[15] Hac tempestate, the same as hoc tempore. Sallust frequently uses tempestas in this sense, though certainly the time which he paints in such dark colours—namely, the period after the murder of Caesar, in B.C. 44—was an agitated and stormy one. [16] 'Who have obtained by fraud an honour or honourable office,' quibus honos contigit. [17] Honestus, 'honoured,' or 'honourable;' for honestus (from honor) is both the one who is intrusted with an honourable office, and in general he who is worthy of an honour. The persons here spoken of were honesti in the first, but not in the second sense. [18] It might seem doubtful as to whether parentes here means 'obeying persons'—that is, subjects of the Roman state—or 'kinsmen,' 'relatives.' We believe the latter to be the case, because to control subjects by force was not deemed improper by the ancients. Sallust elsewhere also combines patria et parentes (Catil. 6, Jug. 87), thereby expressing the idea of a free and equal civitas, which is to be convinced, not forced, and to be governed by magistrates chosen by itself, and not by a despotic ruler. The word importunus properly characterises the rudeness and unbearableness of a despot or tyrant. [19] 'Even if you have the power, and intend to punish actual crimes in the state'—whereby Sallust intimates that a tyrannical government may actually introduce improvements, as history proves to have been the case at all times. The subjunctive is used with quamquam, because the author speaks only of a possibility, and also because an indefinite person is addressed by the second person singular. Compare Zumpt, S 831, 3. [20] Portendere is here the same as 'to bring with one's self,' or 'to be followed by.' It is a very sound remark, that by violent changes in a constitution, improvements may indeed be effected, but that at the same time these are accompanied or followed by many acts of injustice and crime. [21] Frustra niti, 'to strive in vain (namely, to effect improvements), if, after all, nothing but hatred is incurred by it, is extreme folly.' [22] Nisi forte, 'unless perhaps'—which surely cannot be the case with any sensible man. Respecting this use of nisi forte, expressing an improbable supposition, see Zumpt, S 526. [23] Libido—gratificari, 'the inclination to gratify;' for libido tenet is only a paraphrase for libet. This statement is striking, and but too true, for there are men who think it an honour to sacrifice their own conviction and independence for the purpose of pleasing persons in power.

4. Ceterum ex aliis negotiis, quae ingenio exercentur, in primis magno usui est memoria rerum gestarum:[24] cujus de virtute quia multi dixere, praetereundum puto, simul ne per insolentiam[25] quis existimet memet studium meum laudando extollere. Atque ego credo fore, qui, quia decrevi procul a re publica aetatem agere, tanto tamque utili labori meo nomen inertiae imponant: certe, quibus[26] maxima industria videtur salutare plebem et conviviis gratiam quaerere. Qui si reputaverint, et quibus ego temporibus magistratum adeptus sim, et quales viri idem assequi nequiverint,[27] et postea quae genera hominum in senatum pervenerint, profecto existimabunt me magis merito quam ignavia judicium animi mei mutavisse, majusque commodum ex otio meo quam ex aliorum negotiis rei publicae venturum. Nam saepe ego audivi, Q. Maximum,[28] P. Scipionem, praeterea civitatis nostrae praeclaros viros solitos ita dicere, quum majorum imagines[29] intuerentur, vehementissime sibi animum ad virtutem accendi. Scilicet[30] non ceram illam neque figuram tantam vim in sese habere, sed memoria rerum gestarum eam flammam egregiis viris in pectore crescere neque prius sedari, quam virtus eorum famam atque gloriam adaequaverit.[31] At contra, quis est omnium his moribus,[32] quin divitiis et sumptibus, non probitate neque[33] industria cum majoribus suis contendat? Etiam homines novi,[34] qui antea per virtutem soliti erant nobilitatem antevenire, furtim et per latrocinia potius quam bonis artibus ad imperia et honores nituntur; proinde quasi[35] praetura et consulatus atque alia omnia hujuscemodi per se ipsa clara et magnifica sint, ac non perinde habeantur, ut eorum, qui ea sustinent, virtus est. Verum ego liberius altiusque processi, dum me civitatis morum piget taedetque; nunc ad inceptum redeo.

[24] Memoria rerum gestarum, 'the recording of events ;' that is, the writing of history, the usefulness (virtus) of which is acknowledged. [25] The words per insolentiam belong to laudando extollere, and the meaning is, 'that no one may believe me to extol my own occupation with excessive praise.' Per insolentiam is the same as insolenter, per expressing manner. [26] 'At least those to whom it appears to be a lofty occupation,' &c. Respecting the omission of the demonstrative pronoun before the relative, even when they are in different cases, see Zumpt, S 765. [27] 'And what distinguished men were unable to attain such a distinction.' Sallust here boasts of having obtained a seat in the senate, and a high magistracy, at a time when it was a matter of difficulty, and when even men of great merit were unable to gain either. But at the same time he adds the remark, that afterwards many undeserving persons were introduced into the senate, to co-operate with whom was no honour. Quae genera hominum refers to the filling up of the senate with persons from the lower classes, and even with such as were not free-born. This connivance at ambitious upstarts, or rather this recklessness in filling up the vacancies in the supreme council of Rome, was shown not only by the dictator J. Caesar, but by his successors in power, M. Antony and Octavianus. In consequence of such things, Sallust adds, it will be evident that he was justified in withdrawing from public life. [28] That is, the celebrated Fabius Maximus, surnamed Cunctator, who distinguished himself by his prudence in the second Punic War. P. Scipio is the elder Scipio Africanus, the conqueror of Hannibal. We might indeed imagine that Sallust is speaking of Scipio Africanus the younger, but his being mentioned along with Fabius Maximus must lead every reader to think of the elder Scipio. [29] The images (imagines) of ancestors might indeed be statues, but from the mention of wax in the next sentence, it is evident that we have to understand the wax masks which constituted the greatest ornament in the vestibule of the house of a noble family. The busts (portraits) of those ancestors who had been invested with a curule office were made of wax, and their descendants used these wax portraits to dress up persons representing in public processions the illustrious deceased, adorned with all the insignia of the offices with which they had been invested. Such processions, especially at public funerals (a real kind of masquerade), were intended to keep alive in the memory of the Romans not only the names and exploits of their illustrious statesmen and warriors, but even their bodily appearance. [30] Scilicet, in this passage, is not a conjunction as usual, but, as in the earlier Latinity of Plautus and Terence, it is used for scire licet, 'one may perceive,' or 'it is self-evident,' and is accordingly followed by the accusative with the infinitive. [31] 'The flame of their noble ambition did not become extinguished until their merit had obtained the fame and glory' (namely, of those ancestors). [32] His moribus, 'in the present state of morality;' an ablative absolute. [33] Instead of neque, the author might have used aut, for both particles are used to continue a negative statement. See Zumpt, S 337. [34] Homines novi, 'new men,' so called by the Romans, were those persons who were the first of their family to rise to curule offices, as Cato Censorius, and at a later time Cicero. In former times, Sallust says, such homines novi distinguished themselves by their ability, while now they rise by base means, especially by party strife and party interest, which he contemptuously calls latrocinium. [35] Proinde quasi, 'just as if,' and afterwards perinde habentur ut, 'they are considered as of equal value.' Compare Zumpt, SS 282 and 340.

5. Bellum scripturus sum,[36] quod populus Romanus cum Jugurtha rege Numidarum gessit; primum quia magnum et atrox variaque victoria fuit, dein quia tunc primum superbiae nobilitatis obviam itum est; quae contentio divina et humana cuncta permiscuit eoque vecordiae processit, uti studiis civilibus bellum atque vastitas Italiae finem faceret. Sed priusquam hujuscemodi rei initium expedio, pauca supra repetam, quo ad cognoscendum omnia illustria magis magisque in aperto sint.[37] Bello Punico secundo, quo dux Carthaginiensium Hannibal post magnitudinem nominis Romani[38] Italiae opes maxime attriverat, Masinissa rex Numidarum, in amicitiam receptus a P. Scipione, cui postea Africano[39] cognomen ex virtute fuit, multa ei praeclara[40] rei militaris facinora fecerat; ob quae victis Carthaginiensibus et capto Syphace, cujus in Africa magnum atque late imperium valuit,[41] populus Romanus quascunque urbes et agros manu ceperat, regi dono dedit. Igitur amicitia Masinissae bona atque honesta nobis permansit. Sed imperii vitaeque ejus finis idem fuit. Dein Micipsa filius regnum solus obtinuit, Mastanabale et Gulussa fratribus morbo absumptis. Is Adherbalem et Hiempsalem ex sese genuit, Jugurthamque, filium Mastanabalis fratris, quem Masinissa, quod ortus ex concubina erat, privatum dereliquerat,[42] eodem cultu quo liberos suos domi habuit.

[36] Respecting the special meaning of this periphrastic conjugation, see Zumpt, S 498. Sallust states that he wishes to describe this war separately, because during its progress there was kindled at Rome that struggle between the populares and the optimates, which was in the end carried on with such senseless vehemence, that only the devastation of Italy put a stop to the civil discord (studiis civilibus), and that only a military despotism (first of Caesar, and afterwards of the triumvirs) was able to restore peace. This part of the description of the Jugurthine war, accordingly, is of the greatest importance, in forming a correct idea of the history of Rome at that time. [37] The same meaning might have been expressed by ut omnia ad cognoscendum illustriora et apertiora sint. See Zumpt, S 106. [38] That is, 'after the Roman name had become great;' for in earlier times the Roman people had suffered still greater reverses, especially when the Gauls took and burned the city of Rome itself. But the author purposely avoids speaking of those early periods. [39] Africano. See Zumpt, S 421. [40] About et after multa, see Zumpt, S 756. [41] Magnum atque late, the connection of an adjective and adverb is somewhat singular—'the dominion of Syphax existed as a large one, and had a wide extent;' for he possessed the whole of western Numidia, being the hereditary king of the people of the Massaesyli, while Masinissa had only the smaller, eastern, part, and the tribe of the Massyli. [42] 'He had left him behind in a private station;' that is, he had not appointed him in his will ruler of any portion of his dominions. But his uncle Micipsa gave him that which his grandfather Masinissa had refused to him; namely, he recognised him as a prince of the royal family.

