On Tro. 34*c two individuals are engaged in some work which we might suppose to be weaving but for the fact that there is no cord or thread to be seen. Over each is the character shown in plate LXVIII, 38. This is evidently an incomplete manik symbol. As the supposed aspirate sign is present, it is probable that hooch, "to pare off, to scrape," or hoochci, "to pare off, or scrape the hennequin," will furnish an appropriate rendering.

THE EIGHTH DAY.

Maya, lamat; Tzental, lambat; Quiche-Cakchiquel, canel or kanel; Zapotec, lapa or laba; Nahuatl, tochtli.

The various forms of the symbol of this day are shown in plates LXV, 33 to 37, and LXVIII, 39-40. That given by Landa is seen in LXV, 33; it is also found very frequently in the codices as LXV, 34. The three other forms found in the codices are shown in LXV, 35, 36, 37. The form on the Palenque Tablet is given in LXVIII, 40; that of the Tikal inscription is similar to Landa's figure, if we are correct in our determination, of which there is some doubt, as the dots are effaced.

A comparison of plate LXV, 36, with the symbol of the day Ahau, shown in LXVIII, 5, leads at once to the impression that the former was derived from the latter, and that, if in any sense phonetic, the equivalents of the two are closely related. As will be shown hereafter, the Ahau symbol has l as its chief phonetic element, if it be considered in any sense phonetic. We should therefore expect to find, in the verbal equivalent of this Lamat symbol, l as a prominent element. In the form shown at LXV, 33, it would seem that we see an effort to intimate by the character itself the presence of the b element. That the symbol shown in plate LXV, 38, has b as its chief element is shown elsewhere. It is possible, therefore, that this Lamat symbol had no original signification purely its own, but that it is a composite derived from the Ahau, and what I have termed the b symbol. Without anticipating the proof that the Ahau symbol has l as its chief phonetic element, I call attention to the fact that it is the upper character in the symbol for likin, "east" (plate LXVIII, 12). As the lower character is the well-known symbol for kin, "day" or "sun," we must assume that the value of our Ahau, in this case at least, is li. As another suggestion, I would add that it may have been derived from a figure used in some game. As the figure is usually divided into apartments or cells, most of which inclose a dot, the Maya word lem, lemah, "meter, encajar, poner dentro, introducir" (Perez), would not inappropriately express the idea. Its use as a day symbol would then be simply for its phonetic value. This is based, of course, on the derivation. I suggest below. Nevertheless it must be admitted that these are but mere guesses.

In his article so frequently referred to Dr Seler has little to say in regard to the signification of the names of this day. He remarks that "the word kanel is given by Ximenes—with what authority I know not—with the signification 'rabbit,' thus corresponding to the Mexican name for this character (Tochtli)." He says he is unable to interpret the words lambat and lamat. In his subsequent article he interprets the Zapotec word by "to divide, to break into pieces," and remarks "that the concept of something divided, broken in pieces, lies at the foundation of the delineation of this day character is also proved by the Maya hieroglyph for the same [see plate LXV, 33 and 36], in which something divided or broken up is undoubtedly indicated." He adds that "perhaps also the terms lambat and lamat, used in Tzental-Zoztzil and in Maya for the day character, and which are hardly explainable from the well-known Maya, are derived from the Zapotec word lapa." Dr Brinton's explanation is as follows:

The Maya lamat is evidently a shortened form of the Tzental lambat, which is composed of lam, to sink into something soft ("hundirse in cosa blanda," like light loam), and bat, the grain, the seed, and the name refers to the planting of the crops. The Quiche-Cakchiquel kanel is the name of the Guardian of the Sown Seed, probably from kan, yellow, referring to the yellow grains or maize. The Zapotec lapa or laba means a drop, and a crown or garland; here probably the latter, in reference to the products of the fields. The rabbit, in Nahuatl, is the symbol of ease and intoxication.

Thus, while Dr Brinton explains the name by "sinking in the mud or soil," Brasseur explains it by "sinking in the water."

It is much more likely that the Maya name is but a modification of lemba, which, as a verb, according to Henderson, signifies "to flash, to shine, etc;" and as a noun, according to Perez, "resplendor, brillo, relampago." I have no Tzental vocabulary at hand, but observe that in the closely allied Zoztzil, "relampagear" is given as the equivalent of lemlaghet.

It is a coincidence worthy of a passing notice that in Hawaiian lama and pu-lama signify "a torch;" au-lama, "to give light;" malama, "light from the sun or moon;" in Samoan, lama, "the candle-nut tree, and a torch made of the nuts;" in Tonga, mama, "light, a flambeau;" New Zealand, rama, "candle, light;" Tahaitan, rama, "a torch."

It is somewhat singular that Dr Brinton, after his interpretation of the Maya name of the fourth day heretofore given, should in this instance derive kanel—the Quiche-Cakchiquel name of this day—from lean, "yellow," referring to the yellow grains of maize. However, it is quite probable that the reference to the color in this explanation is correct.

The traditions of the Indians in which the rabbit is brought into relation with the sun are well known. Dr Brinton has shown in his work on "American Hero Myths" that the Rabbit or Great Hare in the Algonquian myths symbolized "light." He remarks in "The Lenape and their Legends" that—

The familiar Algonkin myth of the "Great Hare," which I have elsewhere shown to be distinctively a myth of Light, was also well known to the Delawares, and they applied to this animal, also, the appellation of the "Grandfather of the Indians." Like the fire, the hare was considered their ancestor, and in both instances the Light was meant, fire being its symbol, and the word for hare being identical with that of brightness and light.[236-1]

It is possible that the Mexicans selected the rabbit for this day as a known symbol of light, thus bringing it into correspondence with the signification of the day names of the other calendars. The method by which Drs Seler and Brinton try to bring the Maya and Zapotec names into harmony with the Mexican appears to me to be in the wrong direction.

It is therefore quite probable, from what has been shown, that the Maya, Tzental, and Quiche-Cakchiquel names refer to light, flame, or the lightning flash, and that the rabbit was selected because of some mythological relation it was supposed to bear to the sun, or light.[237-1] As this character is seldom found in combination, or used otherwise than as a day symbol, it is probable that the signification is represented by some other symbol, or is not referred to in the text.

THE NINTH DAY

Maya, muluc; Tzental, molo or mulu; Quiche-Cakchiquel, toh; Zapotec, niza or queza; Nahuatl, atl.

There are but few and slight variations in the form of the symbol of this day. That given by Landa is shown in plate LXV, 39. The usual forms in the codices are seen at 40-42 of the same plate. Symbol 43, which is an important variation, is from the Cortesian Codex.

The addition of the little circle and loop in example LXV, 43, from the Cortesian Codex, is important, as it possibly indicates that the simple forms given in plate LXV, 40-42, are incomplete, and may be a slight indication of phoneticism. If the latter supposition be correct, it is probable that in this additional feature we find the element 'c of the word. It is one of the characteristics of the manik symbol, which, as heretofore shown, has, in some instances at least, ch as one of its phonetic elements, whether considered truly phonetic or not.

This clue, if followed up, appears to furnish an explanation of some other characters in which the little circle and loops are found. For example, the character shown in plate LXV, 44 (Dres. 2 (45)b and c), apparently refers to the act of sewing or stitching indicated by the pictures below the text. As the circle and loops form an important part of the character, it is probable that c or ch is the chief or prominent element of the word. It is possible therefore, that chuyah, "to sew," or some derivative thereof, would be a proper rendering. The glyph shown in plate LXV, 45, from. Tro. 11*c is a duplication of LXV, 44. As the appendix, as shown elsewhere, probably has ah, ha, or hal as its phonetic equivalent, we have, as the elements of the word represented by the whole glyph (omitting the prefix), ch'-ch'ah. As choch (chochah), Perez, and chooch (choochah), Henderson, signify "to loosen, untie, disunite, detach," this may be the true interpretation of the symbol. The presence of the eye in a symbol appears, as a rule, to have no special significance, as is shown by its presence sometimes in the symbols for the days chicchan and oc. It is worthy of note that Dr Seler introduces into his manik series the character above shown as having some relation to and being possibly a variation of that symbol. Before attempting to trace the symbol of the day in its combinations with other characters, with a view of ascertaining its original signification, reference will be made to the signification of the day names in the different calendars.

The signification of the Nahuatl word atl is water; the Zapotec names are also words for water. Tohil was the name of the principal Quiche deity, and appears to have been the god of thunder and rain, and, as Seler presumes, was the representative in these nations of the Maya Chac and Mexican Tlaloc. According to Brasseur, toh signifies "a heavy or sudden shower" or "thunder shower." Drs Seler and Brinton both derive the Maya and Tzental names from the radical mul or mol, "to join together, collect, heap up," and suppose it refers to the gathering together of the waters (that is, the clouds) in the heavens. This brings the signification of these two names into harmony with that of the names of the other calendars, and is probably a correct interpretation.

