To the question, what are the advantages of the sugar colonies to Great Britain? it was answered: "The advantage is not that the profits all centre here; it is, that it creates, in the course of attaining those profits, a commerce and navigation in which multitudes of your people, and millions of your money are employed; it is that the support which the sugar colonies received in one shape, they give in another. In proportion to their dependence on North America, and upon Ireland, they enable North America and Ireland to trade with Great Britain. By their dependence upon Great Britain for hands to push the culture of the sugar-cane, they uphold the trade of Great Britain to Africa. A trade which in the pursuit of negroes, as the principal, if not the only intention of the adventurer, brings home ivory and gold as secondary objects. In proportion as the sugar colonies consume, or cause to be consumed, among their neighbors, Asiatic commodities, they increase the trade of the English East India Company. In this light I see the India goods which are carried to the coast of Guinea.[112]

To the question, what proportion of land in the Leeward Islands, being applied to raising provisions, would supply the negroes with provisions, on an estate of two hundred hogsheads, for instance? it was answered: "The native products of the Islands are very uncertain; all so, but Guinea corn; therefore, much more land would be applied to this purpose than would be necessary to raise the supply for the regular constant consumption. They must provide against accidents, such as hurricanes, excess of wet weather, or of dry weather, the climate being very uncertain; it is, therefore, impossible to answer this question precisely; but this I can say, that if they were obliged to raise their own food, that their food then must be their principal object, and sugar only a secondary object; it would be but the trifle, which provisions are now."[113]

The testimony in reference to Jamaica, was very similar to that quoted in relation to Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands; except that as Jamaica had more unimproved land, and greater diversity of soil and climate, it might, in time, stand prepared to meet the shock. But as the emergency was likely to be sudden and unexpected, much suffering must ensue in the outset of the non-intercourse policy.

It is only necessary to add a few remarks, from the speech of Mr. Glover, in summing up the testimony. He said: "From this ground see what is put in hazard; not merely a monied profit, but our bulwark of defense, our power in offense—the acts and industry of our Nation. Instead of thousands and tens of thousands of families in comfort, a navigation extensive and enlarging, the value and rents of lands yearly rising, wealth abounding, and at hand for further improvements, see or foresee, that this third of our whole commerce, that sole basis of our Empire, and this third in itself the best, once lost, carries with it a proportion of our national faculties, our treasure, our public revenue, and the value of land, succeeded in its fall by a multiplication of taxes to reinstate that revenue, an increasing burden on every increasing estate, decreasing by the reduced demand of its produce for the support of Manufactures, and menaced with a heavier calamity still—the diminution of our Marine, of our seamen, of our general population, by the emigration of useful subjects, strengthening that very country you wish to humble, and weakening this in the sight of rival powers, who wish to humble us.

"To recapitulate the heads of that material evidence delivered before you, would be tedious in me, unnecessary in itself. Leaving it, therefore, to its own powerful impression, I here add only, in a general mode of my own, that of the inhabitants of those Islands, above four hundred thousand are blacks, from whose labor the immense riches there, so distinctly proved at your bar, are derived, with such immense advantage to these kingdoms. How far these multitudes, if their intercourse with North America is stopped, may be exposed to famine, you have heard. One-half in Barbadoes and the Leeward Islands, say one hundred thousand negroes, in value at least twenty millions of dollars, possibly, it grieves me to say probably, may perish. The remainder must divert to provisions the culture of the produce so valuable to Great Britain. The same must be the practice in great part throughout Jamaica and the new settled acquisitions. They may feel a distress just short of destruction, but must divert for subsistence so much labor as, in proportion, will shorten their rich product."[114]

The North American colonies could not have devised a measure so alarming to Great Britain, and so well calculated to force Parliament into the repeal of her obnoxious laws, as this policy of non-intercourse. It would deprive the West Indies of their ordinary supplies of provisions, and force them to suspend their usual cultivation, to produce their own food. It would cause not only the cessation of imports from Great Britain into the West Indies, on account of the inability of its people to pay, but would, at once, check all demand for slaves, both in the sugar Islands and in North America—thus creating a loss, in the African trade alone, of three and a half millions of dollars, and putting in peril one-half of the commerce of England.

We are now prepared to introduce the resolutions, passed by the North American colonies, on the subject of the slave trade and slavery. It is not considered necessary to burden our pages with a repetition of the whole of the accompanying resolutions. They embraced every item of foreign commodities, excepting in a few instances where medicines, saltpetre, and other necessaries, were exempted from the prohibition. In a few counties, though they condemned the slave trade, they excepted negroes, and desired to retain the privilege of procuring them. This was in the early part of the movement. When the Continental Congress came to act upon it, no such exemption was made.

On May 17, 1774, the citizens of Providence, Rhode Island, met and acquiesced in the Boston resolutions. Their proceedings closed with this declaration: "Whereas, the inhabitants of America are engaged in the preservation of their rights and liberties; and as personal liberty is an essential part of the natural rights of mankind, the deputies of the town are directed to use their endeavors to obtain an act of the General Assembly, prohibiting the importation of negro slaves in this colony; and that all negroes born in the colony should be free at a certain age."

Prince George county, Virginia, June 1774, responded to Boston, and added this resolution: "Resolved, That the African trade is injurious to this colony, obstructs the population of it by freemen, prevents manufacturers and other useful emigrants from Europe from settling among us, and occasions an annual balance of trade against the colony."[115]

Culpepper County, Virginia, July 7, 1774 acquiesced in the non-intercourse policy, and added this resolution: "Resolved, That the importing slaves and convict servants, is injurious to this colony, as it obstructs the population of it with freemen and useful manufacturers, and that we will not buy such slave or convict hereafter to be imported."[116]

The Provincial Convention, at Charleston, South Carolina, July 6, 7, 8, 1774, resolved to acquiesce in the Boston non-intercourse measures, and the merchants agreed not to import goods or slaves, until the grievances were redressed.[117]

Nansemond County Virginia, July 11, 1774, gave full assent to the Boston measures, and also "Resolved, That the African trade is injurious to this colony, obstructs the population of it by freemen, prevents manufacturers and other useful emigrants from Europe from settling among us, and occasions an annual increase of the balance of trade against the colony ."[118]

Caroline County, Virginia, July 14, 1774, cordially acceded to the Boston policy, and also "Resolved, That the African trade is injurious to this colony, obstructs our population by freemen, manufacturers, and others, who would emigrate from Europe and settle here, and occasions a balance of trade against the country that ought to be associated against."[119]

Surry County, Virginia, July 6, 1774, decided to sustain the Bostonians and also "Resolved, That as the population of this colony, with freemen and useful manufacturers, is greatly obstructed by the importation of slaves and convict servants, we will not purchase any such slaves or servants, hereafter to be imported."[120]

Fairfax County, Virginia, July 18, 1774, took ground strongly with Boston, and further "Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that during our present difficulties and distress, no slaves ought to be imported into any of the British colonies on the continent; and we take this opportunity of declaring our most earnest wishes to see an entire stop forever put so such a wicked, cruel, and unnatural trade."[121]

Hanover county, Virginia, July 20, 1774, sustained the Boston resolutions, and also "Resolved, That the African trade for slaves, we consider as most dangerous to virtue and the welfare of this country; we therefore most earnestly wish to see it totally discouraged."[122]

Prince Ann County, Virginia, July 27, 1784, adopted the Boston policy, most distinctly, and also "Resolved, That our Burgesses be instructed to oppose the importation of slaves and convicts as injurious to this colony, by preventing the population of it by freemen and useful manufacturers."[123]