6. Qui ubi primum adolevit, pollens viribus, decora facie, sed multo maxime ingenio validus, non se luxu[43] neque inertiae corrumpendum dedit, sed, uti mos gentis illius est, equitare, jaculari, cursu cum aequalibus certare, et quum omnes gloria anteiret, omnibus tamen carus esse; ad hoc pleraque tempora in venando agere, leonem atque alias feras primus aut in primis ferire, plurimum facere, minimum ipse de se loqui. Quibus rebus Micipsa tametsi initio laetus fuerat, existimans virtutem Jugurthae regno suo gloriae fore, tamen, postquam hominem adolescentem exacta sua aetate et parvis liberis magis magisque crescere intellegit, vehementer eo negotio permotus, multa cum animo suo volvebat. Terrebat eum natura mortalium avida imperii et praeceps ad explendam animi cupidinem, praeterea opportunitas suae liberorumque aetatis,[44] quae etiam mediocres viros spe praedae transversos agit;[45] ad hoc studia Numidarum in Jugurtham accensa, ex quibus, si talem virum dolis interfecisset, ne qua seditio aut bellum oriretur, anxius erat.

[43] Luxu for luxui. See Zumpt, S 81. [44] 'The favourable opportunity of his advanced age, and of the tender age of his children.' [45] Opportunities are apt to lead ordinary persons (not endowed with great mental powers) away from the right path. Transversus, 'that which turns away to one side.'

7. His difficultatibus circumventus ubi videt neque per vim neque insidiis opprimi posse hominem tam acceptum popularibus, quod erat Jugurtha manu promptus et appetens gloriae militaris, statuit eum objectare periculis et eo modo fortunam temptare. Igitur bello Numantino[46] Micipsa, quum populo Romano equitum atque peditum auxilia mitteret, sperans vel ostentando virtutem vel hostium saevitia facile eum occasurum, praefecit Numidis, quos in Hispaniam mittebat. Sed ea res longe aliter, ac ratus erat, evenit. Nam Jugurtha, ut erat impigro atque acri ingenio, ubi naturam P. Scipionis, qui tum Romanis imperator erat,[47] et morem hostium cognovit, multo labore multaque cura, praeterea modestissime parendo et saepe obviam eundo periculis in tantam claritudinem brevi pervenerat, ut nostris vehementer carus, Numantinis maximo terrori esset. Ac sane, quod difficillimum in primis[48] est, et proelio strenuus erat et bonus consilio; quorum alterum[49] ex providentia timorem, alterum ex audacia temeritatem affere plerumque solet. Igitur imperator omnes fere res asperas per Jugurtham agere, in amicis habere, magis magisque eum in dies amplecti; quippe cujus neque consilium neque inceptum ullum frustra erat.[50] Huc accedebat munificentia animi et ingenii sollertia, quis rebus sibi multos ex Romanis familiari amicitia conjunxerat.

[46] 'In the war against Numantia.' Numantia was the capital of the Arevaci, a tribe of the Celtiberians in Spain, and was situated on the upper Durius (now Duero), in the mountainous district whence the Durius and Tagus flow westward, and other rivers eastward, into the Iberus (Ebro), and southward into the Mediterranean. This city carried on a desperate war against Rome to defend its own independence. After a brave resistance of many years, it was taken and destroyed, B. C. 133, by Scipio the younger, the destroyer of Carthage. Its ruins are believed to be in the neighbourhood of the modern Soria. [47] Qui tum erat—that is, quem tum Romani imperatorem habebant. [48] Difficillimum in primis, like difficillimum omnium; that is, the most difficult among those that were the first or foremost in difficulty. [49] The one—namely, to be good in council—usually produces timidity; the other—namely, to be bold in battle—rashness. Alterum—alterum, takes up the things mentioned before, but in an inverse order; respecting which, see Zumpt, S 700, note. [50] Erat for the usual subjunctive esset.

8. Ea tempestate in exercitu nostro fuere complures novi atque nobiles, quibus divitiae bono honestoque potiores erant,[51] factiosi domi, potentes apud socios, clari magis quam honesti, qui Jugurthae non mediocrem animum pollicitando accendebant, si Micipsa rex occidisset, fore, uti solus imperio Numidiae potiretur, in ipso maximam virtutem, Romae omnia venalia esse. Sed postquam Numantia deleta P. Scipio dimittere auxilia et ipse reverti domum decrevit, donatum atque laudatum magnifice pro contione[52] Jugurtham in praetorium abduxit ibique secreto monuit, uti potius publice quam privatim amicitiam populi Romani coleret neu quibus[53] largiri insuesceret; periculose a paucis emi, quod multorum esset: si permanere vellet in suis artibus,[54] ultro illi et gloriam et regnum venturum, sin properantius pergeret, suamet ipsum pecunia praecipitem casurum.

[51] 'To whom wealth was of more importance than that which is good and noble.' [52] For the meaning of pro in this and similar expressions, see Zumpt, S 311. [53] Not to make presents to individuals, quibus being used for aliquibus. Scipio must have seen with displeasure the intimacy between Jugurtha and certain young ambitious Romans of an equivocal character. [54] 'In his own mode of acting,' must be understood here of his honourable mode of acting; though there are also malae artes, such as faithlessness, cunning, flattery, and the like.

9. Sic locutus cum litteris eum, quas Micipsae redderet, dimisit. Earum sententia haec erat: 'Jugurthae tui bello Numantino longe maxima virtus fuit, qnam rem tibi certo[55] scio gaudio esse. Nobis ob merita sua carus est; ut idem senatui et populo Romano sit, summa ope nitemur. Tibi quidem pro nostra amicitia gratulor. En habes virum dignum te atque avo suo Masinissa.' Igitur rex, ubi ea, quae fama acceperat, ex litteris imperatoris ita esse cognovit, cum virtute tum gratia viri permotus flexit animum suum et Jugurtham beneficiis vincere aggressus est, statimque eum adoptavit et testamento pariter cum filiis heredem instituit. Sed ipse paucos post annos morbo atque aetate confectus quum sibi finem vitae adesse intellegeret, coram amicis et cognatis itemque Adherbale et Hiempsale filiis dicitur hujuscemodi verba cum Jugurtha habuisse:[56]

[55] Certo scio; we also find certe scio. See Zumpt, S 266, note. [56] Verba habere is sometimes used in the sense of orationem habere.

10. 'Parvum ego te, Jugurtha, amisso patre, sine spe, sine opibus, in meum regnum accepi, existimans non minus me tibi, quam si genuissem, ob beneficia carum fore; neque ea res falsum me habuit.[57] Nam, ut alia magna et egregia tua omittam, novissime rediens Numantia meque regnumque meum gloria honoravisti tuaque virtute nobis Romanos ex amicis amicissimos[58] fecisti; in Hispania nomen familiae renovatum est, postremo, quod difficillimum inter mortales est, gloria invidiam vicisti. Nunc, quoniam mihi natura finem vitae facit, per hanc dexteram, per regni fidem[59] moneo obtestorque, uti hos, qui tibi genere propinqui, beneficio meo fratres sunt, caros habeas, neu malis alienos adjungere[60] quam sanguine conjunctos retinere. Non exercitus neque thesauri praesidia regni sunt, verum amici, quos neque armis cogere neque auro parare queas; officio et fide pariuntur.[61] Quis autem amicior quam frater fratri? aut quem alienum fidum invenies, si tuis hostis fueris? Equidem ego vobis regnum trado firmum, si boni eritis; sin mali, imbecillum. Nam concordia parvae res crescunt, discordia maximae dilabuntur. Ceterum ante hos[62] te, Jugurtha, qui aetate et sapientia prior es, ne aliter quid eveniat, providere decet. Nam in omni certamine qui opulentior est, etiamsi accipit injuriam, tamen quia plus potest, facere videtur. Vos autem, Adherbal et Hiempsal, colite, observate[63] talem hunc virum, imitamini virtutem et enitimini, ne ego meliores liberos sumpsisse videar quam genuisse.'

[57] Me falsum habuit for me fefellit. We remarked before (Cat. 51) [note 253 above] that Sallust is fond of using habere in certain phrases. [58] Amicissimos. See Zumpt, S 410. [59] Per regni fidem, 'by the conscientiousness which is observed in governing, and must be observed;' so that it is almost the same as per regiam fidem, or per fidem regum, which kings owe to one another. [60] Adjungere; supply tibi, 'connect yourself with strangers,' as opposed to supporting and maintaining friendly relations with his friends and kinsmen. [61] Sallust here changes his expression. He might have said parantur, but parere also occurs in other authors in the sense of parare, or 'to acquire.' [62] Ante hos, 'in preference to these.' [63] Observare has a sense similar to that of colere, 'to honour' and refers to the observance of all the duties of devotedness, especially in the external relations of social life.

11. Ad ea Jugurtha, tametsi regem ficta locutum intellegebat et ipse longe aliter animo agitabat, tamen pro tempore benigne respondit. Micipsa paucis post diebus moritur. Postquam illi more regio justa magnifice fecerant, reguli[64] in unum convenerunt, ut inter se de cunctis negotiis disceptarent. Sed Hiempsal, qui minimus ex illis erat, natura ferox et jam ante ignobilitatem Jugurthae, quia materno genere impar erat, despiciens, dextera Adherbalem assedit,[65] ne medius ex tribus, quod apud Numidas honori ducitur, Jugurtha foret. Dein tamen ut aetati concederet fatigatus[66] a fratre, vix in partem alteram transductus est. Ibi quum mulla de administrando imperio dissererent, Jugurtha inter alias res jacit oportere quinquennii consulta et decreta omnia rescindi; nam per ea tempora confectum annis Micipsam parum animo valuisse. Tum idem Hiempsal placere sibi respondit; nam ipsum illum tribus proximis annis[67] adoptatione in regnum pervenisse. Quod verbum in pectus Jugurthae altius, quam quisquam ratus erat, descendit. Itaque ex eo tempore ira et metu anxius moliri, parare atque ea modo cum animo habere,[68] quibus Hiempsal per dolum caperetur. Quae ubi tardius procedunt neque lenitur animus ferox, statuit quovis modo inceptum perficere.

[64] Reguli may be petty kings with small dominions as well as young kings—that is, princes. We here take the latter to be the meaning. [65] Adherbalem assedit, or Adherbali assedit, 'he sat himself down at the right-hand side of Adherbal.' See Zumpt, S 386, note. There accordingly remained for Jugurtha only the place on the left of Adherbal—that is, the least honourable of the three places. [66] Fatigatus is commonly construed with an ablative, which is here to be supplied (precibus); but without such an addition, fatigare signifies 'to importune a person with prayers and requests.' [67] 'Within the last three years;' but as the author is here speaking of the time at which something happened, it is used instead of ante triennium, or triennio ante. [68] Cum animo habere, the same as cum, or in animo agitare, volvere, reputare. Here, again, we must attend to the use of habere.