There are but few places where the symbol of this day is found in connection with other characters that I have been able to interpret entirely satisfactorily.

The compound character shown in plate LXV, 46, is from Dres. 16c. Judging by the evident parallelism of the groups in this division, this character is the symbol of the bird figured below the text. In this picture is easily recognized the head of the parrot. As moo is the Maya name of a species of parrot ("the macaw"), and the circular character of the glyph is like the symbol for muluc, except that the circumscribing line is of dots, we may safely accept this term as the phonetic value. The fact that the small character is double, as is the o in the word, is another indication that the rendering is correct, and probably accounts for the circle being of dots. (See above under akbal.) This interpretation appears to be further supported by the form of the symbol for the month Mol as found at Dres. 47c. (See plate LXIV, 50.)

The hint furnished by these characters may enable us to gain a correct idea of the signification of the dotted line which surrounds one of the characters in each group of Dres. 7c, one of which is shown in plate LXV, 47. As the inclosing line of dots appears in some cases (but not all, for in some instances o or u appears to form the chief phonetic element) to indicate mo or mu, it is possible that this glyph may be properly interpreted by muhul, "a gift, dower, present," or "to present a gift or dower, to offer a present." Hence the whole character shown in plate LXV, 47, may be interpreted "to make a gift of cacao."[238-1]

The usual form of the Mexican symbol of this day is shown in plate LXV, 48, the leaf-like portion being blue in the original to indicate water. In regard to the origin of the character, Seler remarks: "If the Maya character agrees with the Mexican (atl), we must look upon it as a water vessel." Yet after a number of illustrations and references he declares: "I by no means affirm that the vessel is expressed by the form of this character. The form seems to me to express rather the water drop."

It is more likely that it represents a little circular hillock, seen from above, or something of that nature surrounded by a ring, as the significations given the Maya word mul are "hillock, heap, mound, mountain, ants' nest, etc." However, if Henderson is correct in giving as one of its special meanings "out of many one," its origin may readily be seen. That it was taken from some object which could be designated by the word mul or mol may confidently be assumed. Hence the symbol is used for its phonetic value as a day character and not with any reference to the object represented. The little circle and loops seen in plate LXV, 43, from the Cortesian Codex 30b, are probably, as heretofore stated, introduced to give the c sound. Dr Brinton suggests that it represents one thing in another of the same kind, with a reference to collecting together or heaping up.

THE TENTH DAY

Maya, oc; Tzental, elab; Quiche-Cakchiquel, tzi; Zapotec, tella; Nahuatl, itzcuintli.

The symbol of this day as given by Landa is shown in plate LXV, 49. This is substantially the usual form found in the codices as given in LXV, 50, 51, 55, the first two being usual in the Troano, Cortesian, and Peresian codices, and 55 in the Dresden. In a few instances, as Tro. 12a and 12c, it assumes the face form 52. The face form shown at 54 occurs in the Dresden Codex, as do the variations seen at 53 and 56.

Dr Seler and Brasseur contend that the forms shown in plate LXV, 52 and 54, make it evident that the broken line, which is the chief characteristic of the glyph, is intended to represent, or rather is derived from, the ear of the dog. This, Seler says, is frequently represented in the Mexican codices, and also many times in the Maya manuscripts, with the tip of the ear torn away. To illustrate this, he presents several figures of dog's heads, one of which is shown in our plate LXV, 57.[239-1]

There would seem to be some foundation for this supposition, yet there are difficulties in the way of its acceptance which appear unsurmountable. The first of these is that it furnishes no explanation or clue to the relation between the symbol and the Maya or Tzental name. Second, it does not appear to have been used in any instance as the symbol of the dog, which seems to be a fatal objection, if it is assumed to be merely ideographic. Third, it renders only more difficult any explanation of the character shown in plate LXV, 58, which is of such frequent occurrence in all the codices. If a satisfactory interpretation of this glyph could be found, it would assist greatly in deciphering the codices. I am rather inclined to think it is a sign of repetition—as "repeat thrice." If there were some word for ear which could be connected with oc or elab, then we might suppose the symbol to be used phonetically. However, as this can not be found, some other explanation must be sought.

The Nahuatl and Quiche-Cakchiquel names are the ordinary terms in these languages for "dog," and the Mexican symbol for the day is the head of a dog. Dr Seler does not attempt to explain the Tzental name, and merely suggests that the Maya word oc, "foot, footprint, track," and as a verb, "to enter, to go into," may have been adopted by the priests as expressing a prominent characteristic of the dog. Dr Brinton is inclined to derive the name oc from the verb ocol, oclah, "to steal, to rob," rather than from ocol, "to enter," supposing it to have been selected as indicative of another characteristic of the dog. This he believes also to be the signification of the Tzental term elab. This it seems to me is again reversing the order, unless we assume that the Quiche tzi and Mexican itzcuintli are the older terms.[240-1]

Dr Brinton says that according to Bartolome de Pisa the Zapotec name signifies "dog," though he does not find it with this meaning in the vocabularies. Dr Seler, however, obtains the signification "dog" for this name by supposing that it is derived from tee-lao, "mouth downward," referring to some myth of a dog representing the lightning, or lightning demon, as falling or plunging downward from the sky in certain figures of the codices. This, Dr Brinton says, "seems strained," which may also be said of the explanations of the Maya name.

The symbol of the dog as found in the Dresden Codex (13c), and as admitted by Dr Seler, is shown in plate LXV, 59. The same symbol is found in the same codex, 21b. Now, I think it possible to show, with a considerable degree of certainty, what is the chief phonetic element of this symbol, at least of its first or left-hand character. In plate LXV, 60, from Tro. 22*a, is seen (omitting the prefix) substantially the symbol that Landa interprets le, "the lasso," and also "to lasso." As the lower character is his e, we may take for granted that the upper portion indicates the l sound; further evidence of this, however, will be presented under the twentieth day. As this is followed by the symbol seen in plate LXV, 61, which refers to the "turkey" (kutz or cuitz),[240-2] and the figure below the text shows a snared turkey, the interpretation appears to be appropriate. Turning now to Dres. 44 (l)c, we notice in the picture below the text the compound glyph shown in plate LXV, 62. Immediately below it is the figure of a fish, which the two individuals represented are trying to catch in a seine. As this contains the same elements as 61 (plate LXV), reversed, the phonetic value should be tz'c. Referring to Perez' Lexicon, we find that tzac is a fish "so named;" Brasseur says, "a little fish resembling a sardine which inhabits the senotes."

Now these give tz' as the chief phonetic element of the left character of the dog symbol (LXV, 59), which is also the consonant element of the name for "dog" (tzi) in the Tzental, Cakchiquel, and most of the Maya dialects, though not of the Maya proper. This furnishes a consistent and appropriate rendering of the left portion of the symbol. Although the symbol for the mouth Kankin (LXV, 63) presents a difficulty, it is possible some other name was applied to this month of which tz was a leading element; Yaxkin is sometimes written with the prefix Dze.

As och is the Maya name for the "male fox," and oquil or ocquil is the name in Tzental and Tzotzil for "wolf," it is possible the Maya name may have been derived from one of these. Moreover, it is worthy of notice that "foot" in Tzotzil is written oquil as well as oc.

I was at first inclined to adopt Dr Seler's suggestion that the distinguishing feature of the symbol might have been taken from the dog's ears as given in the codices. However, a more thorough examination leads me to doubt this suggestion. The little black clots or blocks on the bent line appear here, as in the chicchan symbol, to be the most prominent and essential elements of the symbol. As they do not appear in the ear figures, it seems impossible that the character should have been derived from these figures. It is more likely that they represent the knots on a string or cord; and this supposition appears to be sustained by the fact that the Maya word hok, according to Brasseur, signifies "a knot, hook;" and hokal "to be knotted, formed of knots." Perez says "hok, el lazo formado para anudar;" "hokol, lazarse para anudarse la cuerda." If this supposition be correct, the symbol is used for the day because of its phonetic value, and without any reference to its original signification.

THE ELEVENTH DAY

Maya, chuen; Tzental, batz; Quiche-Cakchiquel, batz; Zapotec, loo; Nahuatl, ozomatli.

The symbol of this day is subject to few and slight variations. The form given by Landa, which is also quite common in most of the codices, especially Tro. and Cort., is shown in plate LXV, 64. Slight variants are shown in LXV, 65, 66, and 67. An exceptional and peculiar form from Dres. 32b is seen in LXV, 68. A form from the Perez codex in which an eye is introduced is given at LXV, 69. The character on the Palenque Tablet and some other inscriptions, which is supposed to be the symbol of this day, is shown at LXV, 70, but the proof that it is, in these cases, the day symbol is not so conclusive as that in regard to other day symbols, as no method of bringing it into relation with the other time symbols of the inscriptions has been found.