The Virginia Convention of Delegates, which met at Williamsburgh, August 1, 1774, fully indorsed the non-intercourse policy, medicines excepted, and in their resolutions declared: "We will neither ourselves import, nor purchase any slave or slaves imported by any other person, after the first day of November next, either from Africa, the West Indies, or any other place."[124]

The North Carolina Convention of Delegates, which met at Newbern, August 24, 1774, fully indorsed the non-intercourse policy, and also passed this among their other resolutions: "Resolved, That we will not import any slave or slaves, or purchase any slave or slaves, imported or brought into this Province by others, from any part of the world, after the first day of November next."[125]

And, finally, the Continental Congress, which met at Philadelphia, Sept. 5, 1774, in passing its non-importation, non-exportation, and non-consumption Agreement, included the following as the second article of that document:

"That we will neither import nor purchase any slave imported after the first day of December next; after which time we will wholly discontinue the slave trade, and will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manfactures to those who are concerned in it."[126]

To afford a clear view of the reasons which prompted the colonies to adopt such stringent measures to compel Parliament to repeal its oppressive acts, it is only necessary to quote the very brief summary of grievances of which they complained, as drawn up by the Pennsylvania Convention, which met in Philadelphia, July 15, 1774:

"The legislative authority claimed by Parliament over these colonies, consists of two heads: first, a general power of internal legislation; and, secondly, a power of regulating our trade; both, she contends, are unlimited. Under the first may be included, among other powers, those of forbidding us to worship our Creator in the manner we think most acceptable to him—imposing taxes on us—collecting them by their own officers—enforcing the collection by Admiralty Courts, or Courts Martial—abolishing trials by jury—establishing a standing army among us in time of peace, without consent of our Assemblies—paying them with our money—seizing our young men for recruits—changing constitutions of government—stopping the press—declaring any action, even a meeting of the smallest number, to consider of peaceable modes to obtain redress of grievances, high treason—taking colonists to Great Britain to be tried—exempting 'murderers' of colonists from punishment, by carrying them to England, to answer indictments found in the colonies—shutting up our ports—prohibiting us from slitting iron to build our houses, making hats to cover our heads, or clothing to cover the rest of our bodies, etc."[127]

It was in the midst of grievances such as these, and of efforts of redress such as the adoption of the Non-Intercourse Agreement was expected to afford, that the resolutions against the slave trade and slavery were passed. What, then, was their true import? Did the patriots of the Revolution contemplate the enfranchisement of the negro, in the event of securing their own independence? Did their views of free institutions include the idea that barbarism and civilization could coalesce and co-exist in harmony and safety? Or did they not hold, as a great fundamental truth, that a high degree of intelligence and moral principle was essential to the success of free government? And was it not on this very principle, that they opposed the further introduction of negroes from Africa, and afterwards, by a special clause in the Constitution, excluded the Indians from citizenship?

The resolutions which have been quoted, have given rise to much discussion, and have often been misrepresented. By severing them from their connection with the circumstances under which they were adopted, and associating them with the phrase in the Declaration of Independence, that "all men are created equal," the impression has been made that the negroes were to be included in the rights therein claimed. But as they have not been made participants in the benefits of the Revolution, it has been argued that the nation has broken its covenant engagements, and must expect that the judgments of Heaven will be poured out upon her.

Now, what are the facts? The colonists were aiming at a high degree of mental and moral culture, and were desirous of developing the resources of the country, by encouraging the influx of freemen from Europe, and especially of mechanics and manufacturers. They were anxiously looking forward to the time when they could cast off the yoke of oppression which the mother country had forced upon their necks. The multiplication of the negro population was considered as a barrier to the success of their measures, and as most dangerous to virtue and the welfare of the country. It was increasing the indebtedness of the citizens to foreign merchants, and augmenting the balance of trade against the colonies. But there was no settled policy in reference to the future disposition of the colored population. Feelings of pity were manifested toward them, and some expressed themselves in favor of emancipation. The Continental Congress, in addition to its action in the Non-Intercourse Agreement, Resolved, April 6, 1776, "That no slaves be imported into any of the thirteen United Colonies."[128] The Delaware Convention, August 27, 1776, adopted, as the 26th article of its Constitution, that "No person hereafter imported into this State from Africa, ought to be held in slavery on any pretense whatever; and no negro, Indian, or mulatto slave ought to be brought into this State, for sale, from any part of the world."[129]

There was more of meaning in this action, than the resolution, standing alone, would seem to indicate. On the 11th of July, preceding, Gen. Washington wrote to the Massachusetts Assembly, that the enemy had excited the slaves and savages to arms against him;[130] and on November 7th, 1775, Lord Dunmore had issued a proclamation, declaring the emancipation of all slaves "that were able and willing to bear arms, they joining his Majesty's troops, as soon as may be, for the more speedy reducing the colonists to their duty to his Majesty's crown and dignity."[131]

Previous to the commencement of hostilities, the resolutions of the colonists, adverse to the slave trade and slavery, were designed to operate against British commerce; but, after that event, the measures adopted had reference, mainly, to the prevention of the increase of a population that had been, and might continue to be, employed against the liberties of the colonies. That such a course formed a part of the policy of Great Britain, is beyond dispute; and that she considered the prosecution of the slave trade as necessary to her purposes, was clearly indicated by the Earl of Dartmouth, who declared, as a sufficient reason for turning a deaf ear to the remonstrances of the colonists against the further importation of slaves, that "Negroes cannot become republicans—they will be a power in our hands to restrain the unruly colonists." That such motives prompted England to prosecute the introduction of slaves into the colonies, was fully believed by American statesmen; and their views were expressed, by Mr. Jefferson, in a clause in the first draft of the Declaration of Independence, but which was afterward omitted.

That the emancipation of the negroes was not contemplated, by those in general, who voted for the resolutions quoted, is evident from the subsequent action of Virginia, where the greater portion of the meetings were held. They could not have intended to enfranchise men, whom they declared to be obstacles in the way of public prosperity, and as dangerous to the virtues of the people. Nor could the signers of the Declaration of Independence have designed to include the Indians and negroes in the assertion that all men are created equal, because these same men, in afterwards adopting the Constitution, deliberately excluded the Indians from citizenship, and forever fixed the negro in a condition of servitude, under that Constitution, by including him, as a slave, in the article fixing the ratio of Congressional representation on the basis of five negroes equaling three white men. The phrase—"all men are created equal"—could, therefore, have meant nothing more than the declaration of a general principle, asserting the equality of the colonists, before God, with those who claimed it as a divine right to lord it over them. The Indians were men as well as the negroes. Both were within the territory over which the United Colonies claimed jurisdiction. The exclusion of both from citizenship under the Constitution, is conclusive that neither were intended to be embraced in the Declaration of Independence.

That the colonists were determined, at any sacrifice, to achieve their own liberties, even at the sacrifice of their slave property, seems to have been the opinion of intelligent Englishmen. Burke, in his speech already quoted, thus dissipates the hopes of those who expected to find less resistance at the South than at the North.

"There is, however, a circumstance attending the [Southern] colonies, which, in my opinion, fully counterbalances this difference, and makes the spirit of liberty still more high and haughty than in those to the Northward. It is that in Virginia and the Carolinas, they have a vast multitude of slaves. Where this is the case, in any part of the world, those who are free, are by far the most proud and jealous of their freedom. Freedom is to them not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and privilege. Not seeing there that freedom, as in countries where it is a common blessing, and as broad and general as the air, may be united with much abject toil, with great misery with all the exterior of servitude, liberty looks, among them, like something that is more noble and liberal. I do not mean, sir, to commend the peculiar morality of this sentiment, which has at least as much pride as virtue in it; but I can not alter the nature of man. The fact is so; and these people of the Southern colonies are much more strongly, and with a higher and more stubborn spirit, attached to liberty, than those to the Northward. Such were all the ancient commonwealths; such were our Gothic ancestors; such in our days were the Poles; and such will be all masters of slaves, who are not slaves themselves. In such a people the haughtiness of domination combines with the spirit of freedom, fortifies it, and renders it invincible."