12. Primo conventu, quem ab regulis factum supra memoravi, propter dissensionem placuerat dividi thesauros finesque imperii singulis constitui. Itaque tempus ad utramque rem decernitur, sed maturius ad pecuniam distribuendam. Reguli interea in loca propinqua thesauris alius alio[69] concessere. Sed Hiempsal in oppido Thirmida forte ejus domo utebatur, qui proximus lictor[70] Jugurthae carus acceptusque ei semper fuerat; quem ille casu ministrum oblatum promissis onerat impellitque, uti tamquam suam visens domum eat, portarum claves adulterinas[71] paret (nam verae ad Hiempsalem referebantur); ceterum, ubi res postularet, se ipsum cum magna manu venturum. Numida mandata brevi conficit atque, uti doctus erat, noctu Jugurthae milites introducit. Qui postquam in aedes irrupere, diversi regem quaerere, dormientes alios, alios occursantes interficere, scrutari loca abdita, clausa effringere, strepitu et tumultu omnia miscere; quum[72] interim Hiempsal reperitur occultans sese tugurio mulieris ancillae, quo initio pavidus et ignarus loci perfugerat. Numidae caput ejus, uti jussi erant, ad Jugurtham referunt.

[69] Alius alio, 'one in one direction, and the other in another.' See Zumpt, S 289. [70] Proximus lictor is the one of the lictors who, when they precede the praetors or consuls, walks last, and is therefore nearest to his commander; and this lictor, according to Roman custom, had the highest rank among his fellow-lictors. The customs of the Romans were imitated at the courts of allied princes. [71] Claves adulterinae, 'imitation keys.' [72] Respecting the quum in descriptions, where it is commonly preceded by interea, or interim, see Zumpt, S 580.

13. Ceterum fama tanti facinoris per omnem Africam brevi divulgatur; Adherbalem omnesque, qui sub imperio Micipsae fuerant, metus invadit; in duas partes discedunt Numidae; plures Adherbalem sequuntur, sed illum alterum bello meliores. Igitur Jugurtha quam maximas potest copias armat, urbes partim vi, alias voluntate imperio suo adjungit, omni Numidiae imperare parat.[73] Adherbal, tametsi Romam legatos miserat, qui senatum docerent de caede fratris et fortunis suis, tamen fretus multitudine militum, parabat armis contendere. Sed ubi res ad certamen venit, victus ex proelio profugit in provinciam[74] ac deinde Romam contendit. Tum Jugurtha patratis consiliis, postquam omnis Numidiae potiebatur, in otio facinus suum cum animo reputans, timere populum Romanum neque adversus iram ejus usquam nisi in avaritia nobilitatis et pecunia sua spem habere. Itaque paucis diebus[75] cum auro et argento multo legatos Romam mittit, quis praecepit, primum uti veteres amicos muneribus expleant, deinde novos acquirant, postremo quaecunque possint largiundo parare ne cunctentur. Sed ubi Romam legati venere et ex praecepto regis hospitibus aliisque, quorum ea tempestate in senatu auctoritas pollebat, magna munera misere, tanta commutatio incessit, uti ex maxima invidia in gratiam et favorem nobilitatis Jugurtha veniret; quorum pars spe, alii praemio inducti, singulos ex senatu ambiundo[76] nitebantur, ne gravius in eum consuleretur.[77] Igitur ubi legati satis confidunt, die constituto senatus utrisque datur. Tum Adherbalem hoc modo locutum accepimus:

[73] Parat, in the sense of se parat, 'he prepares himself,' or 'sets about;' and thus parare is not unfrequently used by Sallust absolutely in the sense of statuere and instituere. [74] Provincia here is the Roman province of Africa, consisting of the territory of Carthage which had been destroyed, and containing the towns of Leptis, Hadrumetum, Utica, and Carthage, which was gradually rising again as a Roman town. That territory now belongs to the dey of Tunis, a vassal prince of the Turkish sultan. Numidia, in the west of the Roman province, was bounded in the west by the kingdom of Mauretania, and comprised the modern Algeria which is possessed by the French. [75] Paucis diebus, 'within a few days;' that is, a few days after. See Zumpt, S 480. [76] Singulos ambire, 'to go about addressing individual persons,' has at the same time the meaning of 'attempting to gain them over by intreaties or promises.' [77] 'That no severe decree might be passed against him,' ne gravius consilium in eum caperetur.

14. 'Patres conscripti, Micipsa pater meus moriens mihi praecepit, uti regni Numidiae tantummodo procurationem[78] existimarem meam, ceterum jus et imperium ejus penes vos esse; simul eniterer domi militiaeque quam maximo usui esse populo Romano; vos mihi cognatorum, vos affinium[79] loco ducerem: si ea fecissem, in vestra amicitia exercitum, divitias, munimenta regni me habiturum. Quae quum praecepta parentis mei agitarem, Jugurtha, homo omnium, quos terra sustinet,[80] sceleratissimus contempto imperio vestro, Masinissae me nepotem et jam ab stirpe socium atque amicum populi Romani regno fortunisque omnibus expulit. Atque ego, patres conscripti, quoniam eo miseriarum venturus eram,[81] vellem potius ob mea quam ob majorum meorum beneficia posse a vobis auxilium petere, ac maxime deberi mihi beneficia a populo Romano, quibus non egerem; secundum ea, si desideranda erant, uti debitis uterer.[82] Sed quoniam parum tuta per se ipsa probitas est, neque mihi in manu fuit,[83] Jugurtha qualis foret, ad vos confugi, patres conscripti, quibus, quod mihi misserimum est, cogor prius oneri quam usui esse. Ceteri reges aut bello victi in amicitiam a vobis recepti sunt, aut in suis dubiis rebus societatem vestram appetiverunt; familia nostra cum populo Romano bello Carthaginiensi amicitiam instituit, quo tempore magis fides ejus quam fortuna petenda erat.[84] Quorum progeniem vos, patres conscripti, nolite pati me nepotem Masinissae[85] frustra a vobis auxilium petere. Si ad impetrandum nihil causae haberem praeter miserandam fortunam, quod paulo ante rex genere, fama atque copiis potens, nunc deformatus aerumnis, inops, alienas opes expecto, tamen erat majestatis Romani populi[86] prohibere injuriam neque pati cujusquam regnum per scelus crescere. Verum ego iis finibus ejectus sum, quos majoribus meis populus Romanus dedit, unde pater et avus meus una vobiscum expulere Syphacem et Carthaginienses. Vestra beneficia mihi erepta sunt, patres conscripti, vos in mea injuria despecti estis. Eheu me miserum! Hucine, Micipsa pater, beneficia tua evasere,[87] ut, quem tu parem cum liberis tuis regnique participem fecisti, is potissimum stirpis tuae extinctor sit? Nunquam ergo familia nostra quieta erit![88] semperne in sanguine, ferro, fuga versabimur? Dum Carthaginienses incolumes fuere, jure omnia saeva patiebamur; hostes ab latere, vos amici procul, spes omnis in armis erat. Postquam illa pestis ex Africa ejecta est, laeti pacem agitabamus, quippe quis hostis nullus erat, nisi forte quem vos jussissetis.[89] Ecce autem ex improviso Jugurtha, intoleranda audacia, scelere atque superbia sese efferens, fratre meo atque eodem propinquo suo[90] interfecto, primum regnum ejus sceleris sui praedam fecit, post, ubi me iisdem dolis non quit[91] capere, nihil minus quam vim aut bellum expectantem in imperio vestro, sicuti videtis, extorrem patria,[92] domo, inopem et coopertum miseriis effecit, ut ubivis tutius[93] quam in meo regno essem. Ego sic existimabam, patres conscripti, uti praedicantem audiveram patrem meum, qui vestram amicitiam diligenter colerent, eos multum laborem suscipere, ceterum ex omnibus maxime tutos[94] esse. Quod in familia nostra fuit,[95] praestitit, uti in omnibus bellis adesset vobis; nos uti per otium tuti simus, in vestra manu est, patres conscripti. Pater nos duos fratres reliquit; tertium, Jugurtham, beneficiis suis ratus est conjunctum nobis fore. Alter eorum necatus est, alterius ipse ego manus impias vix effugi. Quid agam? aut quo potissimum infelix accedam? Generis praesidia omnia extincta sunt; pater, uti necesse erat, naturae concessit; fratri, quem minime decuit,[96] propinquus per scelus vitam eripuit; affines, amicos, propinquos ceteros alium alia clades oppressit; capti ab Jugurtha pars in crucem acti, pars bestiis objecti sunt;[97] pauci, quibus relicta est anima, clausi in tenebris cum maerore et luctu morte graviorem vitam exigunt.[98] Si omnia, quae aut amisi aut ex necessariis adversa facta sunt,[99] incolumia manerent, tamen, si quid ex improviso mali accidisset, vos implorarem, patres conscripti, quibus pro magnitudine imperii jus et injurias omnes curae esse decet. Nunc vero exul patria, domo, solus atque omnium honestarum rerum egens, quo accedam aut quos appellem?[100] nationesne an reges, qui omnes familiae nostrae ob vestram amicitiam infesti sunt?[101] An quoquam mihi adire licet, ubi non majorum meorum hostilia monumenta plurima sint? aut quisquam nostri misereri potest, qui aliquando vobis hostis fuit? Postremo Masinissa nos ita instituit, patres conscripti, ne quem coleremus nisi populum Romanum, ne societates, ne foedera nova acciperemus; abunde magna praesidia nobis in vestra amicitia fore; si huic imperio[102] fortuna mutaretur, una occidendum nobis esse. Virtute ac dis volentibus magni estis et opulenti; omnia secunda[103] et obedientia sunt; quo facilius sociorum injurias curare licet. Tantum illud vereor, ne quos privata amicitia Jugurthae parum cognita transversos agat, quos ego audio maxima ope niti, ambire, fatigare[104] vos singulos, ne quid de absente incognita causa statuatis, fingere me verba et fugam simulare, cui licuerit in regno manere. Quodutinam[105] illum cujus impio facinore in has miserias projectus sum, eadem haec simulantem videam, et aliquando aut apud vos aut apud deos immortales rerum humanarum cura oriatur; nae ille, qui nunc sceleribus suis ferox atque praeclarus est, omnibus malis excruciatus impietatis in parentem nostrum, fratris mei necis mearumque miseriarum graves poenas reddat.[106] Jamjam frater, animo meo carissime, quamquam tibi immaturo et unde minime decuit vita erepta est,[107] tamen laetandum magis quam dolendum puto casum tuum;[108] non enim regnum, sed fugam, exilium, egestatem et omnes has, quae me premunt, aerumnas cum anima simul amisisti. At ego infelix, in tanta mala praecipitatus ex patrio regno, rerum humanarum spectaculum praebeo, incertus quid agam, tuasne injurias persequar, ipse auxilii egens, an regno consulam, cujus vitae necisque potestas ex opibus alienis[109] pendet. Utinam emori fortunis meis honestus exitus esset! neu vivere contemptus viderer, si defessus malis injuriae concessissem.[110] Nunc neque vivere libet, neque mori licet sine dedecore. Patres conscripti, per vos liberos[111] atque parentes vestros, per majestatem populi Romani subvenite misero mihi, ite obviam injuriae, nolite pati regnum Numidiae, quod vestrum est, per scelus et sanguinem familiae nostrae tabescere.'[112]