A closely corresponding form is seen in the symbol for the mouth Tzec as found in the Dres. Codex (see plate LXV, 71). If the glyphs are in any sense phonetic, it is probable that in the comb-like appendage to this symbol (Landa's ca) we have the 'c ('k) sound, and that the variation in the main character from the usual chuen glyph (in having the bounding line open and turned right and left at the top) is indicative of the variation in the phonetic value. The explanation of the symbol, which replaces the eye in the dog or panther like figure in Tro. 32c and 33c, and is alluded to by Dr Seler in this connection (LXVI, 1), has already been given under the discussion of the "Third Day." There, as I have shown, it probably indicates the Maya word choco, "heat, warmth," alluding to the hot, dry season which parches and shrivels up the growing corn. This explanation retains the phonetic value of the symbol, and it appears also to be entirely consistent with the figures found in connection with it.

There is another symbol closely allied in form (plate LXVI, 2) which is of frequent occurrence in the codices, usually, and, in fact, almost exclusively, in the picture spaces, and apparently bearing some relation to the offerings. It is often in groups, and is many times repeated in groups on the so-called "title pages" of the Tro. and Cort. manuscripts. It, however, frequently occurs in the form seen in the dog's eye (LXVI, 1), grouped as the other (Dres., 25a, etc) and undoubtedly used as an equivalent, as we find numerals attached as with the other form. The only distinction, as will be observed, is the presence or absence of the little divided square at the top. As that with the divided square is more detailed, it is probably the correct form, and, if so, can not be distinguished from the Chuen symbol.

On Dres. 29b, 30b, and 31b the symbol shown in plate LXVI, 3, is found in each group of characters. This bears a close resemblance to the symbol for the month Tzec, but varies in some important respects, as will be seen by comparison. The appendix, as I am inclined to believe, gives the ah, ha, or hal sound, and shows that it is a verb or word indicating action. As we find in each group the figure or symbol of a food animal, the whole series may be supposed to relate to feasts, or eating, or the collection of food. This suggestion is strengthened by the fact that the kan or maize symbol is placed in connection with the animal figures. It is possible, therefore, that this character may be correctly rendered by tziclim (tziclimtah), "to distribute, share, divide among many." As it is followed in each case by a cardinal-point symbol, and the symbol of the double tongued or toothed deity, probably Itzamna, is found in each group, it is probable that the text relates to religious festivals. This interpretation, however, is a mere suggestion or guess, which as yet I am unable to fortify by any other evidence than the resemblance of the main character to the Tzec symbol.



The Nahuatl, Tzental, and Quiche-Cakchiquel names of this day are the ordinary terms in these languages for "monkey." Dr Brinton thinks the Maya name, which does not appear to have any signification in this language as a separate word (though chuenche is "aborao, tuble," "a certain tree"), is derived from a Tzental term, chiu, which is applied to a particular species of monkey. He and Dr Seler refer to the chouen in a legend of the Popol Vuh, which undoubtedly stands in close relation to batz or "monkey," there spoken of as hunbatz. As these words in the Quiche myth appear unquestionably to refer to a species of the monkey tribe, or mythical persons under the symbolism of monkeys, the conclusion they reach is probably correct, and justifies the belief that the Maya name should be interpreted "monkey."

The origin of the symbol is uncertain, and Dr Seler makes no attempt to explain it. The difference between the simple form with the three teeth only (plate LXVI, 2) and the typical Chuen symbol indicates a difference in the word equivalents, or in the signification if ideographic. It is possible that Brasseur is right in rendering the former by co, which signifies "tooth;" in which case we may be justified in assuming that the additions in the Chuen symbol give the additional phonetic elements in the word. It may be, as supposed by some authors, that it was intended to represent the front view of an open mouth of some animal, as chi is the Maya word for mouth.

THE TWELFTH DAY

Maya, eb; Tzental, euob; Quiche-Cakchiquel, e or ee; Zapotec, pija; Nahuatl, mallinalli or itlan.

There are comparatively few variations in the symbol of this day; some, however, are of sufficient importance to render recognition doubtful but for their presence in the day series. That given by Landa is seen in plate LXVI, 4; the form most usual in the Tro. and Cort. codices is that shown in LXVI, 5; the variations seen in LXVI, 6, 7, 8, are from the Dresden Codex, and that in LXVI, 9, is from the Peresianus.

This character occurs very seldom, if ever, except as a day symbol, hence it is presumed to be purely ideographic or pictorial. There is, however, a deity symbol found in the Tro. Codex (plate LXVI, 10) in which we see apparently the chief characteristic of the eb symbol. Here, however, instead of a dot-bordered tooth, there is a dot-bordered dark stripe which runs downward entirely across the face. This is accompanied usually by the numeral prefix 11. The symbol of the same deity as found in the Dresden Codex is shown in plate LXVI, 11. Here the stripe is reduced to a single broken line. Dr Schellhas contends that he is a Death god and the equivalent of the Mexican Xipe. That he is a god of the underworld in the Tro. Codex is apparent from his ornaments and the dotted lines on his body or limbs; yet in two instances—plates 5a and b—he is represented as a traveling merchant. Whether the deity in the Dresden Codex is the same as that of the Tro. Codex is not positively certain, but the presence of the numeral 11 with the symbol, and in some instances the dotted lines on the body of the deity, indicate that the two are identical. Whether this deity glyph bears any relation to the day symbol is, however, doubtful. The only names of Maya deities I find with buluc ("eleven") as a prefix are Ahbuluc-Balam and Buluc-Ahau (?). The first, which signifies "He of the Eleven Tigers," was one of the idols made at the festival of the new year Cauac. On one of the four plates of the Dresden Codex representing the festivals of the new year (26a) we observe that the image carried by the chac is a tiger-like animal marked with dotted lines. Whether this is to be connected with the deity above mentioned is doubtful. The other name, Buluc-Ahau, mentioned by Landa, is the name of one of the signs of the Katun given in his figure of the cycle, and, although he uses the word "idol," does not appear to refer to any particular deity.

In regard to the names of the first three calendars, Dr Seler remarks as follows:

E, ye signifies "the edge," "sharpness," "the notch;" eb, ebil, ebal, yebal, "a row of notches," "flight of steps," "stairs." In Quiche-Cakchiquel e signifies "the tooth," "the edge;" ee is the plural form in Cakchiquel of the word, as eeb of the Quiche; euob is also a plural form in the Tzental, as I think, from a singular eu-ee. The name must denote the same thing in all the languages, i. e., "a row of teeth," "flight of steps"—a signification which harmonizes excellently with many Mexican forms of the character [plate LXVI, 12] as well as with the Meztitlan name of it (itlan, "his tooth").

Dr Brinton says that "in Maya eb is the plural of e, which means 'points' or 'ends,' like those of pins or thorns, and plainly was intended to designate the broom by reference to its numerous points. From the same idea, rows of teeth received the same name. The Tzental and Quiche names e and euob—the latter a plural—were from the same radical and had the same signification." He says the Nahuatl and Zapotec names both signify the brush or broom of twisted twigs, or stiff grass used for cleaning and dusting, and also this grass itself. Thus he brings the names of the five calendars into harmony. This explanation corresponds with that given by Clavigero of the Mexican term, which he says is the name of a certain plant of which brooms were made.

I am inclined to believe the symbol in this instance is a mere pictograph intended to represent the tip of some lanceolate leaf, the dots denoting the hairs along the edge. The tips of the "reed grass," as shown in the symbolic representation of Zacatla ("Nombres Geograficos" by Penafiel; plate LXVI, 13), would give precisely the dot-bordered tooth in the symbol. It is to be observed, however, that the Mexican symbol for this day, the usual form of which is shown in LXVI, 14, is essentially different and has joined with the green blades the skeleton underjaw. In some instances, as at Malinaltepec ("Nombres Geograficos"), the entire skull is added. A more elaborate form of the symbol, from the Borgian Codex plate 26, is given in LXVI, 15. Here the skeleton jaw is replaced by the roots of the plant; observe, however, the brush-like projections above. Are we to see in this associated death's-head a reference to death, or rather to the earth, a symbolism undoubtedly found in the Tro. Codex? Or must we suppose that behind the name is to be found the signification of the Meztitlan name itlan, from tlantli, "tooth?" Dr Seler remarks that "it seems to me quite possible that the point surrounded by dots in the character eb is an abbreviation of figure 326" (the prefix to our plate LXIV, 48).[245-1]

THE THIRTEENTH DAY

Maya, ben or been; Tzental, ben; Quiche-Cakchiquel, ah; Zapotec, quii, ii, or laa; Nahuatl, acatl.

The symbol of this day is subject to but few and, with one or two exceptions, but slight variations. Landa's figure is represented at LXVI, 16, those usual in the codices in LXVI, 17, 18, 19, and an irregular form found in Dres. 10c in symbol 20 of the same plate. When used in combination with other glyphs and otherwise than as a day symbol, the form, though usually typical, is subject occasionally to wide variations, though there is considerable doubt whether the latter are to be considered ben symbols.