FOOTNOTES:

[106] See American Archives, vol i. folio 1749.

[107] His estimates are in pounds sterling. It is here, for sake of uniformity, reduced to dollars, the pound being estimated at five dollars.

[108] Investigations before the Committee on the Petition of the West India Planters. See American Archives, vol i. folio 1736.

[109] American Archives, vol. i. folio 1519.

[110] American Archives, vol. i. folio 1531.

[111] Testimony of Geo. Walker, Esq, American Archives, vol. i. folios 1723-24.

[112] Testimony of Geo. Walker, Esq, American Archives, vol. i. folios 1728-29,

[113] Testimony of Geo. Walker, Esq, American Archives, vol. i. folio 1730.

[114] American Archives, vol i. folio 1737.

[115] American Archives, vol. i. folio 494.

[116] American Archives, vol. i. folio 523.

[117] American Archives, vol. i. folio 525.

[118] American Archives, vol. i. folio 530.

[119] American Archives, vol. i. folio 541.

[120] American Archives, vol. i. folio 593.

[121] American Archives, vol. i. folio 600.

[122] American Archives, vol. i. folio 616.

[123] American Archives, vol. i. folio 641.

[124] American Archives, vol. i. folio 687.

[125] American Archives, vol. i. folio 735.

[126] American Archives, vol. i. folio 914.

[127] American Archives, vol i. folio 573.

[128] American Archives, 4th series, vol. iii. folio 11.

[129] American Archives, 5th series, vol. i. folio 1178.

[130] American Archives, 5th series, vol. i. folio 192.

[131] American Archives, 4th series, vol. iii. folio 1385.



FREE COLORED POPULATION.

WHEN the author was carefully collating the facts from the Record of MAJOR LACHLAN, in reference to the fugitive slaves in Canada, he was not aware that he should be so fortunate as to obtain, from other sources, any testimony in their support. Canada has all along been a sealed book to the public of the States, so far as the condition of blacks, who had escaped thither, were concerned. Since the completion of the stereotyping of the volume, and just as it was about ready for the press, the New York Herald, of January 5, reached us. It embraces a detailed report on this important subject, which was prepared by a special agent, who visited the settlements he describes. It is very interesting to find, that the opinions and predictions of Major Lachlan, made in 1841 to 1850, as to the results of colored immigration into Canada, should be so fully sustained and fulfilled, by a report upon the actual facts in 1859.

It may be remarked, here, that we believe a crisis has arrived in the history of the free colored people of the United States, which demands the most calm and serious consideration; and we would remind the more intelligent colored men, that the honor of conducting their fellow-men in the road to a high civilization, will be as great as are the honors heaped upon the few of the white race, who have been the master spirits in bringing up their fellow-men to the pinnacle of greatness upon which they now stand. More than one field, for the accomplishment of this object, now presents itself; and, as the darkest hour is said to be that which immediately proceeds the dawn of day; it may be hoped that the lowering clouds now overshadowing their prospects, will soon be dissipated by a brighter sun, that shall reveal the highway of their deliverance.

But to the extracts from the Herald. After giving a detailed account of the whole subject of negro immigration into Canada, together with the particulars of the results of the several attempts at founding settlements for the refugees, the Herald's reporter sums up the whole matter thus:

"THE SOCIAL AND MORAL EFFECT OF THE IMPORTATION OF FUGITIVE SLAVES INTO CANADA.

"While, as we have seen, the British abolitionists in Canada are laboring with the republican abolitionists of America to entice away the slave property of the South, and to foment a servile insurrection in the Southern States, and a disruption of the Union, there are men of sense and of honor among our neighbors over the borders, who deplore this interference of their countrymen in the affairs of the republic, and appreciate the terrible catastrophe to which, if persevered in, it must eventually lead. I conversed with a prominent abolitionist in Chatham, holding a public position of trust and honor, who told me that the first suggestion of the Harper's Ferry attack was made to Brown by British abolitionists in Chatham, and who assured me that he had himself subscribed money to aid Brown in raising men for the service in Ohio and elsewhere in the States. In reply to some questions I put to him, he stated that he and his associates on the other side looked with expectation and hope to the day, not far distant, when a disruption of the Union would take place; for that, in that case, the British abolitionists would join the republican abolitionists of America in open warfare upon the slaveholding States. When I reminded him that the patriotic men of the North would raise a barrier of brave hearts, through which such traitors would find it difficult to reach the Southern States, he replied—'Oh, we have often talked over and calculated upon that; but you forget that we should have the negroes of the South to help us in their own homes against their oppressors, with the knife and the fire-brand.'

"I conversed on the other hand with conservative, high-minded men, who expressed the most serious apprehension that the bold and unjustifiable association of Canadian abolitionists with the negro stealers and insurrectionists of America would eventually plunge the two countries into war.

"We have seen that the immigration of fugitive slaves into Canada is unattended by any social or moral good to the negro. It is injurious, also, to the white citizens of Canada, inasmuch as it depresses the value of their property, diminishes their personal comfort and safety, and destroys the peace and good order of the community. Mr. Sheriff Mercer, of Kent county, assured me that the criminal statistics of that county prove that nine-tenths of the offenses against the laws are committed by colored persons. The same proportion holds good in Essex county, and the fact is the more startling when it is remembered that the blacks do not at present number more than one-fourth of the whole population.

"In the township of Anderdon, Essex county, this fall, nearly every sheep belonging to the white farmers has been stolen. The fact was presented in the return of the Grand Jury of the county, and some twelve negro families, men, women and children, were committed to jail on the charge of sheep stealing. The cases of petit larceny are incredibly numerous in every township containing negro settlements, and it is a fact that frequently the criminal calendars would be bare of a prosecution but for the negro prisoners.

"The offenses of the blacks are not wholly confined to those of a light character. Occasionally some horrible crime startles the community, and is almost invariably attended by a savage ferocity peculiar to the vicious negro. If a murder is committed by a black, it is generally of an aggravated and brutal nature. The offense of rape is unfortunately peculiarly prevalent among the negroes. Nearly every assize is marked by a charge of this character. A prominent lawyer of the Province, who has held the position of public prosecutor, told me that his greatest dread was of this offense, for that experience had taught him that no white woman was safe at all times, from assault, and those who were rearing daughters in that part of Canada, might well tremble at the danger by which they are threatened. He told me that he never saw a really brutal look on the human face until he beheld the countenances of the negroes charged with the crime of rape. When the lust comes over them they are worse than the wild beast of the forest. Last year, in broad daylight, a respectable white woman, while walking in the public road within the town of Chatham, was knocked down by a black savage and violated. This year, near Windsor, the wife of a wealthy farmer, while driving alone in a wagon, was stopped by a negro in broad daylight, dragged out into the road, and criminally assaulted in a most inhuman manner. It was impossible to hear the recital of these now common crimes without a shudder.

"The fugitive slaves go into Canada as beggars, and the mass of them commit larceny and lay in jail until they become lowered and debased, and ready for worse crimes. Nor does there seem at present a prospect of education doing much to better their condition, for they do not appear anxious to avail themselves of school privileges as a general rule. The worse class of blacks are too poor and too indolent to clothe their children in the winter, and their services are wanted at home in the summer. The better class affect airs as soon as they become tolerably well to do, and refuse to send their little ones to any but white schools. In Windsor there are two public colored schools, but the negroes of that place choose to refuse to allow their children to attend these institutions, and sent them to the schools for whites. They were not admitted, and two of the black residents, named Jones and Green, tested the question at law, to try whether the trustees or teachers had a right to exclude their children. It was decided that the trustees had such power, when separate schools were provided for colored persons.