[78] Adherbal says that only the administration of Numidia belongs to him, but that the legal title and supremacy belong to Rome—the language of abject servility, by which he wishes to recommend himself to the protection of the senate. [79] Affines are those connected with one another by marriage, whereas cognati are relations by blood. [80] Sustinere is here the same as ferre. [81] 'As I was to come to such misery;' that is, as it had been ordained by fate that I should come to such misery. See Zumpt, S 498. [82] Adherbal wishes to be able to solicit the aid of the Romans, in consequence of his own services, rather than those of his ancestors; he then again divides that wish, considering it as most desirable that the Roman people should owe him services without his being in want of them, and next in desirableness that the services which he requires should be performed as services due to him. By this latter sentiment he returns to the point from which he set out—namely, his wish to have done good services (beneficia) to the Romans. Vellem in this sentence is followed twice by the accusative with the infinitive (posse, to which me is to be supplied, and beneficia deberi), and then by a clause with ut (uti; that is, ut—uterer). Secundum ea, 'next to,' or 'next after this,' according to the etymology of secundum from sequor. [83] In manu fuit, an expression not uncommon in the comic poets; in manu alicujus est, 'it is in a person's power.' [84] 'At a time when the good fortune of the Romans did not render it so desirable to enter into connection with them as their fidelity and trustworthiness.' [85] 'Do not allow me in vain to pray for your assistance.' Me in this sentence is accompanied by two accusatives in apposition, first progeniem, and then nepotem Masinissae. [86] Observe the unusual combination Romani populi for populi Romani, which is to be explained by the fact, that here Romani is the more emphatic word, placing the Roman people in contrast with other nations. [87] 'O I, unfortunate man! to what result, father Micipsa, have thy good services led!' For the accusative me miserum, see Zumpt, S 402; and for the double suffix in hucine, S 132. [88] 'Never, then, will our family be at peace!' an exclamation to which afterwards an interrogative sentence with ne is appended. The former also might have been expressed by numquamne ergo, &c. [89] The subjunctive jussissetis indicates a repeated action. See Zumpt, S 569. The senate and people of Rome had the right to make war and peace throughout the extent of the Roman dominion, so that the allied nations and kings were obliged to regard those against whom the Romans declared war as their own enemies; as, for example, not long since, the Numantines. [90] 'Who being a brother, was at the same time a relation.' Respecting this use of the pronoun idem, when the two predicates are added to one subject, see Zumpt, S 697. [91] Non queo; that is, nequeo, or non possum. [92] Extorris (from terra), as exsul from solum, 'homeless.' Respecting the ablative denoting separation or privation, see Zumpt, S 468. [93] Tutius; the adjective tutior also might have been used. Respecting the use of adverbs with esse, see Zumpt, S 365. [94] Maxime tutos; that is, omnium tutissimos. [95] 'Whatever was in the power of our family;' quod per familiam nostram stetit. [96] This inserted clause belongs to the following propinquus. The demonstrative id (or is) is omitted, and the relative clause precedes the word to which it refers. See Zumpt, SS 765, 813. [97] Pars—pars; that is, alii—alii; whence the verb is in the plural. [98] Exigere vitam for agere vitam, but implying a long and sorrowful life. [99] 'Which out of friendly things (circumstances), have become hostile.' The neuter necessaria also comprises the persons who are termed necessarii, 'persons connected by ties of relationship or friendship;' such as in particular Jugurtha, the adoptive brother of the speaker. [100] 'Whither shall I turn myself? whom shall I call to my assistance?' Donatus, an ancient grammarian, in his commentary on Terence, quotes from Sallust quo accidam? 'whither shall I turn myself for assistance?' but none of the manuscripts has that reading in this passage. [101] He alludes to the nations and kings who were still independent and had not yet been incorporated with the Roman empire, especially the kings of Syria and Egypt, and perhaps also the king of Mauritania. [102] Sallust might have said hujus imperii, but he prefers the dative, which is a dativus incommodi. [103] Secundus, 'favourable,' according to its derivation from sequor, is especially used of a favourable wind, but also in the general sense of 'assisting,' or 'devoted to.' [104] Fatigare, 'to importune a person with prayers.' See note chap. 3. [105] Quodutinam connects this sentence in an animated manner with the preceding, otherwise utinam alone might be used. 'Yes, would that I could but see Jugurtha feigning these very things.' [106] Nae ille—reddat; as far as the sense is concerned, this sentence forms the apodosis to the preceding wish: 'would that I could see him in like circumstances, and would that at length the gods opened their eyes; then he would surely have to pay a heavy penalty for his impiety, for the death of my brother and for my sufferings.' The present subjunctive in the apodosis corresponds with the same tense in the protasis, and differs very little from the future indicative. See Zumpt, S 524, note. [107] 'Although life has been taken from thee before the age of maturity, and by a person who should have done it least of all.' Unde, the more general relative, is here used for a quo homine. In like manner the Romans, in legal phraseology, called the defendant unde petitur; that is, the person of whom payment is demanded. [108] Doleo, 'I grieve at,' is construed with de, as de casu tuo, with the ablative alone, casu tuo, and also as a transitive verb with the accusative, doleo casum tuum. Laetari here follows the construction of doleo, for it is generally followed by de, or the ablative alone. See Zumpt, S 383. [109] Namely, the life and death of the persecuted Adherbal depends upon the power of Jugurtha. [110] Adherbal wishes two things: first, that a speedy death may terminate his misfortunes; and second, not to be obliged to live in contempt, if he should yield to Jugurtha. But neither of these things, says he, can be done. Jugurtha will continue to lay snares for him, and if he yields, and gives up to him his kingdom, he must live despised. These two wishes are here uttered to move the hearts of the senators, expressed as they are by a king. [111] Per vos liberos atque parentes vestros. The words per liberos belong together; to vos supply oro. See Zumpt, S 794. Adherbal intreats the senators by their children and parents, because Jugurtha has so criminally trampled on the sacred rights of the family. Others read per vos per liberos vestros; but this is wrong, and the repetition of per is bad: we never intreat persons by themselves, but by something that is dear to them. [112] Tabescere, 'to waste away,' 'perish;' the proper meaning is, 'to be consumed by some disease.'

15. Postquam rex finem loquendi fecit, legati Jugurthae, largitione magis quam causa freti, paucis respondent: 'Hiempsalem ob saevitiam suam ab Numidis interfectum; Adherbalem ultro bellum inferentem, postquara superatus sit, queri, quod injuriam facere nequivisset: Jugurtham ab senatu petere, ne se alium putarent, ac Numantiae cognitus esset, neu verba inimici ante facta sua ponerent.'[113] Deinde utrique curia egrediuntur. Senatus statim consulitur: fautores legatorum, praeterea magna pars gratia depravata,[114] Adherbalis dicta contemnere, Jugurthae virtutem extollere laudibus; gratia, voce, denique omnibus modis pro alieno scelere et flagitio sua quasi pro gloria nitebantur. At contra pauci, quibus bonum et aequum divitiis carius erat, subveniundum Adherbali et Hiempsalis mortem severe vindicandam censebant; sed ex omnibus maxime Aemelius Scaurus, homo nobilis, impiger, factiosus, avidus potentiae, honoris, divitiarum, ceterum vitia sua callide occultans. Is postquam videt regis largitionem famosam impudentemque, veritus, quod in tali re solet, ne polluta licentia[115] invidiam accenderet, animum a consueta libidine continuit.

[113] Ante facta, &c. It would have been more common to say factis suis anteponerent. In Cicero, ante is not used to denote preference as in Sallust, Cat. 53: Graeci ante Romanos fuere for Graeci Romanis praestabant. [114] According to Sallust's mode of speaking, we should have expected depravati, pars being only another form for alii. But nothing can be said against the grammatical agreement pars depravata, it being that form which, according to grammar, should be used. [115] Scaurus dreaded the stained audacity of those who accepted bribes from Jugurtha without any scruple or shame, and would have liked to stir up against them the hatred and envy of others. Licentia is the conduct of a man who thinks he is allowed to do anything, and accordingly here signifies to accept bribes by which statesmen disgrace themselves. The adjective which properly refers to men (pollutus) is here transferred to licentia. Sallust describes Aemelius Scaurus, one of the most eminent men of his age (he was twice consul and princeps senatus), as a prudent aristocrat, anxious to keep up a respectable appearance, and to avoid suspicion as much as possible; although in secret he, too, had recourse to unfair means to obtain influence and wealth. The events which Sallust has related hitherto, the murder of Hiempsal, the expulsion of Adherbal by Jugurtha, and Adherbal's flight to Rome, belong to the year B.C. 116, a time when, if we except some trifling wars against barbarous tribes on the frontiers, the Roman Republic was not engaged in any military undertaking.

16. Vicit tamen in senatu pars illa, quae vero pretium aut gratiam anteferebat. Decretum fit, uti decem legati regnum, quod Micipsa obtinuerat, inter Jugurtham et Adherbalem dividerent. Cujus legationis princeps fuit L. Opimius, homo clarus et tum in senatu potens, quia consul, G. Graccho et M. Fulvio Flacco interfectis, acerrime victoriam nobilitatis in plebem exercuerat.[116] Eum Jugurtha tametsi Romae in inimicis habuerat, tamen accuratissime recepit, dando et pollicitando multa perfecit, uti famae, fide,[117] postremo omnibus suis rebus commodum regis anteferret. Reliquos legates eadem via aggressus, plerosque capit; paucis carior fides quam pecunia fuit. In divisione, quae pars Numidiae Mauretaniam attingit, agro virisque opulentior, Jugurthae traditur: illam alteram specie quam usu potiorem, quae portuosior et aedificiis magis exornata erat, Adherbal possedit.[118]

[116] Opimius had been consul in B.C. 121, and in that year he had, with the authority of the senate, crushed the democratical party of G. Gracchus by force of arms. In consequence of that victory, several very harsh measures had been adopted by the aristocracy to strengthen and increase the power of the senate and the nobility. Opimius, too, was a statesman of loose principles, as is clear from the narrative of Sallust. [117] Fide for fidei. See Zumpt, S 85, note 3. [118] Possedit, 'he took possession of.' The present possideo only means 'to possess;' but the past tenses, possedi, possessum, at the same time have the meaning of 'taking possession,' as if they were formed from a present possido, possidere. Compare the similarly-formed compounds of sido, sidere, in Zumpt, S 189.