Dr Seler contends that the figure originated from the plaited reed or mat, which, if correct, enables us to trace it by gradations to a wholly different figure. But before referring further to these, it is best that the signification of the names should be given, as determined by linguistic evidence.

The Nahuatl name acatl signifies "reed," "cane," or "stalk;" and, according to Ximenes and Brasseur, the Quiche-Cakchiquel ah also signifies "reed," especially the "cornstalk" or "sugar cane." The Zapotec quii has also the same signification, "reed," and Dr Brinton says laa has the same meaning, but Dr Seler says he can not find it with this signification in the lexicons, nor do I find it in any to which I have access. The Maya and Tzental ben, however, presents a more serious difficulty in the attempt to bring it into harmony with the others. Dr Seler contents himself with reference to certain words which have been or ben as their root. This root, he says, signifies "consumed," and the words to which he refers mean "to be consumed," "to waste away," "to fail, be lacking, go away." This is also the signification to which Dr Brinton refers. "I find," he says, "that in Tzental the dried cornstalk (cana de mais seco) is called cagh-ben, and from this I doubt not this day-name in that dialect and the Maya was taken and syncopated. The verb ben or been in Tzental means 'to walk, to go,' but in the above compound the ben is from the Maya stem benel, 'to be used up, to be dead.'"

The opinion of Dr Seler, above stated, that the symbol of this day originated from the delineation of the plaited reed or mat, is based on the representation of the mat both in symbols and figures in the Mexican and Maya codices. Some of these are shown in our plate LXVI, 21 to 24. The first, 21, is from the Mendoza Codex, and is found also in Tro. 20*d. These are undoubtedly intended to denote mats or something of a kindred nature. The same figure is seen on the roofs of temples and houses, one of which is shown in LXVI, 22, from Tro. 10*c. In these instances they appear to indicate the thatching with which the roof is covered. The form is sometimes varied, as in LXVI, 23, from Tro. 10*a. The symbol which, it is presumed, refers to the mat as seen in Tro. 21*d, is given in LXVI, 24; that representing the house in Tro. 10*c is seen in LXVI, 25; another of a slightly different form, from Tro. 7*c, in LXVI, 20; and another, referring also to a house or to the roof, as Dr Seler supposes, is given in LXVI, 27.

There can be no question that plate LXVI, 21, is intended to represent a mat or something of that nature, nor that the character shown at 24 is the symbol used to represent this mat, straw, or plaited fabric; nor can it be doubted that the figures shown at 22 and 23 are conventional figures for houses of some kind. It must also be admitted that the characters shown at 25, 26, and 27 are symbols denoting these houses. According to Dr Seler's interpretation, figures 24 and 27 are, in some cases, used "to denote a seat on a mat [24]; sometimes the mat roof of the temple or the temple itself" (27). In his opinion these characters, especially 27, contain "the element of the mat and a symbol of carrying—the hand or elements which have been borrowed from the figure of the hand—and in these hieroglyphs the transition of the realistically delineated mat into the character ben may be distinctly traced."

That the upper part of plate LXVI, 25 and 26, and of other similar figures in the codices which might be shown, do make a close approach in form to the ben symbol, must be admitted. But there is one break in the chain which needs to be closed before the evidence is entirely satisfactory. Does the upper part of these house symbols (25-26) indicate roof mats or thatching? An examination of the house figures shows these supposed mat figures to be something standing on the top of the roof—something rising, as it were, perpendicularly along and above the comb or crest. Now, precisely such battlements or elevated crests appear to have been common on the roofs of the temples or structures which have been preserved to modern times. We see them in the figures given by Charnay, Stevens, and other explorers; and what is worthy of special notice in this connection is, that they sometimes consist of openwork or trellis-like figures. Therefore, if we connect the upper part of the house symbols with the ben glyph, it is still by no means certain that it is derived from, or bears any relation to, the mat character. We notice further that in the figures of houses this supposed mat figure is not used to indicate the thatching, but is clearly distinguished from it. Again, if the upper characters of LXVI, 25, 26, are intended to signify the thatching, roof matting, or roof, and are simple ideograms drawn from the thing represented, then the lower characters in these symbols might well be supposed to represent the wall or framework of the house. But the widely different relations in which we find this lower character forbid this conclusion. That the wall may be indicated is true, but if so it must be ikonomatically or by the phonetic value of the symbol. I have therefore found it very difficult to reach any entirely satisfactory conclusion in regard to these house symbols. That the lower character is phonetic in the true or rebus sense can, I think, be shown, but, notwithstanding the objections I have presented, the most satisfactory interpretation of the upper part is that it represents the roof, as we see in the upper figure of LXVI, 25, the crosshatching and the double ben lines. Hence it would seem satisfactory to consider it merely an ideogram or picture but for the prefix, which can not be readily accounted for on the idea of a pictorial representation.

As we have found that the lower character of plate LXVI, 26, has the phonetic value of ch usually combined with o or u (see remarks above on LXV, 44), we may find in this glyph otoch, "house," though the full signification of the entire compound symbol appears to embrace more than this. Possibly the upper part is a determinative. The lower part, however, of LXVI, 25 and 27, is found, as before remarked, where it can have no reference to a building. As it has the two heavy lines indicative of the p sound (see explanation of LXIV, 11), and also of the guttural, it is probable that the signification, where a structure is referred to, is pak (pakal), "a building, wall, fortification." But when it is found in an entirely different relation, as in Tro. 17b, where it is over an individual tying a deer, it must have an entirely different signification. It is possible that it may be consistently rendered by pacoc (paccah), "to cord, fasten, bind" (Henderson), or some derivative thereof. We find it again on Tro. 19*d and 20*d, and Dres. 18c, 19c, and 20c, where females are represented as bearing burdens on their backs. Now, cuch signifies "to bear, to carry," and also "a load, a burden," and cuch-pach, "a carrier, a porter" (literally "to carry on the back," pach denoting "back").

In this instance also the phonetic value assigned it holds good. On Tro. 17b the same glyph stands above an individual who is in the act of striking a snake which is biting his foot. In this case it has a suffix like that to LXVI, 3, which, as we have stated, probably represents the sound ah, ha, or hal, and indicates that the word is a verb. There are several words containing the phonetic value assigned the character, which are applicable, as pokchetah, which Perez interprets "pisar, poner el pie sobre algo;" puchah, "despachurran, machucar;" pachah, "to scatter, break" (H.); pech, "to crush" (H.); pacez (paczah), "to squeeze, press, crush" (H.).

It seems, therefore, quite probable that the lower part of these compound symbols is phonetic.

If Dr Seler is correct in his supposition that the symbol is derived from the plaited mat, then it is most likely simply ideographic or a mere conventional pictograph. Possibly this is the correct conclusion, as I can find no evidence tending to show that it is phonetic. If we could suppose the form was intended to represent a "road" or "pathway"—be, beil, and bel in Maya, and beel in Zotzil—we might assume it to be phonetic.

The combinations shown in plate LXVI, 28, 29, 30, and 55, in which the symbol of this day appears, have as yet received no satisfactory explanation. Those shown in LXVI, 28, and 55, are of very frequent occurrence and probably indicate some common ceremony, order, or direction in the religious ceremonies. I have a strong suspicion that the first indicates exorcism or driving away the evil spirits, but I find no appropriate Maya word unless it be pekokalil, given by Henderson. This, however, does not agree with the interpretation Kinichkakmo, given by Seler to LXVI, 29, above referred to. Seler gives to LXVI, 30, the apparently strained interpretation, "he who is conquered in war and brought home prisoner." I have no interpretation to offer.[248-1]

THE FOURTEENTH DAY

Maya, ix or hix; Tzental, hix; Quiche-Cakchiquel, balam, yiz, or hix; Zapotec, eche; Nahuatl, ocelotl.

The symbol of this day is found in quite a number of different forms, some of which are wide variations from the prevailing type.

Landa's figure is shown in plate LXVI, 31. The usual forms found in the Tro. Codex are LXVI, 32 to 37; 36 is somewhat rare. That shown at 38 is found only on plate 30*c, and that showing the animal head (39) on plate 12c. No essential variations from these are found in either the Codex Peresianus or Cortesianus. Those shown in LXVI, 40-42, are from the Dresden Codex.

The Nahuatl name and the Quiche-Cakchiquel, balam, denote the "tiger," possibly the jaguar, though the Mexican name certainly refers to the ocelot. Dr Brinton says that the Zapotec eche, or in the full form be-eche-guia, has the same signification. Dr Seler, however, derives it from the term peche-tao, "the great animal"—the tiger, or ferocious animal. But the other names, ix, hix, hiix or gix, as they are variously written (though really one word), present a more serious difficulty to the attempt to bring them into harmony with the others.

Dr Seler says:

The Cakchiquel term yiz, i. e., the Maya h-ez, "the sorcerer," may well be considered as giving an explanation of the Maya name of this day character (ix). My conception, after one more link in the chain of evidence pointing toward it, is that the day-character system has become known to the Mayas through the medium of the cognate branches of Chiapas, for we frequently find the Tzental-Zotzil x corresponding to the Maya z.