"That property is seriously depreciated in all neighborhoods in which the negroes settle is a well known fact. Mr. S. S. Macdonnel, a resident of Windsor, and a gentleman of high social and political position, is the owner of a large amount of real estate in that place. The Bowyer farm, a large tract of land belonging to him, was partitioned into lots some few years since, and sold at auction. Some of the lots were bid in by negroes of means, among others, by a mulatto named De Baptiste, residing in Detroit. As soon as the white purchasers found that negroes were among the buyers, they threw up their lots, and since then the value of the property has been much depressed. In several instances Mr. Macdonnel paid premiums to the negroes to give up their purchases, where they had happened to buy in the midst of white citizens. At a subsequent sale of another property, cut up into very fine building lots, by the same gentleman, one of the conditions of sale announced was, that no bid should be received from colored persons. De Baptiste attended and bid in a lot. When his bid was refused, he endeavored to break up the auction in a row, by the aid of other negroes, and failing in this, brought an action at law against Mr. Macdonnel. This Mr. M. prepared to defend, but it was never pressed to a trial. These incidents, together with the attempt of the Windsor negroes to force their children into the schools for whites, illustrate the impudent assumption of the black, as soon as he becomes independent, and the deeply seated antipathy of the whites in Canada to their dark skinned neighbors. At the same time it is observable that the 'free negro' in Canada—that is, the black who was free in the States—endeavors to hold his head above the 'fugitive,' and has a profound contempt for the escaped slave.

"As I desired to obtain the views of intelligent Canadians upon the important questions before me, I requested a prominent and wealthy citizen of Windsor to favor me with a written statement of his observations on the effect of the negro immigration and received the following hastily prepared and brief communication, in reply. The opinions expressed are from one of the most accomplished gentlemen in the Province, and are worthy of serious consideration, although the public position he occupies renders it proper that I should not make public use of his name:—

"'WINDSOR, Dec. 23, 1859.

"'MY DEAR SIR—In reply to your request, I beg to say that I would cheerfully give you my views at length upon the important topics discussed at our interview, did not my pressing engagements just now occupy too much of my time to make it possible that I should do more than hastily sketch down such thoughts as occur to me in the few moments I can devote to the subject.

"'The constant immigration of fugitives from slavery into the two western counties of the Province of Canada, Kent and Essex, has become a matter for serious consideration to the landed proprietors in those counties, both as it effects the value and salability of real estate, and as rendering the locality an undesirable place of abode.

"'It is certain that ever since large numbers of fugitive slaves have, by means of the organization known here and in the States as "the Underground Railroad," and of such associations as the Dawn and Elgin Institutes and the Refugee Home Society, been annually introduced into these two counties, no settlers from the old country, from the States, or from the eastern part of Canada, have taken up lands there. And there is every reason to assign the fact of there being a large colored population, and that population constantly on the increase, as the chief cause why these counties do not draw a portion at least of the many seeking Western homes.

"'Kent and Essex have been justly styled "the Garden of Upper Canada." The soil in most parts of the counties cannot be excelled in richness and fertility, and the climate is mild and delightful. There are thousands of acres open for sale at a moderate price, but it now seldom happens that a lot of wild land is taken up by a new comer. The farmer who has achieved the clearing of the land that years ago was settled upon may wish to extend his possessions for the sake of his sons who are growing up, by the acquisition of an adjoining or neighboring piece of wild land; but seldom or never is the uncleared forest intruded upon now by the encampment of emigrant families.

"'It may be broadly asserted, first, in general, that the existence of a large colored population in Kent and Essex has prevented many white settlers from locating there who otherwise would have made a home in one of those counties; and, secondly, that in particular instances it constantly occurs that the sale of a lot of land is injuriously affected by reason of the near settlement of colored people.

"'Next, as to the general feeling of the gentry and farmers who live in the midst of this population: All regard it with dissatisfaction, and with a foreboding—an uncomfortable anticipation for the future, as they behold the annual inpouring of a people with whom they have few or no sympathies in common, many of whose characteristics are obnoxious and bad, and who have to make a commencement here, in the development of their better nature, should they possess any, from perhaps the lowest point to which the human mind can be degraded, intellectually and morally.

"'There is undoubtedly hardly a well thinking person whose heart is not touched with a feeling of pity for the unfortunates who present themselves as paupers, in the name of liberty, to become denizens of our country. And it would, doubtless, be a great moral spectacle to witness these escaped slaves, as they are sometimes pictured by professional philanthropists, rendering themselves happy in their freedom, acquiring property, surrounding themselves with the comforts, if not the elegancies of life, and advancing themselves intellectually, socially and politically. But, alas for human nature! If the negro is really fitted by the Creator to enjoy freedom as we enjoy it, the habits of mind and of action, however baneful they may be, that have been long exercised, are not to be suddenly broken or changed; and the slave who was idle, and lying, and thievish in the South, will not obtain opposite qualities forthwith by crossing the line that makes him free.

"'This is not said in a spirit of malevolence toward the colored people that are here and are brought here, but as presenting their case as it really is, and as explaining the position in which residents of these counties are placed, or will be placed, if this continuous flow from the slave States is poured in by means of the organizations and societies formed for that purpose in many of the Northern States of America, and fostered and aided by many indiscreet men in our own country.

"'The main argument in favor of the free school system is, that it is a benefit to all to be surrounded by an intelligent and moral community, and for such a benefit every property holder should be glad to contribute his quota. Is there, then, any need of asking the question, if the people of these counties desire the sort of population that comes to them from the Southern States?

"'What is the condition of the negroes on their arrival here? What their progress in the acquisition of property and knowledge, and their conduct as citizens?

"'There are very few indeed who arrive here with sufficient means at once to acquire a farm, or to enter into business of any kind. The great mass of them may be called paupers, claiming aid from the societies through whose agency they are brought out. Some of these societies hold large tracts of land, which they sub-divide and sell to new comers upon long time, but with conditions as to clearing, residence, etc., that are difficult of observance. I believe there is much trouble in carrying out this plan, arising in some measure from the peculiarities of negro character—a want of constancy or steadiness of purpose, as well as from a feeling of distrust as to their having the land secured to them. If the land is not purchased from any of these societies, a parcel of ten or fifteen colored families get together and purchase and settle upon some other spot.

"While there are instances of colored men accumulating property here, the great mass of them fail even in securing a living without charity or crime. They have but little forethought for the future, and care only to live lazily in the present. The criminal records of the county show that nine-tenths of the offenses are committed by the colored population, and I think the experience of every citizen who resides near a settlement will testify to their depredating habits.

"'I have given you thus hurriedly and disconnectedly my views on these subjects. They are important enough to demand more time and consideration in their discussion, but I believe the opinions I have advanced you will find shared in by a large proportion of the residents of the Province. I am, my dear sir, faithfully yours.' ——- ——-.