17. Res postulare videtur Africae siturn paucis exponere et eas gentes, quibuscum nobis bellum aut amicitia fuit, attingere. Sed quae loca et nationes ob calorem aut asperitatem, item solitudines minus frequentata[119] sunt, de iis haud facile compertum narraverim; cetera quam paucissimis absolvam. In divisione orbis terrae plerique in parte tertia[120] Africam posuere, pauci tantummodo Asiam et Europam esse, sed Africam in Europa.[121]Ea fines habet ab occidente fretum nostri maris et Oceani,[122] ab ortu solis declivem latitudinem,[123] quem locum Katabathmon incolae appellant. Mare saevum, importuosum, ager frugum fertilis, bonus pecori, arbore infecundus, coelo terraque penuria aquarum. Genus hominum salubri corpore, velox, patiens laborum; plerosque senectus dissolvit, nisi qui ferro aut bestiis interiere; nam morbus haud saepe quemquam superat; ad hoc malefici generis plurima animalia. Sed qui mortales initio Africam habuerint, quique postea accesserint, aut quomodo inter se permixti sint, quamquam ab ea fama, quae plerosque obtinet, diversum est, tamen uti ex libris Punicis, qui regis Hiempsalis dicebantur, interpretatum nobis est, utique rem sese habere cultores ejus terrae putant, quam paucissimis dicam.[124] Ceterum fides ejus rei penes auctores erit.

[119] Frequentata sunt, 'they have been frequented.' The participle is in the neuter, the subjects being both animate and inanimate. Asperitas refers to the inaccessible nature of mountainous districts. [120] Other editions have in partem tertiam, and this deviation from the common mode of speaking (which is to use pono with in and the ablative) commentators explain by the remark, that the division was not yet made, but only supposed. But the Latin language knows of no such distinction. [121] In the earliest times, before the earth was divided into three parts, it was rather customary to consider Africa, especially Egypt and the countries about the Nile, as belonging to Asia. To connect Africa with Europe could only have been an idea of those who divided the earth into an eastern and a western half, and did not know the vast extent of Africa to the south. [122] Fretum, &c.; that is, the Fretum Herculeum, or the Straits of Gibraltar. It is clear that Sallust wants to state only the northern frontier of Africa on the Mediterranean, and the frontiers in the east and west. The extent of Africa southward was too little known to him to speak about it. [123] 'The inclined plain,' or, as the geographer Mela says, 'the valley which inclines towards Egypt.' The length of this valley extends from south to north as far as the Mediterranean, and in the upper part it separates the immense desert in the west from the oasis in the east, which is considered as a part of Egypt. The easternmost country in Africa on the Mediterranean was Cyrenaica. It is therefore quite clear that Sallust does not include Egypt in Africa. [124] Sallust wants to give a short account of the original inhabitants of Africa, and their amalgamation with new immigrants, such as it was translated for him from the Punic books of King Hiempsal. This Hiempsal is not the same as the one already mentioned, who had been murdered by Jugurtha, but a later descendant of Masinissa, who ruled after Jugurtha, and was still alive in the days of Cicero, about B. C. 60. Interpretatum est, in a passive sense. See Zumpt, S 632.

18. Africam initio habuere Gaetuli et Libyes, asperi incultique, quis cibus erat caro ferina atque humi pabulum, uti pecoribus. Hi neque moribus neque lege aut imperio cujusquam regebantur; vagi, palantes, qua nox coegerat, sedes habebant. Sed postquam in Hispania Hercules, sicuti Afri putant, interiit, exercitus ejus, compositus ex variis gentibus, amisso duce ac passim multis sibi quisque imperium petentibus,[125] brevi dilabitur. Ex eo numero Medi, Persae et Armenii, navibus in Africam transvecti, proximos nostro mari[126] locos occupavere. Sed Persae intra Oceanum magis; hique alveos navium inverses pro tuguriis habuere, quia neque materia in agris neque ab Hispanis emundi aut mutandi copia erat; mare magnum et ignara[127] lingua commercia prohibebant. Hi paulatim per connubia Gaetulos secum miscuere, et quia saepe temptantes agros[128] alia, deinde alia loca petiverant, semet ipsi Nomadas appellavere. Ceterum adhuc aedificia Numidarum agrestium, quae mapalia illi vocant, oblonga, incurvis lateribus tecta, quasi navium carinae sunt. Medi autem et Armenii accessere Libyes[129] (nam hi propius mare Africum agitabant, Gaetuli sub sole magis, haud procul ab ardoribus) hique mature oppida habuere; nam freto divisi ab Hispania mutare res inter se instituerant. Nomen eorum paulatim Libyes corrupere, barbara lingua Mauros pro Medis[130] appellantes. Sed res Persarum brevi adolevit; ac postea nomine Numidae, propter multitudinem a parentibus digressi, possedere ea loca, quae proxime Carthaginem Numidia appellatur. Deinde utrique[131] alteris freti finitimos armis aut metu sub imperium suum coegere, nomen gloriamque sibi addidere; magis ii, qui ad nostrum mare processerant, quia Libyes quam Gaetuli minus bellicosi. Denique Africae pars inferior pleraque ab Numidis possessa est; victi omnes in gentem nomenque imperantium concessere.

[125] Within the clause expressed by the ablative absolute (multis—petentibus) there is inserted another stating that each did so for himself, and that in the nominative case, because multis petentibus is, after all, only a different form for quum multi peterent. Grammatically speaking, it ought to be sibi quoque; but no Latin would have understood this, since he would have taken quoque as an adverb. See Zumpt, S 710. Passim, 'in different places,' 'scattered everywhere,' but not 'here and there.' The tradition of the immense conquests extending to the western extremities of the known earth, which are ascribed to Hercules (Heracles), who occurs in the traditions of various nations, runs through the whole of ancient history. [126] Nostrum mare is the Mediterranean, the African coast of which was occupied by the parts of Hercules' army here mentioned; and the Persae, it is farther stated, occupied that coast which is more within (that is, 'on this side,' as a person writing at Rome would say) the ocean. [127] Gnarus and ignarus have most commonly an active meaning, denoting 'one who does know,' or 'one does not know;' but sometimes, and especially in Sallust and Tacitus, they have a passive meaning, 'he who is known,' and 'he who is not known.' So here ignara lingua is the same as ignota lingua. [128] 'They tried the fields;' that is, 'the soil,' as to whether it was fruitful, and in this manner they sometimes inhabited one place, and sometimes another. Alia, deinde alia, is the same as alia atque alia, as in chap. 26. Hence they were called in Greek [Greek: Nomades], and the Greek accusative of this word, Nomadas for Nomades, is used by Sallust in the next sentence. See Zumpt, S 74. [129] The Medes and Armenians in the army of Hercules joined the Libyans, the ancient inhabitants of Africa. Libyes is the accusative, for accedere is joined with the accusative as well as the dative of the person whom one joins. See Zumpt, S 386, note. [130] This derivation of the name Mauri is very improbable. The Mauri are the inhabitants of the western part of the African coast of the Mediterranean. They lived to the west of the mouth of the river Mulucha (which separated them from the Numidians), opposite Malaga and Cadiz, and also on the coast of the ocean extending southward as far as those countries were known to the ancients. The modern name of Moors is derived from the ancient Mauri. [131] Utrique refers to parentes and their descendants, the Numidae. One part of the nation trusted to the other (alteris freti), and was supported by it.

19. Postea Phoenices, alii multitudinis domi minuendae gratia, pars imperii cupidine, sollicitata plebe et aliis novarum rerum avidis,[132] Hipponem, Hadrumetum, Leptim[133] aliasque urbes in ora maritima condidere, eaeque brevi multum auctae, pars originibus suis[134] praesidio, aliae decori fuere. Nam[135] de Carthagine silere melius puto quam parum dicere, quoniam alio properare tempus monet. Igitur ad Katabathmon, qui locus Aegyptum ab Africa dividit, secundo mari[136] prima Cyrene est, colonia Theraeon, ac deinceps duae Syrtes,[137] interque eas Leptis; deinde Philaenon arae,[138] quem locum Aegyptum versus finem imperii habuere Carthaginienses, post aliae Punicae urbes. Cetera loca usque ad Mauretaniam Numidae tenent; proxime Hispaniam Mauri sunt. Super Numidiam[139] Gaetulos accepimus partim in tuguriis, alios incultius vagos agitare, post eos Aethiopas esse, dein loca exusta solis ardoribus. Igitur bello Jugurthino pleraque ex Punicis oppida et fines Carthaginiensium, quos novissime[140] habuerant, populus Romanus permagistratus administrabat, Gaetulorum magna pars et Numidae usque ad flumen Mulucham sub Jugurtha erant, Mauris omnibus rex Bocchus imperitabat, praeter nomen cetera ignarus[141] populi Romani, itemque nobis neque bello neque pace antea cognitus. De Africa et ejus incolis ad necessitudinem rei satis dictum.