Dr Brinton says that the Maya, Tzental, and Cakchiquel word hix or ix means "sorcerer," though he does not furnish the evidence. Moreover, he adds immediately after that "it is probable ix is a variant of ik or igh 'wind, breath, life,'" and makes the connection by referring to the fact that blowing was practiced in medicine rites. It would have been more satisfactory, however, had he given the evidence on which he based his assertion that the Maya and Tzental name means "sorcerer." According to Ximenes the Cakchiquel name yiz denotes the "sorcerer;" and it is probable that the signification of ix or hix is the same, as the codices appear to give support to this conclusion.

On Dres. 8a the character shown in plate LXVI, 43, stands in the text over the figure of a tiger, and evidently refers to it. The close resemblance of this to the ix symbol from Tro. 12c shown in LXVI, 39, is too manifest to be overlooked. The same symbol is found in Tro. 17c, but here the prefix is changed to the numeral 4; below is a tiger-like animal with a feathered tongue protruding from its mouth. I have taken for granted, from the indicated action and my interpretation of one of the accompanying symbols, that this figure was intended to indicate the sorcerer or diviner. This supposition I admit is not supported by sufficient evidence to demand acceptance. However, it is probable that Leon de Rosny is justified in rendering LXVI, 43, by ek-balam. This supposition will be strengthened by any evidence tending to show that the prefix is properly interpreted by ek.

The symbol for the month Ceh, as given in Dres. 49c, is shown in LXVI, 44, and is the same as Landa's figure minus the suffix or month determinative. It would seem from the fact that the lower character of this symbol is the same as the lower portion of the symbols for Yax (LXIV, 12) and Zac (LXVI, 48), that the word Ceh, if the writing is phonetic or ikonomatic, does not give the entire phonetic equivalent unless the x or c of the other names is here softened to h. It may be added, however, that Henderson gives both Ceh and Kez as the name of the month and the Maya name for "deer." In the Zotzil vocabulary "ciervo" is chig and "venado" chigh. There is, however, a difficulty in harmonizing this with the symbol for the month Zip—in which the same character appears—that I have not been able to explain. Nevertheless, it may be said, as the lower character appears (from evidence that will not be introduced at this point) to have z or dz as its chief phonetic element, that it is possible the name had sometimes ek or ke prefixed. Running through the lower division of plates 46-50 of the Dresden Codex is a line consisting of repetitions of the character shown in LXVI, 45. Here we have again our k', ke, or ek glyph as a prefix. The right portion of the symbol bears a somewhat close resemblance to some forms of the symbol of the day Lamat (but not to kin, as has been suggested), and is so interpreted by Brasseur and Leon de Rosny. As ek signifies "star," and lemba "resplendent, bright, shining, sparkling," the phonetic value of the glyph may be "the bright, shining star," alluding to Venus. According to Henderson, eekil, ekil, or yekil was used to designate this star, zaztal being added to name it as a "morning star." According to the "Report on the city of Valladolid,"[250-1] the name given the "morning star" was noch eke (or eque). It is possible, therefore, that Dr Foerstemann is right in supposing that the long numeral series running through plates 46-50 of this codex relates to the apparent revolution of the planet Venus.

In Dres. 18c is the compound symbol shown in plate LXVI, 46, followed by 47. In the former we see our ek or ke symbol as the upper character and the supposed cimi (LXV, 28) glyph as the lower character, and to the left a prefix. This prefix is precisely that in the symbol for the month Zac (LXVI, 48), and has presumably the same value in one glyph as the other. This will give, as the proper rendering of the symbol LXVI, 46, zeek-cimil, "the skull of the dead." By referring to the figure below the text, a woman is seen bearing on her back a skull inclosed in a wrapping of some kind, which in Kingsborough, where the color is retained, appears to be cloth. This certainly agrees with the rendering of the glyph. The symbol which follows it, shown in LXVI, 47, has one of the elements of LXVI, 27, and, as suggested under "the Thirteenth Day," should probably be interpreted cuchpach, "a carrier or porter" (or "bear upon the back"). In the corresponding glyph in Tro. 20*d (LXVI, 24) the upper portion, as above stated, refers probably to the hamper or basket-like holder in which the load is carried, and is a simple ideogram; but here (LXVI, 47) the upper character is phonetic, corresponding very closely to the lower part of the symbols for the months Yax and Zac. The character which follows—the lower left-hand of the group of four—seen at LXVI, 49, is the well-known symbol for woman. As the women were the burden bearers in Yucatan, the interpretation appears to be consistent. It is therefore probable that the prefix to LXVI, 43, is to be interpreted by ek, as Rosny has suggested.

Seler, alluding to the symbol, asks, "May not the skin of the tiger, instead of the animal itself, be here indicated?" He further suggests that it represents the round hairy ear and the spotted skin of the tiger, and that the glyph shown at LXVI, 39, represents the entire head of this animal, of which there can be little doubt.

Some of the symbols of this day, found in the Fejervary Codex, one of which is shown in LXVIII, 41, appear to favor Seler's idea.[250-2]

THE FIFTEENTH DAY

Maya, men; Tzental, tziquin; Quiche-Cakchiquel, tziquin; Zapotec, naa or naa; Nahuatl, quauhtli.

Landa's figure is so imperfect in this case that it is not given. The usual forms and variations are shown in plate LXVI, 50 to 54. The last two, which show the widest variation, are from the Dresden Codex.

The Tzental and Quiche-Cakchiquel, tziquin, signifies "bird" in general, and the Nahuatl, quauhtli, "eagle." The Maya and Zapotec names are more difficult to bring into harmony with the others. Dr Brinton thinks that the Zapotec name is derived from na, "to know, to understand, to be able through knowledge." This, he says, "exactly corresponds to the Maya men, which means to understand, to be able to do ...; hence in this latter tongue, ah-men means the man of knowledge, the wise one, the master of wisdom." "The bird," he adds, "was the symbol of wisdom and knowledge."

Dr Seler says it is difficult to determine the Yucatan name. However, from the form of the symbol he concludes it is intended to represent an aged face, by which he connects it with an aged goddess, Ixchel, the companion of Itzamna, and with certain Mexican deities. In his subsequent paper he says the Zapotec name furnishes linguistic proof of the above conclusion. "I had concluded," he says, "that the Maya hieroglyph represented the image of the old earth mother, the universally worshipped goddess called Tonantzin, 'our mother,' who is connected in the Codex Vienensis with the eagle symbol." He then adds that the Zapotec term naa or naa signifies "mother," and thus finds the connection between the calendar names.

It is probable we will not be far wrong if we assume that reference to the bird as used in this connection is not so much to it as an animal as an augury, sign, or portent. The birds introduced in the Dresden and Troano codices, especially those on pages 16, 17, and 18 of the former and 18* and 19* of the latter, are supposed to have reference to auguries. In the "Vocabulario Castellano Zapoteco," under "Ave," we find mani-biici, "ave agorera." In the Dresden Codex (17b) one of the birds introduced as playing this role is an eagle, or some rapacious species resembling an eagle or vulture. Although Seler believes the symbol to have been derived from the aged wrinkled female face, yet he closes his observations on this day in his first article as follows:

I think the reference to the eagle is very distinctly indicated [referring to a number of glyphs accompanying or indicating an eagle-like bird]. We can understand that these hieroglyphs were annexed as attributes of the deities. But how is it that figures 687-689 [same as our plate LXVIII, 42] serve as a seat for the Chac? Now Chac [he refers to the long-nose god] is not really a god of water, but of rain; the rain-producing storm cloud is his vehicle; the storm bird is his beast of burden on which he rides.

It follows from this, notwithstanding his supposition in regard to the origin of the symbol, that he looks upon it as signifying the eagle, or bird. However, the explanations given by Drs Brinton and Seler of the Maya name fail to make a satisfactory connection between the names in the different calendars.

Not only do we find birds introduced on the pages of the Troano and Dresden codices above referred to, apparently for the purpose of indicating augury, but on Dres. 69b we see the long-nose god (probably Itzamna) sitting on the glyph LXVIII, 42, holding a bird in his arms.

Also on Dres. 73b, where the groups are composed of short columns, each apparently relating to storms, winds, etc, we see in the right-hand group the bird and men-like glyph associated. Whether these are in fact men glyphs is a question not yet determined. I am as yet unable to interpret satisfactorily any of the compound characters of which these supposed men glyphs form a part. If the form shown in LXVI, 28, the lower portion of which is substantially the same as Landa's first l, is to be accepted as equivalent to LXVI, 55, then it is probable that the symbol of the day does not indicate the phonetic value of the name. This would lead to the supposition that the name men is not the original one applied to the day, or that the symbol has been changed. I am inclined to believe one or the other of these suppositions to be correct. If the symbol could be identified in the inscriptions, I would adopt the first supposition until substantial evidence of its erroneousness could be produced.