"In addition to the testimony of the writer of the above communication, my views upon the subject under examination were confirmed by the valuable opinion of the Hon. Colonel Prince, the representative of the county in the Provincial Parliament for a long term of years. Colonel Prince has bestowed much consideration upon the negro question, and he has practical experience of the condition and conduct of the colored population. In June, 1858, in the course of a debate in the Legislative Council, Col. Prince was reported to have spoken as follows:

"'In the county of Essex the greatest curse that befell them was the swarm of blacks that infested that county. They were perfectly inundated with them. Some of the finest farmers of the county of Kent had actually left their beautiful farms, so as not to be near this terrible nuisance. If they looked over the criminal calendars of the country they would see that the majority of names were those of colored people. They were a useless, worthless, thriftless set of people, too lazy and indolent to work, and too proud to be taught. . . . . Were the blacks to swarm the country and annoy them with their rascalities? Honorable gentlemen might speak feelingly for the negroes, but they had never lived among them as he had done. Notwithstanding all that he said about them, they would say, if asked on the subject, that they had no better friend than Col. Prince. But there was no use in trying to get the white man to live with them. It was a thing they would not do. There was a great sympathy always expressed for the black man who escaped from the slave life; but he had lived with them twenty-five years, and had come to the conclusion that the black man was born for servitude, and was not fit for any thing else. He might listen to the morbid philanthropy of honorable gentlemen in favor of the negro; but they might as well try to change the spots of the leopard as to change the character of the blacks. They would still retain their idle and thievish propensities.'

"While Col. Prince claims that he was very inaccurately reported, and that he never said one word in favor of slavery, which he professes to abhor with a holy horror, he yet adheres to the opinion that the colored race is not fit to live and mix in freedom with the whites. He deplores deeply the action of such of his countrymen as improperly interfere in the affairs of the States, and condemns the lawless running off of slaves from the South, and the attempts to raise servile insurrection in the slaveholding States. As a constitutional British gentleman, he reveres the laws, and believes that where they are bad, or where the constitution of a country is unwise, the remedy lies in the power of the people by legal means. He sees the evil effect, morally and socially, of the influx of fugitive slaves into Canada, and would shut them out if he could. He knows that the negroes form an enormous portion of the criminals of his county, and the county of Kent, and he is doubly annoyed that men who come from servitude to freedom should abuse their privileges as the negroes do. He admits that every distinct attempt to make a settlement of negroes self-supporting and prosperous, has failed, and he believes that the negro is not yet fit for self-government, and requires over him a guiding, if not a master's hand.

Col. Prince is a gentleman of the old school—hale, hearty and whole-souled—and does not fear to express the sentiments he entertains.

"The lessons taught by an examination into the action of the Canadian abolitionists, and of the condition and prospects of the fugitive slaves in the Province, should be made useful to the American people. The history of the past proves that Great Britain would gladly destroy the Union of the States, which makes the American republic a leading power among nations. As in days past she sought to accomplish this object through the instrumentality of traitors and of the foes of the Union, so now she seeks aid in her designs from the republican abolition enemies of the confederacy in our own States. The intrigues of the British emissaries in Canada should stay the hand of every man who fancies that in helping to rob the South of its slaves he is performing an act of humanity; for they should teach him that he is but helping on the designs of those who look eagerly to the slavery agitation and the sectional passions engendered thereby, to accomplish a disruption of the Union, and encompass the failure of our experiment of free government. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

"Let our merchants and our farmers carefully consider these facts, and then reflect upon what they are required by the abolition agitators to do. To what end are the systematized negro stealing of the North, the attempts to incite insurrection at the South, and their natural results, a dissolution of the Union, to lead? Are we to render New York and the other free States subject to the same deplorable evils as afflict the western counties of Canada? Are our Northern farmers willing to have the value of their lands depreciated, and to subject their crops and stock to constant depredations by inviting here the same class of neighbors that at present deplete whole Canadian townships of their sheep? Unless we desire to accomplish such results, why, under a mistaken idea of charity to the negro, do we take him from a life of usefulness and content at the South to plant him in freedom and suffering at the North? Why do we consent to help forward, directly or indirectly, an agitation that can only incite a disruption of the Union and bring upon us the very evils we deplore?"



IMPORTANT DECISIONS.

Since the volume was in type, the Supreme Court of Ohio has made a decision of great importance to the free colored people. We copy from the Law Journal, December, 1859:

"NEGROES AND THE COMMON SCHOOLS.

"The Supreme Court of Ohio, on Tuesday, on a question before them involving the right of colored children to be admitted into the Common Schools of the State, decided that the law of the State interfered with no right of colored children on the subject, and that they were not, therefore, entitled of right to the admission demanded. The following is the reported statement of the case:

"'Enos Van Camp vs. Board of Equalization of incorporated village of Logan, Hocking County, Ohio. Error to District Court of Hocking County.

"'Peck J. held:

"'1. That the statute of March 14, 1853, 'to provide for the reorganization, supervision, and maintenance of Common Schools, is a law of classification and not of exclusion, providing for the education of all youths within the prescribed ages, and that the words 'white' and 'colored,' as used in said act, are used in their popular and ordinary signification.

"'2. That children of three-eighths African and five-eighths white blood, but who are distinctly colored, and generally treated and regarded as colored children by the community where they reside, are not, as of right, entitled to admission into the Common Schools, set apart under said act, for the instruction of white youths.

"'Brinkherhoff, C. J., and Sutliff, J., dissented.'"



(From the Cincinnati Gazette.)

MASSACHUSETTS BLACK MILITIA.

Last Wednesday a bill passed by the Massachusetts Legislature authorizing colored persons to join military organizations, was vetoed by Gov. Banks, on the ground that he believed the chapter in the bill relating to the militia, in which the word "white" was stricken out, to be unconstitutional. In this opinion he is sustained by the Supreme Court and by the Attorney General.

The matter was discussed in the House at some length, and the veto sustained by a vote of 146 to 6.

A new chapter was then introduced on leave, and it being precisely the same as the other, except that the word "white" was restored, it passed the House with but one negative vote.

Under a suspension of the rules the new bill was then sent to the Senate, where, after debate, it was passed by a vote of 11 to 15.

The Governor signed the new bill, and the Legislature adjourned sine die.



SOUTH-SIDE VIEWS.

REV. Dr. Fuller, of Baltimore, has written a long letter to Hon. Edward Everett, in regard to the present state of things as regards slavery. We subjoin two or three specimens:—Cincinnati Gazette.

"In June, 1845, there assembled in Charleston a body of men, representing almost all the wisdom and wealth of South Carolina. There were present, also, delegates from Georgia, and I believe from other States. It was a meeting of the association for the improvement, moral and religious, of the slave population. The venerable Judge Huger presided. Having been appointed to address that large and noble audience, I did not hesitate to speak my whole mind: appealing to masters to imitate the Antonines and other magnanimous Roman Emperors, to become the guardians of their slaves, to have laws enacted protecting them in their relations as husbands and wives and parents; to recognize the rights which the Gospel asserts for servants as well as masters. In a word, I pressed upon them the solemn obligations which their power over these human beings imposed upon them—obligations only the more sacred, because their power was so irresponsible.

"That august assembly not only honored me with their attention, but expressed their approval, the presiding officer concurring most emphatically in the views submitted.

"I need scarcely tell you that no such address would be regarded as wise or prudent at this time. It is not that masters are less engaged in seeking to promote the moral and religious well-being of their servants; but measures which once could have been adopted most beneficially would now only expose master and servant to the baneful influence of fanatical intermeddling.

"If any thing is certain, it is that the Gospel does not recognise hatred, abuse, violence and blood as the means by which good is to be done. The Gospel is a system of love. It assails no established social relations, but it infuses love into the hearts of those who are bound together, and thus unites them in affection."

Again he says:

"I think I speak accurately when I say, that hitherto every sacrifice for the emancipation of slaves has been made by Southern men; and many hundred thousand dollars have been expended in such liberations. The North has wasted large sums for abolition books and lectures; for addresses calculated to inflame the imaginations of women and children, and to mislead multitudes of men—most excellent and pious—but utterly ignorant as to the condition of things at the South. We now find, indeed, that money has been contributed even for the purchase of deadly weapons to be employed against the South, and to enlist the most ferocious passions in secret crusades, compared with which an open invasion by foreign enemies would be a blessing. I believe, however, that not one cent has yet been given to set on foot—or even encourage when proposed—any plausible enterprise for the benefit of the slave."