[132] To aliis—avidis supply sollicitatis. [133] All three are cities in the territory of Carthage, which afterwards became the province of Africa. Hippo with the surname of Diarrhytus, (there being another town, Hippo Regius, on the coast of Numidia,) is said to be the modern Bizerta; Hadrumetum, southeast of Carthage, and Leptis, surnamed minor (there being another town, Leptis magna, more to the east), are now in ruins. [134] 'To their origin;' that is, to their mother country Phoenicia, whence the settlers had come. [135] The transition to Carthage by the conjunction nam presupposes the ellipsis of some such sentiment as—'I only meant to mention these Phoenician settlements on the African coast, for it is well known that Carthage also was a settlement of the Phoenicians.' [136] Secundo mari, 'along the sea,' is said according to the analogy of secundo flumine (see Caes. Bell. Gall. vii. 58) secundo flumine ad Lutetiam iter facere coepit. The sea has indeed no current like a river, but the direction is determined by the person travelling on the coast, and in this case it is the direction from east to west. Theraei are the inhabitants of the island of Thera, in the Greek Archipelago, south of Peloponnesus, whence the first Greek settlers at Cyrene proceeded in B. C. 631, under the leadership of Battus. Respecting the Greek genitive on, instead of orum, see Zumpt, S 52, 1. [137] Syrtis major and Syrtis minor are two large sandbanks near the coast of Africa between Cyrene and Carthage. They were very dangerous to navigation, and between them lay the route to Leptis magna, a city of considerable importance. Compare chap. 78, where Sallust describes these sandbanks and the bays named after them. [138] The origin of the name of this place is stated by Sallust, chap. 79. As it was situated above the great, that is, the eastern Syrtis, it is clear that deinde is used somewhat vaguely, since only the great Syrtis, but not the town of Leptis and the small Syrtis, precede the place Arae Philaenon in the order of succession. [139] 'Above Numidia;' that is, southward, towards the inland, the coast being always, or at least being always conceived to be, lower than the inland districts. [140] Novissime, 'latterly;' that is, at the beginning of the third Punic war, the result of which was, that Carthage and its territory became a Roman province. [141] Cetera ignarus, 'otherwise unknown.' Compare p. 87, note 4 [note 127]; and on cetera, Zumpt, S 459.

20. Postquam, diviso regno, legati Africa decessere, et Jugurtha contra timorem animi praemia sceleris adeptum sese videt, certum ratus, quod ex amicis apud Numantiam acceperat, omnia Romae venalia esse, simul et illorum pollicitationibus accensus, quos paulo ante muneribus expleverat, in regnum Adherbalis animum intendit. Ipse acer, bellicosus; at is, quem petebat, quietus, imbellis, placido ingenio, opportunus injuriae, metuens magis quam metuendus. Igitur ex improviso fines ejus cum magna manu invadit; multos mortales cum pecore atque alia praeda capit, aedificia incendit, pleraque loca hostiliter cum equitatu accedit, deinde cum omni multitudine in regnum suum convertit, existimans dolore permotum Adherbalem injurias suas manu vindicaturum, eamque rem belli causam fore. At ille, quod neque se parem armis existimabat et amicitia populi Romani magis quam Numidis fretus erat, legatos ad Jugurtham de injuriis questum[142] misit; qui tametsi contumeliosa dicta retulerant, prius tamen omnia pati decrevit quam bellum sumere, quia temptatum antea secus[143] cesserat. Neque eo magis cupido Jugurthae minuebatur, quippe qui totum ejus regnum animo jam invaserat. Itaque non uti antea cum praedatoria manu, sed magno exercitu comparato bellum gerere coepit et aperte totius Numidiae imperium petere. Ceterum qua pergebat urbes, agros vastare, praedas agere, suis animum, hostibus terrorem augere.

[142] Questum, the supine, 'in order to complain' [143] 'The war previously undertaken had turned out unsuccessfully.' About secus, see Zumpt, S 283.

21. Adherbal ubi intellegit eo processum, uti regnum aut relinquendum esset aut armis retinendum, necessario copias parat et Jugurthae obvius procedit. Interim haud longe a mari prope Cirtam oppidum[144] utriusque exercitus consedit, et quia diei extremum erat, proelium non inceptum. Sed ubi plerumque[145] noctis processit, obscuro etiamtum lumine, milites Jugurthini signo dato castra hostium invadunt; semisomnos partim,[146] alios arma sumentes fugant funduntque; Adherbal cum paucis equitibus Cirtam profugit, et ni multitudo togatorum[147] fuisset, quae Numidas insequentes moenibus prohibuit, uno die inter duos reges coeptum atque patratum bellum foret. Igitur Jugurtha oppidum circumsedit, vineis turribusque et machinis omnium generum expugnare aggreditur, maxime festinans tempus legatorum antecapere, quos ante proelium factum ab Adherbale Romam missos audiverat. Sed postquam senatus de bello eorum accepit, tres adolescentes in Africam legantur, qui ambos reges adeant, senatus populique Romani verbis nuntient: 'Velle et censere eos ab armis discedere, de controversiis suis jure potius quam bello disceptare; ita seque illisque[148] dignum esse.'

[144] Cirta, the capital of Numidia, situated in that part of the country nearest to Carthage, or the Roman province. It is said to be 'not far from the sea,' only in consideration of the vast extent of Numidia to the south. Cirta is the modern Constantina, which name it received in honour of the Emperor Constantine, and is situated at a distance of four days' march from Bona, the ancient Hippo Regius. [145] Plerumque for the more common plurimum, 'the greater part.' See Zumpt, S 103. [146] As Sallust in other passages connects pars and alii, so here partim and alios, partim being the same as partem. [147] Togati are Roman citizens, for they alone wore the peculiar and privileged dress called toga. But it may be that other Italians also are comprised under the name; for Romans and Italians resided in great numbers in all the towns subject to the Roman dominion, for the sake of commerce, and in them they formed a distinct conventus. Moenibus prohibere. See Zumpt, S 468. [148] It would be more in accordance with the ordinary usage to say, et se et illis. See Zumpt, S 338.

22. Legati in Africam maturantes veniunt, eo magis, quod Romae, dum proficisci parant, de proelio facto et oppugnatione Cirtae audiebatur; sed is rumor clemens erat.[149] Quorum Jugurtha accepta oratione respondit: 'Sibi neque majus quiequam neque carius auctoritate senatus esse; ab adolescentia ita se enisum, ut ab optimo quoque probaretur; virtute, non malitia P. Scipioni, summo viro, placuisse; ob easdem artes ab Micipsa, non penuria liberorum, in regnum adoptatum esse. Ceterum quo plura bene atque strenue fecisset, eo animum suum injuriam minus tolerare: Adherbalem dolis vitae suae insidiatum; quod ubi comperisset, sceleri ejus obviam isse; populum Romanum neque recte neque pro bono facturum,[150] si ab jure gentium sese prohibuerit; postremo de omnibus rebus legatos Romam brevi missurum.' Ita utrique[151] digrediuntur. Adherbalis appellandi copia non fuit.

[149] Literally, 'but this report was mild;' that is, it spoke of the battle and siege as if they had been mild or moderate; which was not the case, as Jugurtha carried them on with all his energy. [150] Pro bono facere; literally, 'to act in accordance with what is good,' and hence 'to act well,' bene agere. [151] Utrique refers to both parties—the Roman ambassadors on the one hand, and Jugurtha on the other. The ambassadors were not allowed to speak with Adherbal.

23. Jugurtha ubi eos Africa decessisse ratus est, neque propter loci naturam Cirtam armis expugnare potest, vallo atque fossa moenia circumdat, turres extruit easque praesidiis firmat, praeterea dies noctesque aut per vim aut dolis temptare, defensoribus moenium praemia modo, modo formidinem ostentare, suos hortando ad virtutem arrigere,[152] prorsus intentus cuncta parare. Adherbal, ubi intellegit omnes suas fortunas in extremo sitas, hostem infestum, auxilii spem nullam, penuria rerum necessariarum bellum trahi non posse, ex iis, qui una Cirtam profugerant, duos maxime impigros delegit; eos multa pollicendo ac miserando casum suum confirmat, uti per hostium munitiones noctu ad proximum mare, dein Romam pergerent. Numidae paucis diebus jussa efficiunt; litterae Adherbalis in senatu recitatae, quarum sententia haec fuit:

[152] Arrigere, the same as excitare; hence frequently animum arrigere, 'to rouse courage.'

24. 'Non mea culpa saepe ad vos oratum mitto, patres conscripti, sed vis Jugurthae subigit, quem tanta libido extinguendi me invasit, ut neque vos neque deos immortales in animo habeat, sanguinem meum quam omnia malit. Itaque quintum jam mensem socius et amicus populi Romani armis obsessus teneor, neque mihi Micipsae patris mei beneficia neque vestra decreta auxiliantur; ferro an fame acrius urguear incertus sum. Plura de Jugurtha scribere dehortatur me fortuna mea; et jam antea expertus sum parum fidei miseris esse. Nisi tamen intellego[153] illum supra quam ego sum petere, neque simul amicitiam vestram et regnum meum sperare. Utrum gravius existimet, nemini occultum est. Nam, initio occidit Hiempsalem, fratrem meum, dein patrio regno me expulit; quae sane fuerint nostrae injuriae, nihil ad vos.[154] Verum nunc vestrum regnum armis tenet, me, quem vos imperatorem Numidis posuistis, clausum obsidet; legatorum verba quanti fecerit, pericula mea declarant. Quid reliquum nisi vestra vis, quo moveri possit? Nam ego quidem vellem et haec, quae scribo, et illa, quae antea in senatu questus sum, vana forent potius, quam miseria mea fidem verbis faceret. Sed quoniam eo natus sum, ut Jugurthae scelerum ostentui essem,[155] non jam mortem neque aerumnas, tantummodo inimici imperium et crutiatus corporis deprecor.[156] Regno Numidiae, quod vestrum est, uti libet consulite; me ex manibus impiis eripite per majestatem imperii, per amicitiae fidem, si ulla apud vos memoria remanet avi mei Masinissae.'

[153] Nisi tamen intellego refers to the preceding plura scribere nolo, and expresses an exception, as is always the case with nisi after a negative: he will write nothing else, but still add the remark that Jugurtha aimed at something beyond the kingdom of Adherbal; namely, that he intended afterwards to attack the Romans themselves, because he saw that the acquisition of the kingdom of Adherbal was irreconcilable with the friendship of Rome. Plura non scribam nisi hoc intellego is an elliptical expression, equivalent to plura non scribam, nisi hoc scribam, me intellegere. [154] 'Whatever may have been our mutual acts of injustice, it is no concern of yours;' that is, they must be indifferent to you. Consider only the fact, that he has taken possession of the kingdom of your ally. [155] Adherbal, for the purpose of exciting the sympathy of the senate, represents it as a fact that he is born only to exhibit (endure) the crimes of Jugurtha. Respecting the dative ostentui, see Zumpt, SS 90 and 422. [156] Adherbal prays the senate to prevent (deprecor) his enemy from acquiring the sole sovereignty, and from killing him amid tortures.