I am unable to offer any suggestions as to the origin of the symbol. I do not think the suggestion that it is intended to represent an aged face of woman or man of any force or worthy of serious consideration. The symbol would be just as complete so far as its signification is concerned without the eye as with it.

THE SIXTEENTH DAY

Maya, cib; Tzental, chabin; Quiche-Cakchiquel, ahmak; Zapotec, guilloo or loo; Nahuatl, cozcaquauhtli. In addition to these the following are also given: Pipil, tecolotl; Meztitlan, teotl itonal or temetlatl.

The forms of this symbol shown in plates LXVI, 56 to 59, and LXVII, 1 to 3, are those usually found in the codices, the slight differences being due to the greater or less degree of perfection with which they have been made. Landa's figure is similar to LXVII, 1. The variants in LXVII, 4 and 5, are from Dres. 46 and 49; but the symbols found in the day columns of Dres. 46 to 50 must not be taken as evidence of peculiar types, as they are to a large extent dashed off without care, one or two of a column being sufficiently exact for determination and the rest mere blotches. I have referred to them here and under other days simply because Dr Seler has noticed them; hence had I failed to allude to them it might be thought an oversight. However, I do not think any of the variations in the day columns of these five plates should be taken into consideration as types.

The Nahuatl name cozcaquauhtli is the "royal zopilote" (Sarcoramphus papa of ornithologists). Drs Seler and Brinton agree in the supposition that the Zapotec name is derived from balloo, "the raven or crow." Dr Seler says that the Quiche-Cakchiquel word ahmak seems to signify the vulture, "who pecks out the eyes," "who makes deep holes;" while Dr Brinton maintains that the Quiche ahmak means "the master of evil," referring to the owl, which is esteemed a bird of evil omen and bad fortune. The Pipil tecolotl also denotes "the night bird or owl."



The Maya and Tzental names, however, present a difficulty not so easily explained. The signification of the former is "wax, gum, or copal gum," and also, according to Henderson, "root." According to Brinton the Tzental radical chab means "honey, was, bee, a late meal." He refers, however, to the Cakchiquel, where he finds that ch'ab means "mud, clay, mire," and suggests that "as red and black clays were the primitive pigments this may connect the Tzental day name with the Maya." Seler, however, derives the Maya name from ci or cii, "to taste good," "to smell good;" and as ci is also the name of the maguey plant, and likewise refers to the pulque or intoxicating drink from this plant, he concludes that cib must have been formed by the addition of the instrumental suffix, and hence refers to that which is used for wine, "either the honey, or, more correctly, the narcotic root."

This conclusion he thinks is strengthened by the fact that the corkscrew figure, which is the chief element of the cib symbol, is found several times on vases or earthen vessels (see LXVII, 6). Attention is called in this connection to the fact that loo in Zapotec signifies "root," which is also one of the meanings given by Henderson to the Maya cib, which would seem to strengthen Dr Seler's conclusion.

The glyph is seldom if ever found in combination with other characters or used otherwise than as a day symbol. This, together with the fact that it is not found except as a day symbol in the beekeeper's calendar in the Troano Codex, would seem to indicate that there has been a change in the name of the day since the origin of the symbol; or, on the other hand, the symbol has been modified from some older form. Nevertheless, there are some indications that it is phonetic and that the corkscrew figure has b as its chief element, whether cib be the word indicated or not.

In the symbol for the day Caban (LXVII, 9) we see the same corkscrew figure, and observe that b is the chief consonant element of the word. In the well-known symbol for woman (LXVI, 49) there appears the same character, usually double, one at the front of the face, the other on the back part of the head. I have usually considered this a mere conventional symbol, taken from the female head, these corkscrew figures indicating the rolls of hair. Nevertheless it is possible that it is phonetic, as we see on the cheek the c, ch, or k character heretofore referred to. As chup, chupal, and chuplal are names for "woman, female, or girl," the p may replace the b and represent the corkscrew figure. I am unable, however, to explain the prefix, which should have the b or p sound, or be a determinative. Possibly it may denote pal, signifying a young person, though this appears to refer generally to the male sex. Henderson, however, prefixes x to give it the signification "daughter, or girl."

That the symbol on vessels as shown in LXVII, 6, indicates liquid, or drink of some kind, is more than probable. It may refer to balche (or baleze), the ceremonial drink, the symbol indicating the phonetic element b.

The upper portion of the figure shown in LXVII, 7, from Tro. 3*b and 4*b (in the space) I was at first inclined to regard as a reptile of some kind, but the fact of its presence in the section relating to bees and honey, and the corkscrew markings, render it probable that it is beeswax. To this evidence may be added the fact that the symbol over which it is placed contains some of the elements of the cib glyph. There are a number of places where quite similar markings appear on seats and other things, but these are distinguished by the added line of dots, showing it, as will be seen hereafter, to be in these cases the cab or caban symbol.

The facts which have been mentioned, together with the form of the symbol, may possibly lead to a correct understanding of its origin. It seems probable that the corkscrew figure, which is the chief, and apparently only, essential element, is taken from the root of a plant and was the conventional method of representing that object. As it appears from Henderson's Lexicon that "root" was one signification of cib (probably from cibah, "to follow, succeed," which also signifies "born, manifested, root," alluding to origin), and also that in Zotzil yib or yibel is "root" (raiz de arbol, yibel-te), we find the reason why this was selected as the symbol to express the sound cib. The fact that in the Zapotec loo signifies "root" strengthens this conclusion and indicates that the symbol is not used simply for the sound indicated—that is, phonetically or ikonomatically—but also with reference to the signification.

THE SEVENTEENTH DAY

Maya, caban; Tzental, chic; Quiche-Cakchiquel, noh; Zapotec, xoo; Nahuatl, ollin. In addition to these, the following are also sometimes given: In Meztitlan, nahui olli; Pipil, tecpila nahuatl.

This character, as is apparent from plate LXVII, 8-13, is subject to no material variation; in fact, to no variation which would prevent us from at once identifying it. That shown in LXVII, 8, is Landa's figure. The change in position of the black spot and lines with reference to one another does not appear to have any significance. In the Troano and Cortesian codices the black dot is sometimes on one side and sometimes on the other. In the Dresden Codex, however, it is nearly always on the left. The one shown in LXVII, 13, in which there is introduced a new element, is found several times in the last part of the Dresden Codex.

This character is used very frequently otherwise than as a day symbol, being found separate and in combination, also as a mark on a number of articles. As it is possible to determine with reasonable, and in fact satisfactory, certainty its signification in a number of instances where used otherwise than as a day symbol, some of these will be noticed, as they seem to furnish strong evidence of phoneticism. But I repeat here the statement made at the commencement of this paper, that in using this term "phoneticism," I include that which may, in a strict classification, be called ikonomatic. However, before referring to these, it is best to give the interpretations of the names which have been suggested, as the bearing of our interpretations of the symbols will then be better understood.

The Mexican name ollin or olin is generally interpreted "motion or movement," with special reference to the earthquake. Dr Seler, however, adds "caoutchouc ball." In his first paper, heretofore referred to, he remarks in regard to the Maya, Tzental, and Quiche-Cakchiquel names: "There is not much to be drawn from these words." In his subsequent paper he apparently relies upon the usual signification of the Mexican term, and from this and the signification of the Zapotec xoo, "powerful, strong, violent," concludes that the Tzental name may be consistently rendered by "large, powerful," and the Maya name by "that which is brought down, which is above," reference being made to ascending and descending. Dr Brinton derives the Maya term from cab, "might or strength," on the authority of the Motul Dicc., and says that in this sense it corresponds precisely with the Tzental chic (equal Maya chich, "cosa fuerta y dura"), the Quiche-Cakchiquel noh, "strong, great," and the Zapotec xoo, "force, power, or might." Dr Seler, however, concludes that the Zapotec name is here to be interpreted "earth," or to be understood as referring to the earth. He thinks that the day symbol is an abbreviated form of, or derived from, LXVI, 49, which he takes to be a symbol of the goddess Chiribias or Ixchebelyax, whom he identifies with Zaczuy, "the white maiden." As will be observed, we have expressed the opinion that this glyph is a symbol for woman in the general sense, which conclusion appears to be confirmed by its connection with different female figures. There are, however, certain prefixes and suffixes which may serve to give it a specific application; for example, in LXVII, 14, from Dres. 16c, the prefix, according to my interpretation, contains the z sound as its chief phonetic element. It is possible that in this case a particular person may be referred to by the prefix, the woman symbol being here simply a determinative. Dr Brinton, in his explanation of the month name Zip, remarks: "This was Zuhuy Zip, the virgin Zip, her name being properly Dzip, 'to skin, to dress slain animals.'" I prefer, however, to interpret the symbol by "maiden," or "young woman," the prefix signifying zuhuy. Nevertheless, the suffix in some instances, as LXVII, 15, from Dres. 18b, may indicate that a sacred or mythological personage is referred to, as it is added as a suffix in some cases to deity symbols; however, as it is often found in other relations, where it can have no such signification, I am not inclined to give it this interpretation, as the evident female deities are denoted by quite different glyphs.