* * * * *

"I do now believe that the guardianship of a kind master is at this time a great blessing to the African. If emancipation is ever to take place, it will be gradually, and under the mild, but resistless influence of the Gospel. Whether slavery be an evil or not, we at the South did not bring these Africans here—we protested against their introduction. The true friend of the African is at the South, and thousands of hearts there are seeking to know what can be done for the race. There must be some limits to human responsibility, and a man in New England has no more right to interfere with the institutions of Virginia, than he has to interfere with those of England or France. All such interference will be repelled by the master, but it will prove injurious to the slave. Dr. Channing was regarded as a leading abolitionist in his day, but could that noble man now rise up, he would stand aghast at the madness which is rife everywhere on this subject. 'One great principle, which we should lay down as immovably true, is, that if a good work cannot be carried on by the calm, self-controlled, benevolent spirit of Christianity, then the time for doing it has not yet come.' Such was his language, when opposing slavery. Were he now living, the delirious spirit of the day would denounce him, as it denounced Mr. Webster, and now denounces you and every true patriot. Nay, even Mr. Beecher is abused as not truculent enough.

"Jesus saw slavery all around him. Did he seek to employ force? He said 'All power in heaven and earth is given unto me, therefore, go teach, go preach the Gospel.'"



COLORED PEOPLE EMIGRATING FROM LOUISIANA TO HAYTI.

The New Orleans Picayune notices that a vessel cleared from that port on the previous day, having on board eighty-one free colored persons, emigrating to Hayti. The Picayune says:

"These people are all from the Opelousas parishes, and all cultivators—well versed in farming, and in all the mechanical arts connected with a farm. Among them are brickmakers, blacksmiths, wheelwrights, carpenters, etc. Some of them are proficient weavers, who have long been employed making the stuff called Attakapas cottonade, so favorably known in the market. They take along with them the necessary machinery for that trade, and all sorts of agricultural and mechanical implements.

"These eighty-one persons—twenty-four adults and fifty-seven children and youths—compose fourteen families, or rather households, for they are all related, and the eighty-one may be called one family. They are all in easy circumstances, some even rich, one family being worth as much as $50,000. They were all land owners in this State, and have sold out their property with the intention of investing their capital in Hayti."—

Cincinnati Commercial, January, 1860.



THE COOLIE TRAFFIC.

It may be well to put upon record one of those extreme cases of hardship and cruelty which necessarily accompany the transportation of laborers to the West Indies, whether under the name of the slave trade, or coolie immigration. The China correspondent of the New York Journal of Commerce, of a recent date, says: The Flora Temple, an English vessel, had made all arrangements to secure a full cargo of coolies. They were cheated, inveigled, or stolen, and either taken directly to the ship or else confined in the barracoons in Macao till the ship was ready to sail for Havanna—the crew numbering fifty, and the coolies eight hundred and fifty. The vessel sailed October 8, 1859, when the coolies soon learned their destiny, and resolved to avert it at all hazards. On the morning of the 11th, without weapons of any kind, they rushed upon the guard and killed him. The noise brought the captain and his brother on deck, fully armed with revolvers, who by rapid firing and resolutely pressing forward, drove the miserable wretches below; where, without light and air, they were locked and barred like felons, in a space too limited to permit their living during the long voyage before them. Think of eight hundred and fifty human beings all full grown men, pressed into this contracted, rayless, airless dungeon, in which they were to be deported from China to Havana, all the long way over the China sea, the Indian ocean, and the Atlantic!

On the 14th, the vessel struck upon an unknown reef, a gale of wind in the meantime blowing, and the sea running high. Every effort was made to save the ship by the officers and crew; the poor coolies, battened down beneath the decks, being allowed no chance to aid in saving the ship or themselves. Although the yards were "braced around" and the ship "hove aback," she struck first slightly, and then soon after several times with a tremendous crash, the breakers running alongside very high. Pieces of her timbers and planking floated up on her port side, and after some more heavy thumps she remained apparently immovable. The water rapidly increased in the hold till it reached the "between-decks," where the eight hundred and fifty coolies were confined.

While this was going on, indeed, almost immediately after the ship first struck, the officers and crew very naturally became afraid of the coolies for the treatment they had received, and the captain ordered the boats to be lowered, not to save the coolies in whole or in part, but to preserve himself and crew. These boats, even under favorable circumstances, were not more than sufficient for the officers and crew, showing that no provision had been made for the poor coolies in case of disaster. The boats passed safely through the breakers, leaving the ship almost without motion, all her masts standing, her back broken, and the sea making a clear break over her starboard and quarter.

When the boats left the ship, and steered away, without making an effort to save the eight hundred and fifty coolies, or allowing them to do any thing themselves, with their last look toward the ship they saw that the coolies had escaped from their prison through doors which the concussion had made for them, and stood clustering together, helpless and despairing, upon the decks, and gazing upon the abyss which was opening its jaws to receive them. My friend assures me that he knows these poor creatures were completely imprisoned all the night these terrible occurences were going on, the hatches being "battened down," and made as secure as a jail door under lock and bars.

The ship was three hundred miles from land when it struck, and after fourteen days of toil and struggle, one of the boats only succeeded in reaching Towron, in Cochin-China. The three other boats were never heard of. Here the French fleet was lying; and the admiral at once sent one of his vessels to the fatal scene of the disaster, where some of the wreck was to be seen; but not a single coolie! Every one of the eight hundred and fifty had perished.



TABLE I.

FACTS IN RELATION TO COTTON—ITS GROWTH, MANUFACTURE, AND INFLUENCE ON COMMERCE, SLAVERY, EMANCIPATION, ETC., CHRONOLOGICALLY ARRANGED.

Great Britain Annual Import United States' Annual YEARS. and Consumption of Cotton, Exports Cotton to Great from earliest dates to Britain and Europe 1858, in lbs. generally. - 1641 Cotton manufacture first named in English history. TOTAL IMPORTS. 1697 1,976,359 1701 1,985,868 1700 } to } 1,170,881 1705 } 1710 715,008 1720 1,972,805 1730 1,545,472 1741 1,645,031 1747-48, 7 bags of 1751 2,976,610 Cotton were shipped from 1764 3,870,392 Charleston, S. C., to 1771 } England. to } 6,766,613 1775 } 1770, 2,000 lbs. shipped 1781 5,198,778 from Charleston. 1782 11,828,039 1783 9,735,663 1784 11,482,083 71 bags shipped and 1785 18,400,384 seized in England, on 1786 19,475,020 the ground that America 1787 23,250,268 could not produce so 1788 20,467,436 much. 1789 32,576,023 1790 31,447,605 1791 28,706,675 lbs. 189,316 1792 34,907,497 138,328 1793 19,040,929 500,000 1794 24,358,567 1,601,760 1795 26,401,340 6,276,300 1796 23,126,357 6,100,000 1797 23,354,371 3,800,000 1798 31,880,641 9,330,000 1799 43,379,278 9,500,000 1800 56,010,732 17,789,803 1801 56,004,305 20,900,000 1802 60,345,600 27,500,000 1803 53,812,284 41,900,000 1804 61,867,329 38,900,000 1805 59,682,406 40,330,000 1806 58,176,283 37,500,000 1807 74,925,306 66,200,000 1808 43,605,982 12,000,000 1809 92,812,282 53,200,000 1810 132,488,935 93,900,000 1811 91,576,535 62,200,000 1812 63,025,936 29,000,000 1813 50,966,000 19,400,000 1814 73,728,000 17,800,000

================================================================== Great Britain's sources of Cotton supplies other than the United States, with total Cotton crop of United States at intervals. - Previous to 1791 Great Britain obtained her supplies of Cotton from the West Indies and South America, and the countries around the eastern parts of the Mediterranean. From that date she began to receive supplies from the U. S. 1786. Imports by Great Britain from Br. W. Indies, lbs. 5,800,000 Fr. and Spanish Colonies 5,500,000 Dutch do. 1,600,000 Portuguese do. 2,000,000 Turkey and Smyrna, 5,000,000 1789. Cotton crop of United States, 1,000,000 lbs. 1791. Imports by Great Britain from Br. West Indies, lbs. 12,000,000 Brazil, 20,000,000 1794. Cotton crop of the U. S., 8,000,000 lbs. 1796. Cotton crop of the U. S., 10,000,000 lbs. 1798. India, the first imports from, 1,622,000 lbs. 1799. Cotton crop of the U. S., 20,000,000 lbs. 1800. Exports from India, lbs. 30,000,000 West Indies, 17,000,000 Brazil, 24,000,000 Elsewhere, 7,000,000 1806. Cotton crop of the U. S., 80,000,000 lbs. 1812. War declared between the United States and Great Britain.