25. His litteris recitatis fuere, qui exercitum in Africam mittendum censerent et quam primum Adherbali subveniundum; de Jugurtha interim uti consuleretur,[157] quoniam legatis non paruisset. Sed ab iisdem illis regis fautoribus summa ope enisum,[158] ne tale decretum fieret. Ita bonum publicum, ut in plerisque negotiis solet, privata gratia devictum. Legantur tamen in Africam majores natu, nobiles, amplis honoribus usi; in quis fuit M. Scaurus, de quo supra memoravimus, consularis et tum in senatu princeps. Hi, quod res in invidia erat, simul et ab Numidis obsecrati, triduo navim ascendere, dein brevi Uticam appulsi litteras ad Jugurtham mittunt, quam ocissime[159] ad provinciam accedat, seque ad eum ab senatu missos. Ille ubi accepit homines claros, quorum auctoritatem Romae pollere audiverat, contra inceptum suum venisse, primo commotus, metu atque libidine diversus agitabatur. Timebat iram senatus, ni paruisset legatis; porro animus cupidine caecus ad inceptum scelus rapiebat. Vicit tamen in avido ingenio pravum consilium. Igitur exercita circumdato summa vi Cirtam irrumpere[160] nititur, maxime sperans, diducta manu hostium[161] aut vi aut dolis sese casum victoriae inventurum. Quod ubi secus procedit neque quod intenderat efficere potest, ut prius quam legates conveniret, Adherbalis potiretur; ne amplius morando Scaurum, quem plurimum metuebat, incenderet, cum paucis equitibus in provinciam venit. Ac tametsi senati verbis graves minae nuntiabantur, quod ab oppugnatione non desisteret, multa tamen oratione consumpta legati frustra discessere.

[157] Consuleretur; supply senatus; 'that the subject of the disobedience shown by Jugurtha should be brought for decision before the senate.' [158] Enisum est, 'it was carried.' Observe the passive meaning of the deponent verb. [159] Quam ocissime, 'as speedily as possible.' The positive of ocissime is not in use in Latin. Zumpt, S 293, note. [160] Cirtam irrumpere is a peculiarity in the style of Sallust, the common expression being, in urbem irrumpere. See Zumpt, S 386, note. [161] By engaging the enemy's troops in different places, and thus dividing them. This is the meaning of the inseparable particle dis or di.

26. Ea postquam Cirtae audita sunt, Italici, quorum virtute moenia defensabantur, confisi deditione facta propter magnitudinem populi Romani inviolatos sese fore, Adherbali suadent, uti seque et oppidum Jugurthae tradat, tantum ab eo vitam paciscatur, de ceteris senatui curae fore. At ille, tametsi omnia potiora fide Jugurthae rebatur,[162] tamen quia penes eosdem, si adversaretur, cogendi potestas erat, ita, uti censuerant Italici, deditionem facit. Jugurtha in primis Adherbalem excruciatum necat, deinde omnes puberes Numidas atque negotiatores promiscue, uti quisque armatis obvius fuerat, interficit.

[162] 'Although he considered everything else to be of more weight than the faithfulness (promise) of Jugurtha.' The conquest of Cirta, and the putting to death of Adherbal, belong to the year B. C. 112.

27. Quod postquam Romae cognitum est, et res in senatu agitari coepta, iidem illi ministri regis interpellando[163] ac saepe gratia, interdum jurgiis trahendo tempus, atrocitatem facti leniebant. Ac ni G. Memmius, tribunus plebis designatus, vir acer et infestus potentiae nobilitatis, populum Romanum edocuisset id agi, ut per paucos factiosos Jugurthae scelus condonaretur, profecto omnis invidia prolatandis consultationibus dilapsa foret: tanta vis gratiae atque pecuniae regis erat. Sed ubi senatus delicti conscientia populum timet, lege Sempronia[164] provinciae futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia decretae; consules declarati P. Scipio Nasica, L. Bestia Calpurnius; Calpurnio Numidia, Scipioni Italia obvenit;[165] deinde exercitus, qui in Africam portaretur, scribitur; stipendium aliaque, quae bello usui forent, decernuntur.

[163] Interpellando, 'by interrupting the speakers, and introducing other topics.' [164] By this law of the tribune G. Sempronius Gracchus, in the year B. C. 122, it had been ordained that every year previous to the election of the consuls for the next year, the senate should determine those provinces which should be assigned to the consuls about to be elected, after the expiration of the year of their office. As two provinces were thus fixed upon, the consuls afterwards determined by lot which should have the one, and which the other. The object of this law was to prevent intrigues in the senate, which would be carried on by the ruling consuls if they had to choose their own provinces. [165] Obvenit, 'fell to the lot.' Whenever Italy is called a province, it is implied that the consul undertaking its administration was to remain at Rome, and was to be ready for any other war which might break out. For in the first place, there were now no wars in Italy, and in the second place, Italy was not a province in the ordinary sense of the term. The consuls here mentioned entered upon their office on the 1st January, B. C. 111.

28. At Jugurtha, contra spem nuntio accepto, quippe cui Romae omnia venum ire[166] in animo haeserat, filium et cum eo duos familiares ad senatum legatos mittit, hisque ut illis, quos Hiempsale interfecto miserat, praecipit, omnes mortales pecunia aggrediantur. Qui postquam Romam adventabant,[167] senatus a Bestia consultus est, placeretne legatos Jugurthae recipi moenibus; iique decrevere, nisi regnum ipsumque deditum venissent, uti in diebus proximis decem[168] Italia decederent. Consul Numidis ex senati decreto nuntiari jubet; ita infectis rebus illi domum discedunt. Interim Calpurnius, parato exercitu, legat[169] sibi homines nobiles, factiosos, quorum auctoritate, quae deliquisset, munita fore sperabat; in quis fuit Scaurus, cujus de natura et habitu supra[170] memoravimus. Nam in consule nostro multae bonaeque artes animi et corporis erant, quas omnes avaritia praepediebat; patiens laborum, acri ingenio, satis providens, belli haud ignarus, firmissimus contra pericula et insidias. Sed legiones per Italiam Rhegium atque inde Siciliam,[171] porro ex Sicilia in Africam transvectae. Igitur Calpurnius initio, paratis commeatibus, acriter Numidiam ingressus est, multosque mortales et urbes aliquot pugnando cepit.

[166] Venum eo, or contracted veneo, infinitive venire, 'to go to be sold,' or 'to be sold;' the passive of vendo (I sell) is not in use. Zumpt, S 187. [167] Adventabant, with the accusative, see Zumpt, S 489. [168] In diebus, &c.; for in, with words denoting time, see Zumpt, S 479. Deditum is a supine. [169] Legare properly signifies 'to despatch,' and 'to add to;' whence the word legatus means both 'an ambassador,' and 'a person added to an officer,' who, when necessary, supplies his place. See Catil. chap. 59. It was the business of the senate to supply such legates to a magistrate (senatus legat aliquem alicui), but as this was commonly done on the proposal or recommendation of the magistrate himself, we also read legat sibi, 'he chooses some one to be his legate.' [170] Supra. See chap. 15. [171] Respecting the omission of in before Siciliam, see Zumpt, S 398, note 1.

29. Sed ubi Jugurtha per legatos pecunia temptare bellique quod administrabat asperitatem ostendere coepit, animus aeger avaritia[172] facile conversus est. Ceterum socius et administer omnium consiliorum assumitur Scaurus, qui tametsi a principio,[173] plerisque ex factione ejus corruptis, acerrime regem impugnaverat, tamen magnitudine pecuniae a bono honestoque in pravum abstractus est. Sed Jugurtha primo tantummodo belli moram redimebat, existimans sese aliquid interim Romae pretio aut gratia effecturum; postea vero quam participem negotii Scaurum accepit, in maximam spem adductus recuperandae pacis, statuit cum eis de omnibus pactionibus praesens agere. Ceterum interea fidei causa mittitur a consule Sextius quaestor in oppidum Jugurthae Vagam,[174] cujus rei species erat acceptio frumenti, quod Calpurnius palam legatis imperaverat, quoniam deditionis mora induciae agitabantur.[175] Igitur rex, uti constituerat, in castra venit, ac pauca praesenti consilio locutus de invidia facti sui atque uti in deditionem acciperetur, reliqua cum Bestia et Scauro secreta[176] transigit, dein postero die, quasi per saturam sententiis exquisitis,[177] in deditionem accipitur. Sed uti pro consilio[178] imperatum erat, elephanti triginta, pecus atque equi multi cum parvo argenti pondere quaestori traduntur. Calpurnius Romam ad magistratus rogandos[179] proficiscitur. In Numidia et exercitu nostro pax agitabatur.

[172] Aeger avaritia, 'sick with avarice;' a very appropriate expression, describing moral defects as a disease. [173] A principio; that is, in principio. See Zumpt, S 304. The faction of Scaurus is that of the nobility or aristocracy. [174] Vaga, a considerable town in Numidia, to the south-east of Cirta. [175] 'A truce was observed on account of (or during) the delay of the surrender,' which Jugurtha had promised, but which could not yet be carried into effect. [176] Secreta refers to reliqua, so that the other negotiations were secret, whereas the proposal to surrender had been made in presence of the war council. It would have been more in accordance with ordinary usage to employ the adverb secreto belonging to the verb. [177] The opinions of the persons invited to the war council were asked only en masse (per saturam). The Latin expression is taken from lanx satura, a dish offered as a sacrifice to the gods, and containing different kinds of fruit. Its figurative application to other mixtures is here indicated by quasi. [178] Pro consilio; that is, in consilio. See Zumpt, S 311. [179] To cause the magistrates for the year B.C. 110 to be elected. The president in the elective assembly rogat populum (requests the people) to appoint new officers; hence rogare, the usual term.

30. Postquam res in Africa gestas quoque modo actae forent fama divulgavit, Romae per omnes locos et conventus de facto consulis agitari. Apud plebem gravis invidia, patres solliciti erant; probarentne tantum flagitium, an decretum consulis subverterent, parum constabat.[180] Ac maxime eos potentia Scauri, quod is auctor et socius Bestiae ferebatur, a vero bonoque impediebat. At G. Memmius, cujus de libertate ingenii et odio potentiae nobilitatis supra diximus, inter dubitationem et moras senatus contionibus populum ad vindicandum hortari, monere, ne rem publicam, ne libertatem suam desererent, multa superba et crudelia facinora nobilitatis ostendere; prorsus intentus omni modo plebis animum accendebat. Sed quoniam ea tempestate Romae Memmii facundia clara pollensque fuit, decere existimavi unam ex tam multis orationem ejus perscribere, ac potissimum ea dicam, quae in contione post reditum Bestiae hujuscemodi verbis disseruit.