The evidence that the Caban symbol is in some sense phonetic appears to me to be too strong to be rejected. In the first place, one of its chief elements is the corkscrew figure, which, as shown under the preceding day, appears to have b as its consonant element, this sound being a prominent element of both cib and caban. It also has been shown that it is not out of place in the woman glyph, under the supposition that this is also phonetic, as chup or chupal is the Maya name for woman, and the change from b to p is not uncommon. It is found in several places as that out of which plants are growing, as LXVII, 16, from Tro. 32b, which appears to represent some leguminous plant supported by a stake driven into the ground. It is that on which persons are sitting Indian fashion, and on which others are lying; again, it is that out of which a serpent is arising. As "earth," "ground," will furnish an entirely satisfactory explanation in all these cases, there is no apparent reason why it should not be accepted. As cab has "earth" as one of its leading significations, we not only find therein a connection with the day name, but also an indication of phoneticism.

In Cort. 30a is the figure shown at LXVII, 17. The animal represented, notwithstanding the quadruped head, is conceded to be intended for the serpent. The shading around the vessel, a blotch of which is on the serpent's nose, I take for the clay or paste out of which the vessel is being formed, or to be formed. In the division immediately below is a representation of what appears to be some step in the manufacture of vessels. May this not be correctly interpreted by kancab, "la terra roja o amarilla," or "red clay?" Henderson gives cancan as an equivalent term of kankan. As I have not seen a copy of the colored edition of this codex, I can not say whether this interpretation is borne out by the color of the shading. If this interpretation be correct, the serpent figure must be used symbolically or as a true rebus.

In Tro. 9*c an individual is represented lifting what is supposed to be honey or honeycomb out of a box-shape object on which is the caban symbol. This symbol is presumed to indicate the contents—"honey." If this supposition be correct, then, as cab is the Maya name for "honey," we have in this coincidence in sound and glyph another indication of pboneticism. Support is given to this interpretation by the fact that this is found in what is known as the "bee section," and that on the upper division of the same plate the same figure, with the caban symbol upon it, is seen in the hands of an individual who holds it to a bee.

As the character when used otherwise than a day symbol is frequently, perhaps most generally, drawn with a suffix, as shown in LXVII, 18, I suggest that it is possible it is a conventional method of representing earth or soil. By reference to the Borgian Codex, plate 11, also 19a and 61b, it will be seen that where earth is introduced into the picture it is indicated by heavy and wavy lines, as shown in LXVII, 19. This bears a very strong resemblance to the suffix of LXVII, 18. The corkscrew or root figure is added as appropriate, as an element, in forming an earth figure. Such, I am inclined to believe, is the origin of the symbol which, when used to indicate anything else than earth, is used phonetically or ikonomatically. The figure shown in LXVII, 20, from Dres. 30a, which Seler calls a serpent, is merely the representation of a clay image and the seat or oratorio in which it is placed. It is probably from something of comparatively small size, burnt in one piece. The mark of the earth symbol, to distinguish the substance of which it is made, is certainly appropriate. In Tro. 6b we see another on which is quite a different symbol, indicating, as will hereafter be shown, that the material is wood.

The compound character in LXVII, 21, is found in Tro. 9*b and 10*c. It occurs in the latter twice, the parts, however, reversed in the parallel groups, while in that of 9*b one is above the other. These variants do not necessarily indicate a difference in the signification, as can readily be ascertained by comparing characters in the numerous parallel groups. Omitting the prefix, this maybe rendered mak-cab, "to eat honey without chewing (that is, by sucking); to break into a hive and steal the honey." By reference to the plates on which the symbols are found the appropriateness of this rendering will be apparent, if I rightly interpret the figures below the text. There we see the twisted red symbols denoting the fire kindled beneath the hives, or beehouses, by which to drive out or destroy the busy little workers. In one of the fires we observe bone symbols, probably denoting a method of giving to the smoke an unpleasant odor, as rags were formerly used in some sections of our country for the same purpose.

The characters shown in LXVII, 22 and 23, are from the upper part of Cort. 22, which is supposed to be the right half of the so-called "title page" of the Tro. Codex. These are interpreted by Seler, and probably correctly, as indicating "above" and "below" (LXVII, 22, the former, and LXVII, 23, the latter). By following the line in which these characters are found, through the two pages, beginning at the left of the plate of the Tro. Codex, the result appears to be as follows, giving the signification of the characters so far as known: First, the four cardinal points in one direction, then two characters apparently corresponding with the two we have figured, one of which is partly obliterated; next the cardinal points in an opposite direction, after which follow the two characters shown in LXVII, 22 and 23. As the right half of the first (22) is the cab or caban symbol, it is presumable that it has here substantially the same phonetic value. It is probable, therefore, that the whole compound character maybe rendered yokcabil (or okcabil), "above the earth," or as Henderson, who gives two words of this form, interprets the first, "over, above the earth, above." The second (LXVII, 23) has also as its chief part the cab symbol, and the upper right-hand portion appears to have x'm as its chief phonetic elements. It is possible that cabnix; "a stair," "downward," given by Henderson, furnishes the phonetic equivalent of the compound character. These six directions, according to Dr J. W. Fewkes,[257-1] were noted by the Tusayan Indians in some of their religious ceremonies. Mr Cushing says the same thing is true in regard to some of the Zuni ceremonies.

Plate LXVII, 24, is a compound character from Dres. 39b, below which the long-nose deity holds in his hand a peculiar article (LXVII, 25), "as if," says Seler, "pouring out of a bottle." That the prefix has the interior cross-hatched when complete appears from a number of other places, as, for example, in the upper division of the same plate. This, as heretofore stated, gives the x or ch sound. It is possible, therefore, that the symbol, omitting the right portion, should be interpreted xachcab, "abrir de par en par," or hechcab, "to open little by little, to develop, discover it" (Henderson). As the right portion has a character resembling the Muluc symbol as its chief element, and below it the u glyph, we may translate it muyal, "cloud." This would give as the meaning of the entire symbol "open the cloud"—that is, "to pour out the rain." As this is connected with a rain series, and we see a similar glyph (though with different prefix) on plate 38b, where the same deity is in the midst of a rain storm and holding in his hand a similar object, the rendering appears to be, at least, appropriate. It is to be further observed that this combined Caban and Muluc symbol is found frequently in connection with rain storms and cloud symbols.

According to the interpretation given LXVII, 22 and 24, the compound symbol shown at 26, from Dres. 35b and 34b, should be rendered Yokcabil muyal, "the cloud above." As we see in both places, in the picture under the text, the looped serpent inclosing water, which Dr Seler considers the "water sack" or cloud, this interpretation is appropriate. As further confirmation of the interpretation given LXVII, 22, attention is called to the picture in Tro. 32*c over which the same symbol is found. Here the allusion is doubtless to the basket-like covering over, or "above," the black deity lying on a mat.

THE EIGHTEENTH DAY

Maya, edznab or ezanab; Tzental, chinax; Quiche-Cakchiquel, tihax; Zapotec, gopaa; Nahuatl, tecpatl.

The form of the symbol of this day varies but little in the codices, as shown by plate LXVII, 28-31. It is seldom found in this form in combination. If its equivalent is given in these, it is of the form shown in 33. It is, however, occasionally seen on articles of stone, as the spearpoint (32) and stone hatchet (34) and sacrificial knife. It also appears in the symbol for the stone mortar (36) from Tro. 19c. Before discussing its signification and probable origin we will give the significations which have been suggested of the different names of the day.

The signification of the Nahuatl name—tecpatl—is "flint." Dr Brinton says, "especially the flint-stone knife used in sacrificing, to cut the victim." Dr Seler finds agreement in the Tzental name from a statement, by Nunez de la Vega, that the symbol chinax, or rather the tutelary god of the same, was a great warrior, who was always represented in the calendars with a banner in his hand, and that he was slain and burned by the nagual of another heathen symbol. Dr Brinton states that the name "is an old or sacred form of the usual zni-nax, 'knife.'" The literal meaning of the Cakchiquel tihax is, according to Ximenes, "it bites, scraping" (muerde rasgando). Dr Seler, however, affirms that Ximenes (with what authority he knows not) gives "obsidian" as the meaning. He thinks the word is related to the root teuh, "cold"—tih-ih, "to be cold"—with which may be compared the words tic, "to stick in, prick;" tiz, "to stitch," and tiztic, "pointed."

In regard to the Zapotec name, gopa, gopaa, or opa, the authors named differ quite widely, Dr Seler deriving it from rogopa, "cold," and Dr Brinton suggesting that it is more likely "a variant of guipa, a sharp point or edge, whence the word for stone knife, gueza-guipa, from guia, stone."