================================================================== Dates of Inventions promoting the growth and manufacture of Cotton, and of movements to elevate the African race.

————————————————————————————————— Previous to the invention of the machinery named below, all carding, spinning, and weaving of wool and cotton had been done by the use of the hand-cards, one-spindle wheels, and common hand-looms. The work, for a long period, was performed in families; but the improved machinery propelled by steam power, has so reduced the cost of cotton manufactures, that all household manufacturing has long since been abandoned, and the monopoly yielded to capitalists, who now fill the world with their cheap fabrics.

1762. Carding machine invented. 1767. Spinning Jenny invented. 1769. Spinning Roller-frame invented. " Cotton first planted in the United States. " Watt's Steam Engine patented. 1775. Mule Jenny invented. 1776. Virginia forbids foreign slave trade. 1780. Emancipation by Pennsylvania and Massachusetts. 1781. Muslins first made in England. 1784. Emancipation by Connecticut and Rhode Island. 1785. Watts' Engine improved and applied to cotton machinery. First cotton mill erected, 1783. 1785. New York Abolition Society organized. 1786. Carding and spinning machines erected in Massachusetts. 1787. Power Loom invented. " First Cotton mill erected in Beverly, Massachusetts. " Pennsylvania Abolition Society formed. " Slavery excluded from N. W. Territory, including Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, &c. 1789. Franklin issues an appeal for aid to instruct the free blacks. 1792. Emancipation by New Hampshire. 1793. Cotton Gin invented. 1799. Emancipation by New York. 1804. Do. New Jersey. 1800. Cotton consumed in the United States, 200,000 lbs. 1801. United States exported to— France, lbs. 750,000 England 19,000,000 1803. Louisiana Territory acquired, including the region between the Mississippi river (upper and lower) and the Mexican line. 1805. United States export to France, 4,500,000 lbs. 1807. Fulton started his steamboat. 1808. Slave trade prohibited by United States and England. 1808. Cotton manufacture established in Boston. 1810. Cotton consumed in United States, 4,000,000 lbs. 1812. Two-thirds of steam engines in Great Britain employed in cotton spinning, etc. 1813. United States export to France, 10,250,000 lbs.

================================================================== Great Britain Annual Import United States' Annual YEARS. and Consumption of Cotton, Exports Cotton to Great from earliest times to Britain and Europe 1858, in lbs. generally. - 1815 96,200,000 83,000,000 1816 97,310,000 81,800,000 1817 126,240,000 95,660,000 Total Consumption. 1818 109,902,000 92,500,000 1819 109,518,000 88,000,000 1820 120,265,000 127,800,000 1821 129,029,000 124,893,405 1822 145,493,000 144,675,095 1823 154,146,000 173,723,270 1824 165,174,000 142,369,663 1825 166,831,000 176,449,907 1826 150,213,000 204,535,415 1827 197,200,000 294,310,115 1828 217,860,000 210,590,463 1829 219,200,000 264,837,186 1830 247,600,000 298,459,102 1831 262,700,000 276,979,784 1832 276,900,000 322,215,122 1833 287,000,000 324,698,604 1834 303,000,000 384,717,907 1835 326,407,692 387,358,992 1836 363,684,232 423,631,307 1837 367,564,752 444,211,537 1838 477,206,108 595,952,297 1839 445,744,000 413,624,212 1840 517,254,400 743,941,061 1841 460,387,200 530,204,100 1842 477,339,200 584,717,017 1843 555,214,400 792,297,106 1844 570,731,200 663,633,455 1845 626,496,000 872,905,996 1846 624,000,000 547,558,055 1847 442,416,000 527,219,958 1848 602,160,000 814,274,431 1849 624,000,000 1,026,602,269 1850 606,000,000 635,381,604 1851 648,000,000 927,237,089 1852 817,998,048 1,093,230,639 1853 746,376,848 1,111,570,370 1854 761,646,704 987,833,106 1855 775,814,112 1,008,424,601 1856 877,225,440 1,351,431,827 1857 837,406,300 1,048,282,475 1858 884,733,696 1,118,624,012 1859 1,372,755,006

================================================================== Great Britain's sources of Cotton supplies other than the United States, with total Cotton crop of United States at intervals. - 1815. Peace proclaimed between the United States and Great Britain. 1818. Cotton crop of the U. S., 125,000,000 lbs. 1821. Exports from West Indies, lbs. 9,000,000 Brazil, 28,000,000 India, 50,000,000 Turkey and Egypt, 5,500,000 Elsewhere, 6,000,000 1822. Cotton crop of the U. S., 210,000,000 lbs. 1828. Cotton crop of the U. S., 325,000,000 lbs. Imports by Great Britain from West Indies, 1829. lbs. 4,640,414 1830, 3,449,249 1831, 2,401,685 1834, 2,296,525 1832. Imports by Great Britain from Brazil, lbs. 20,109,560 Turkey and Egypt, 9,113,890 East Indies and Mauritius 5,178,625 British West Indies. 1,708,764 Elsewhere, 964,933 1838. Imports by Great Britain from Brazil, lbs. 24,464,505 East Indies and Mauritius 40,230,064 British West Indies, 928,425 1840. Imports by Great Britain from British West Indies, lbs. 427,529 1841. Imports by Great Britain from India, 1835 to 1839, annual average, 57,600,000 lbs. Imports by Great Britain, 1840 to 1844, during the Chinese war, 92,800,000 lbs. 1845. Do. from Egypt, 32,537,600 lbs. 1848. Imports by Great Britain from West Indies and Demarara, lbs. 3,155,600 Brazil and Portuguese Colonies 40,080,400 East Indies, 91,004,800 Imports by Great Britain from 1849. East Indies, lbs. 72,800,000 1850. Do. 123,200,000 1852. Do. 84,022,432 1853. Do. 180,431,496 1854. Do. 119,835,968 1855. Do. 145,218,976 1856. Imports by Great Britain from British East Indies, lbs. 180,496,624 Brazil, 21,830,704 Egypt, 34,399,008 1857. Imports from Brazil, lbs. 29,910,832 Egypt, 24,532,256 1858. Imports from Brazil, lbs. 18,617,872 Do. Egypt, 38,232,320

================================================================== Dates of Inventions promoting the growth and manufacture of Cotton, and of movements to elevate the African race.