[180] Parum constabat, 'was not firmly determined upon;' namely, iis, patribus—that is, they had not yet made up their minds.

31. 'Multa me dehortantur a vobis,[181] Quirites, ni studium rei publicae omnia superet, opes factionis, vestra patientia, jus nullum, ac maxime, quod innocentiae plus periculi quam honoris est. Nam illa quidem piget dicere, his annis XV.[182] quam ludibrio fueritis superbiae paucorum, quam foede quamque inulti perierint vestri defensores, ut vobis animus ab ignavia[183] atque socordia corruptus sit, qui ne nunc quidem, obnoxiis inimicis,[184] exsurgitis, atque etiamnunc timetis eos, quibus decet terrori esse. Sed quamquam haec talia sunt, tamen obviam ire factionis potentiae animus subigit.[185] Certe ego libertatem, quae mihi a parente meo tradita est, experiar; verum id frustra an ob rem[186] faciam, in vestra manu situm est, Quirites. Neque ego vos hortor, quod saepe majores vestri fecere, uti contra injurias armati eatis. Nihil vi, nihil secessione opus est: necesse est suomet ipsi more praecipites eant.[187] Occisso Ti. Graccho, quem regnum parare ajebant, in plebem Romanam quaestiones habitae sunt. Post G. Gracchi et M. Fulvi caedem item vestri ordinis multi mortales in carcere necati sunt; utriusque cladis non lex, verum libido eorum finem fecit. Sed sane fuerit regni paratio plebi sua restituere; quicquid sine sanguine civium ulcisci nequitur, jure factum sit.[188] Superioribus annis taciti indignabamini aerarium expilari, reges et populos liberos paucis nobilibus vectigal pendere, penes eosdem et summam gloriam et maximas divitias esse; tamen haec talia facinora impune suscepisse parum habuere.[189] Itaque postremo leges, majestas vestra, divina et humana omnia hostibus tradita sunt. Neque eos, qui ea fecere, pudet aut poenitet, sed incedunt per ora vestra[190] magnifici, sacerdotia et consulatus, pars triumphos suos ostentantes, perinde quasi ea honori non praedae habeant. Servi aera parati injusta imperia dominorum non perferunt; vos, Quirites, imperio nati, aequo animo servitutem toleratis? At qui sunt hi qui rem publicam oocupavere? Homines sceleratissimi, cruentis manibus, immani avaritia, nocentissimi iidemque superbissimi, quibus fides, decus, pietas, postremo honesta atque inhonesta omnia quaestui sunt. Pars eorum occidisse tribunos plebis, alii quaestiones injustas, plerique caedem in vos fecisse, pro munimento habent.[191] Ita quam quisque pessime fecit, tam maxime[192] tutus est: metum a scelere suo ad ignaviam vestram transtulere;[193] quos omnes eadem cupere, eadem odisse, eadem metuere in unum coegit.[194] Sed haec inter bonos amicitia, inter malos factio est. Quodsi tam vos libertatis curam haberetis, quam illi ad dominationem accensi sunt, profecto neque res publica, sicuti nunc, vastaretur, et beneficia vestra[195] penes optimos, non audacissimos, forent. Majores vestri parandi juris et majestatis constituendae gratia bis per secessionem armati Aventinum occupavere,[196] vos pro libertate, quam ab illis accepistis, non summa ope nitemini?[197] atque eo vehementius, quo majus dedecus est parta amittere quam omnino non paravisse. Dicet aliquis: Quid igitur censes? Vindicandum in eos,[198] qui hosti prodidere rem publicam? Non manu neque vi, quod magis vos fecisse quam illis accidisse indignum est, verum quaestionibus[199] et indicio ipsius Jugurthae, qut si dediticius est, profecto jussis vestris obediens erit; sin ea contemnit, scilicet existimabitis, qualis illa pax aut deditio sit, ex qua ad Jugurtham scelerum impunitas, ad paucos potentes maximae divitiae, in rem publicam damna atque dedecora pervenerint. Nisi forte[200] nondum etiam vos dominationis eorum satietas tenet, et illa quam haec tempora magis placent, quum regna, provinciae, leges, jura, judicia, bella atque paces, postremo divina et humana omnia penes paucos erant; vos autem, hoc est, populus Romanus, invicti ab hostibus, imperatores omnium gentium, satis habebatis animam retinere; nam servitutem quidem quis vestrum recusare audebat? Atque ego, tametsi viro flagitiosissimum existimo impune injuriam accepisse, tamen vos hominibus sceleratissimis ignoscere, quoniam cives sunt, aequo animo paterer, ni misericordia in perniciem casura esset. Nam et illis, quantum importunitatis habent,[201] parum est impune male fecisse, nisi deinde faciundi licentia eripitur, et vobis aeterna sollicitudo remanebit, quum intellegetis aut serviundum esse aut permanus libertatem retinendam. Nam fidei quidem aut concordiae quae spes est? Dominari illi volunt, vos liberi esse, facere illi injurias, vos prohibere; postremo sociis vestris veluti hostibus, hostibus pro sociis utuntur. Potestne in tam diversis mentibus pax aut amicitia esse? Quare moneo hortorque vos, ne tantum scelus impunitum omittatis. Non peculatus aerarii factus est, neque per vim sociis ereptae pecuniae, quae quamquam gravia sunt, tamen consuetudine jam pro nihilo habentur: hosti acerrimo prodita senatus auctoritas, proditum imperium vestrum, domi militiaeque res publica venalis fuit. Quae nisi quaesita erunt, nisi vindicatum in noxios, quid erit reliquum, nisi ut illis, qui ea fecere, obedientes vivamus? Nam impune quaelibet facere, id est regem[202] esse. Neque ego vos, Quirites, hortor, ut malitis cives vestros perperam quam recte fecisse, sed ne ignoscendo malis bonos perditum eatis.[203] Ad hoc in re publica multo praestat beneficii quam maleficii immemorem esse;[204] bonus tantummodo segnior fit, ubi neglegas, at malus improbior. Ad hoc si injuriae non sint, haud saepe auxilii egeas.'

[181] Dehortantur a vobis—that is, ad causam vestram suscipiendam, 'many things dissuade me to undertake your cause.' According to the context, the expression might, or rather should be, multa me dehortantur, ni superaret; but the present represents the act of superare as an actual fact, and is at the same time more impressive. [182] The number XV., which is found in all good manuscripts, points to the year B. C. 125, in which the aristocracy gained a decisive victory through the praetor L. Opimius, who destroyed the town of Fregellae, and thereby crushed the first attempt of the Italian allies (socii) to obtain the Roman franchise. It may be supposed that this attempt of the allies was even then supported by the Roman plebs, as was the case afterwards in the time of Marius. [183] Ab ignavia is to be taken in the sense of 'in consequence of,' or 'on account of your cowardice.' See Zumpt, S 305. [184] 'When your political enemies (in consequence of the crime which they have committed) are deserving of punishment, and in your hands.' [185] Animus subigit. 'My feelings compel me to stand out against the faction (of the optimates), in spite of your lukewarmness.' [186] Ob rem, 'effectually,' 'with success.' [187] 'They must ruin themselves.' [188] 'I will grant that everything has been done with justice, which cannot be punished without again shedding the blood of citizens;' that is, the cruelties then committed by the optimates in crushing Tib. and G. Gracchus may be considered as legitimate, since the perpetrators cannot be punished without fresh executions. Ulciscor, usually a deponent, is here used in a passive sense, just as the participle ultus is sometimes used in the sense of vindicatus. For the same reason, the passive form nequitur has been chosen; respecting which, see Zumpt, S 216. [189] Parum habuere, 'they considered it too little' (this is the meaning of parum): it was not enough for them that they had committed such disgraceful acts. [190] Incedere per ora hominum, 'to walk in the eyes' or 'in the sight of men.' [191] 'The cruelties committed against the defenders of the plebs, serve them as a bulwark;' that is, make them only the more audacious. [192] About quam maxime—tam maxime, expressing a proportionate increase, see Zumpt, S 725. [193] A complicated expression—'they have transferred their fear, which they ought to have on account of their crime, to your cowardice;' that is, to you who are cowards, or whom they consider as cowards. [194] In unum coegit; that is, conjunxit, copulavit. The infinitives here are the subjects of the sentence: the same fear and the same greediness have united all your opponents into one league. Compare Cat. 20: idem velle atque idem nolle, ea demum firma amicitia est. [195] Benejicia vestra; that is, honores, magistratus, imperia. [196] The speaker refers to the two most important secessions of the Roman plebs—the one in which they obtained their tribunes in B.C. 510, and the other, which was undertaken in B.C. 449. to restore the consulate and the tribuneship after the overthrow of the tyrannical rule of the decemvirs. Both led to the establishment of a legitimate state of things (jus), and the latter, in particular, to the establishment of the decisive authority of the people against the magistrates and the patricians. This sovereignty of the Roman people was termed majestas. These secessions, according to the statements of the ancients, were made to the Mons Sacer, and not to the Aventine; but Sallust here follows other ancient authorities; and it is probable enough that the plebs may have occupied both hills. [197] Respecting the form of this sentence, see Zumpt, S 781. The answer to this question is contained in the clause atque eo vehementius, to which we must supply nitendum vobis est. Atque introduces the answer with emphasis. [198] Vindicare is construed with in and the accusative, as well as vindicare scelus in aliquo and vindicare aliquam rem. Vindicare in aliquem, 'to use force against a person for the purpose of taking revenge.' Vindicare sibi rem, 'to claim a thing for one's self,' or 'to appropriate a thing.' [199] Quaestio, 'a judicial inquiry into a crime,' 'a criminal trial.' [200] Nisi forte supposes, with a strong irony, a case which cannot be conceived. See Zumpt, S 526. [201] Quantum importunitatis habent, 'according to the high degree of impudence and arrogance which they possess.' Sallust might have said, quae eorum importunitas est, or pro eorum importunitate. See Zumpt, S 705. [202] Rex, according to Roman notions, always contains the idea of an absolute ruler, and is therefore frequently used in the sense of 'a tyrant.' The idea of a constitutional or limited monarchy was not known in antiquity, except perhaps at Sparta. [203] Perditum eatis; that is, perdatis. See Zumpt, S 669. [204] Practically, it is quite correct, that in the administration of a state it is more necessary to punish criminals than to reward good services; for it is impossible that all good citizens should be rewarded with external distinctions; but if a criminal remains unpunished, he does harm by his example, and undermines the organism of the state.