The Maya name, however, does not appear to be readily brought into harmony with the others. Dr Seler simply remarks that it may be related to the root e, "firm, rigid, hard." Pio Perez offers no explanation. Dr Brinton suggests that it is a figurative expression for the sacrificial knife, from nab, something anointed, or blood, and edz, to adjust, to point, to sharpen.

There can be no question that the articles in the codices on which the trembling cross is found consists, in most instances, if not all, of stone. Hence it is a reasonable conclusion that the primary signification of the symbol is stone. The Zotzil name for "flint" (pedernal) is zuiton.

I am inclined to believe that the symbol is derived from a conventional form used for indicating stone or flint, probably from the cracks or fissures in it.

I am not prepared yet to discuss the somewhat similar figures which assume the form of the St Anthony cross. Various interpretations, as symbol for "union," "night sun," etc, have been given. However, as this form is never used as a day symbol, it has no direct relation to the present discussion.

THE NINETEENTH DAY

Maya, cauac; Tzental, cahogh; Quiche-Cakchiquel, caok, cook; Zapotec, ape, appe, aape; Nahuatl, quiahuitl.

The various forms of the symbol of this day are shown in plate 37-48—that by Landa at 37; those of the Troano and Cortesian codices at 38-43, and those from the Dresden Codex at 45-47. The irregular form given at 44 is from Tro. 28d, and that at 48 from the Peresianus.

This symbol is found quite frequently in combination with other characters, in some of which its phonetic value can be ascertained with reasonable certainty. For example, it forms the lower half of the symbol for the month Yax, as seen at LXIV, 12; also in the symbol for the month Zac (LXVI, 48). In both these instances its chief phonetic element appears to be the guttural sound k, or ks. The essential elements are also found frequently on objects which are undoubtedly of wood and where no reasonable explanation can be given except that it signifies "wood" in these places. For example, it is found on what appear to be boards carried in the hands of individuals, on Tro. 32*b (LXVII, 49); and it also is seen on what appear to be wooden boxes or gums from which the honeycomb is being removed, as Tro. 5*c and 9*a. Dr Seler, who gives quite a different interpretation of the character from that presented here, admits that these are boards. It is also found on trees, as Tro. 15*a (shown in LXVIII, 1) and 17*a, and Dres. 26c, 27c, and 28c. It is marked on the walls of houses or canopied seats, as Tro. 6b, 29*c, and 18*b. Under the last mentioned we observe the cab symbol, showing that it is a building placed on the ground and not on a stone foundation. It also appears on the ends of beams, as at Tro. 9a and 22*a. True, Dr Seler contends that these are stones instead of weight poles, but I think all trappers will decide against him. Again, it appears on seats (Tro. 13a and 14*a) and also marked on heads, one of which is shown in LXVIII, 2. That the symbol is not intended to indicate the different articles on which it is found is evident; hence it must be given to denote the substance of which these things are formed, which I maintain can only be wood. That the trees and boards must be wood is admitted; that the walls of many of the houses and of some of the other buildings of Yucatan were of wood must be admitted; that seats were often of wood is well known. The heads with this mark are in all probability representations of wooden masks. Masks are represented in the hands of individuals at several places in the codices, as Dres. 42(1)a and in Peresianus. I therefore conclude that in all these cases the symbol is to be interpreted by che, cheil, "wood, tree, timber, stick." In order to show the difference between the explanation given here and that by Dr Seler, I copy the latter:

We find, for instance, on the one hand the undoubted application which is connected with the idea of cloud or rain. Thus, in the hieroglyph, figure 80, the accompanying hieroglyph of figure 46, i. e., the bird Moan. So also the one in figure 28 (p. 107) the accompanying hieroglyph of the name Kinchahau, which, besides cauac, contains further the element of fire and that of the hatchet, which may remind us of the ray [or flash] darting from the cloud. The hieroglyph cauac is, however, used far more commonly in the sense of "stone" or "heaviness." This is most clearly shown in the case of the animal figures pictured in Cod. Tro. 9a and 22*a, where the stone laid upon and weighing down the horizontal beam is represented by the element cauac. But this explanation must be accepted also, because we find the pyramidal foundation of the temple covered with the element cauac. And where, in Cod. Tro. 15*a, to the Chac who is felling a tree is opposed the death god, also felling a tree, covered by the element cauac, it is clear that here there is substituted with the death god a rigid stone in place of what with the Chac is a sprouting tree. The numerous cases in which the hieroglyph cauac serves as a seat or footstool of the gods are sometimes easily interpreted as signifying clouds, but in the majority of cases it undoubtedly represents "stone," homologous to the hieroglyph caban and the element tun, "stone," itself (figure 85), both of which are found equally often denoting the seat and footstool of the gods. It is equally evident that in the hieroglyph figure 84, in which there is indicated the bearing of a burden on the back, the element cauac is to be understood simply as the expression of the weight, the burden. In the peculiar cases where we see the gods holding a board provided with the elements of the character cauac, or where a board is placed before the gods, furnished with a plaited handle whose side bears the element cauac, the latter seems to relate to a sounding board, for the accompanying hieroglyphs seem to signify music. Finally, there can be found a direct homology between the element cauac and the element tun. This is seen in the hieroglyph of the hunting god of figure 83, whose distinguishing mark is usually an eye or the element tun (i. e., a precious stone), which he hears in the front of the headdress. The hieroglyph of this god is written sometimes as in figure 81, sometimes as figure 82. And that the element here, which in figure 82 replaces the element cauac, is to be understood in fact as tun or "stone, precious stone," is evident, on the one hand from the application of the precious stone in the headdress (tun, "piedra, piedra preciosa"), and, on the other hand, from its use as the base of the pole on which Mam, the Uayeyab demon, is set up during the xma kaba kin (Cod. Dres. 25c). Now, it is true that a connection of ideas can be established with considerable certainty between clouds, rain, and stone, for in that region every rain was a thunderstorm. But at the same time it will be found comprehensible that a barrier of doubt was removed when I discovered in the course of my Zapotec studies that in Zapotec the same word was used for "rain" and "stone," namely, quia, quie.



According to the explanation I have given above, the chief phonetic element of the character is the guttural sound k, ks (or x), and ch. As additional evidence tending to confirm this conclusion, the following examples are given:

Symbols 61, LXV, from Tro. 22*a, and 62, from Dres. 1 (42), have already been explained, the first as signifying kutz or cutz, "the turkey," and the second tzac, the name of a certain fish found in the senotes. In the first (61) the first or left-hand character is our Cauac symbol and has the k sound, and the same symbol forms the right portion in the second (62) and also has the k sound. In LXVI, 47, from Dres. 18c, the Cauac symbol forms the first or upper portion. The whole compound symbol, as above shown, may be consistently interpreted cuchpach, "a porter or carrier;" literally, "one who bears on the back." Again we see the k sound given the character is consistent. The symbol for the month Ceh, as found in the Dresden Codex, is shown at LXVI, 44. In this the last or lower portion is also the Cauac character, and, according to the value assigned it, should have a harder sound than the simple aspirate. That such is the case is rendered probable by the fact that Henderson gives ceh and kez both as names of the month and as Maya words for "deer." In the Zotzil chigh is the name for "deer." It is therefore apparent that the symbol has here the guttural sound.

The glyphs in LXVII, 50 and 51 (Cort. 21), probably signify "night" and "evening"; the first (50), akab, "night," and the second (51), kankin, one signification of which, according to Henderson, is "evening." The wing-like appendage is probably a time determinative. These last interpretations are of course given with some doubt. However, this may be said in their favor, that wing-like appendages are usually attached to time symbols, and that the figures below the text represent persons, each of whom carries what appears to be a wheel, possibly like those used in keeping time, and the main character of the preceding symbol in both cases is the Manik glyph, having ch as its chief phonetic element and chackinil, signifying "hours, wheel." Precisely the same symbol as LXVII, 51, preceded by the Manik glyph, and a wheel in the hand of the person figured below the text, is seen in Troano 35d.

The character shown in LXVII, 52, from Tro. 35c, may possibly be correctly rendered by bakah (baakal), "to roll round about, to go round about," alluding to the flight of the vulture figured below the text. This supposition appears to be strengthened by the probable interpretation of the symbol immediately below it (LXVII, 53), malaalahah, "without repeated buffetings." The character given in LXVIII, 3, from Tro. 31a, may be interpreted pak, "to sow seed, to plant," and that shown in LXVIII, 4, from the second division of the same plate, indicates the same word, as the transposition of the parts of a symbol does not always indicate a change of signification. Possibly, however, its equivalent may be capak, "to reseed or sow seed the second time," or kapak, "to place in a trench or hole." As the persons figured below the text appear to be planting seed by dibbling them in with a stick, this would seem to be an appropriate rendering. Dr Seler appears to have entirely misunderstood these figures, as he thinks they represent the deities pouring out water. I have in a previous part of this paper given some reasons for believing that these plates refer to the planting and cultivation of corn.