing ring.

114. Per idem tempus[636] adversura Gallos ab ducibus nostris Q. Caepione et Gn. Manlio male pugnatum; quo metu Italia omnis contremuerat. Illique[637] et inde usque ad nostram memoriam Romani sic habuere, alia omnia virtuti suae prona esse: cum Gallis pro salute, non pro gloria, certare.[638] Sed postquam bellum in Numidia confectum et Jugurtham Romam vinctum adduci nuntiatum est, Marius consul absens factus et ei decreta provincia Gallia; isque Kalendis Januariis[639] magna gloria consul triumphavit. Ea tempestate spes atque opes civitatis in illo sitae.

[636] 'During the same time;' that is, the time during which Marius, as proconsul, was still in Africa, occupied no doubt with the regulation of the affairs which, owing to the long war, had fallen into disorder. Bocchus received a part of western Numidia, as far as the river Ampsaga; and Numidia was divided between Hiempsal and Hiarbas, two princes of the family of Masinissa. These and other matters detained Marius in Africa during the year B.C. 105, in which the Romans under the consul Gn. Manlius and the proconsul Q. Caepio, suffered a great defeat from the Cimbri, on the river Rhodanus. This led to the second consulship of Marius, in B.C. 104. The people whom Sallust here calls Gauls (Galli) are the Cimbri and Teutones, German tribes coming from the countries about the Elbe. This mistake must be accounted for by the general difficulty of distinguishing Celtic (Gallic) from Germanic tribes, and also by the circumstance that the Cimbri had for many years been wandering about in Gaul. [637] Illique; that is, the Romans then living, as opposed to those in the time of Sallust. Sic habuere, 'entertained this opinion.' [638] Certare; supply se; unless we read certari, to which it is easier to supply a se. [639] On the 1st of January B.C. 104. We may here observe, that Jugurtha, after he had adorned the triumphal procession at Rome, was put to death in the public prison near the Forum—which is described by Sallust, Cat. 55—at the same hour in which Marius offered up his thanksgiving to Jupiter Optimus Maximus in the Capitol.

THE END