————————————————————————————————— 1815. Power Loom first used in United States. 1816. First steamboat crossed the British Channel. 1816. Power Loom brought into general use in England. 1817. Colonization Society organized. 1819. Florida annexed. 1820. Slave trade declared piracy by Congress. 1820. Emigrants to Liberia first sent. 1821. Benjamin Lundy published his "Genius of Universal Emancipation." 1823. United States export to France, 25,000,000 lbs. 1824. Do. do. do. 40,500,000 lbs. 1825. New York and Erie Canal opened. Production and manufacture of cotton now greatly above the consumption, and prices fell so as to produce general distress and stagnation, which continued with more or less intensity throughout 1828 and 1829. The fall of prices was about 55 per cent.—Encyc. Amer. 1826. Creek Indians removed from Georgia. 1829. Emancipation in Mexico. 1830. United States export to France, 75,000,000 lbs. 1831. Slave Insurrection in Virginia. 1832. Garrison declares war against the Colonization Society. 1832. Ohio Canal completed. 1833. Cotton consumption in France, 72,767,551 lbs. 1834. Emancipation in West Indies, commenced. 1834. Birney deserted the Colonization Society. 1835. United States export to France, 100,330,000 lbs. 1836. Gerrit Smith repudiates the Colonization Society. 1836. Cherokee and Choctaw Indians removed from Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama. 1837. American Anti-Slavery Society had an income of $36,000, and 70 agents commissioned. 1838. Colonization Society had an income of only $10,900. 1840. Cotton consumed in the United States, 106,000,000 lbs. 1844. Value of cotton goods imported into the United States $13,286,830. 1845. Texas annexed. 1846. Mexican War. 1847. Gold discovered in California. 1848. New Mexico and California annexed. 1849. United States export to France, 151,340,000 lbs. Do. Other Continental countries, 128,800,000 lbs. 1850. Cotton consumed in United States, 256,000,000 lbs. 1851. Value of United States cotton fabrics, $61,869,184. 1853. Value of cottons imported, $27,675,000. 1853. United States export to England, 768,596,498 lbs. 1853. Do. do. Continent, 335,271,064 lbs. 1855. United States export to Great Britain and North American Colonies, 672,409,874 lbs. 1855. Do. do. Continent, 322,905,056 lbs. 1855. Value of Cottons imported, $21,655,624. The remaining statistics of this column can be found in the other Tables. —————————————————————————————————

NOTE.—Our commercial year ends June 30: that of England January 1. This will explain any seeming discrepancy in the imports by her from us, and our exports to her.

N. B.—In 1781 Great Britain commenced re-exporting a portion of her imports of Cotton to the Continent; but the amount did not reach a million of pounds, except in one year, until 1810, when it rose to over eight millions. The next year, however, it fell to a million and a quarter, and only rose, from near that amount, to six millions in 1814 and 1815. From 1818, her consumption, only, of cotton, is given, as best representing her relations to slave labor for that commodity. After this date her exports of cotton gradually enlarged, until, in 1853, they reached over one hundred and forty-seven millions of pounds. Of this, over eighty-two millions were derived from the United States, and over fifty-nine millions from India. That is to say, of her imports of 180,431,000 lbs. in 1853, from India, she re-exported 59,000,000.

We are enabled to add, for our second edition, that the imports of Cotton into Great Britain, from India, for 1854, amounted to 119,835,968 lbs., of which 66,405,920 lbs. were re-exported; and that her imports from the same for 1855 amounted to 145,218,976 lbs., of which 66,210,704 lbs. were re-exported; thus leaving, for the former year, but 53,430,048 lbs., and for the latter but 79,008,272 lbs. of East India Cotton for consumption in England. The present condition of cotton supplies from India up to 1859, will be seen in the extracts from the London Economist.



TABLE II.

TABULAR STATEMENT OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS, DOMESTIC ANIMALS, ETC., EXPORTED FROM THE UNITED STATES: THE TOTAL VALUE OF PRODUCTS AND ANIMALS RAISED IN THE COUNTRY; AND THE VALUE OF THE PORTION THEREOF LEFT FOR HOME CONSUMPTION AND USE, FOR THE YEAR 1853. See Patent Office Report; Abstract of Census; Rep. Com. Nav., etc.

======================================================================== Value of Total Value Value of Exports. of Products portion left and Animals. for home consumption. - Cattle, and their products, $3,076,897 Catt. $400,000,000 $396,923,103 Horses and Mules, 246,731 300,000,000 299,753,269 Sheep and Wool, 44,375 Sheep, 46,000,000 45,955,625 Hogs and their products, 6,202,324 Hogs, 160,000,000 153,797,676 Indian Corn and Meal, 2,084,051 Corn, 240,000,000 237,915,949 Wheat Flour and Biscuit, 19,591,817 Wheat, 100,000,000 80,408,183 Rye Meal, 34,186 Rye, 12,600,000 12,565,814 Other Grains, and Peas and Beans, 165,824 54,144,874 53,979,050 Potatoes, 152,569 42,400,00 42,247,431 Apples, 107,283 (1850) 7,723,326 7,616,043 Hay, averaged at $10 per ton, (1850) 138,385,790 138,385,790 Hemp, 18,195 4,272,500 4,254,305 Sugar Cane and maple, etc., 427,216 (1850) 36,900,000 36,472,784 Rice, 1,657,658 8,750,000 7,092,342 Totals, $33,809,126 $ 1,551,176,490 $1,517,367,364 ============== ==================== ================ Cotton, $109,456,404 $128,000,000 $18,543,596 Tobacco, and its products, 11,319,319 19,900,000 8,580,681 Totals, $120,775,723 $147,900,000 $27,124,277

NOTE.—This table is left as it was in the first edition. As the census tables supply a portion of its materials, a new statement cannot be made until after 1860.



TABLE III.

TOTAL IMPORTS OF THE MORE PROMINENT ARTICLES OF GROCERIES, FOR THE YEAR ENDING JUNE 30, 1853; SPECIFYING ALSO, THE RE-EXPORTS, AND THE PROPORTIONS FROM SLAVE-LABOR COUNTRIES. See Report on Commerce and Navigation.

======================================================================= Coffee, Imported, Value, $15,525,954 lbs. 199,049,823 " Re-Exported, 1,163,875 " 13,349,319 " Slave-Labor production, 12,059,476 " 156,108,569 Sugar, Imported, $15,093,003 " 464,427,281 " Re-Exported, 819,439 " 18,981,601 " Slave-Labor production, 14,810,091 " 459,743,322 Molasses, Imported, $3,684,888 gals. 31,886,100 " Re-Exported, 97,880 " 488,666 " Slave-Labor production, 3,607,160 " 31,325,735 Tobacco, etc., Imported, $4,175,238 " Re-Exported, 312,733 " Slave-Labor production, 3,674,402 -

NOTE.—A part of the modifications necessary in this table to adopt it to 1859, can be inferred from some of the tables which follow.



TABLE IV.

FREE COLORED AND SLAVE POPULATION, OF THE STATES NAMED, IN THE PERIODS OF TEN YEARS, FROM 1790 TO 1850, WITH THE RATIO OF INCREASE OR DECREASE PER CENT. PER ANNUM, OF THE FORMER.

=========================================================================== STATES AND CLASSES. 1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. 1850. - - - - - - - - PENNSYLVANIA. Free Colored 6,537 14,561 22,492 30,202 37,930 47,854 53,626 Increase per cent. per annum ...... 12.27 5.44 3.42 2.55 2.61 1.20 Slaves 3,737 1,706 795 211 403 64 ...... MASSACHUSETTS. Free Colored 5,463 6,452 6,737 6,740 7,048 8,669 9,064 Increase per cent. per annum ...... 1.81 .44 .004 .45 2.29 .45 Slaves ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... NEW YORK. Free Colored 4,654 10,374 25,333 29,279 44,870 50,027 49,069 Increase or decrease per cent. per annum ...... 12.29 14.41 1.55 5.32 1.14 [a].19 Slaves 21,324 20,343 15,017 10,088 75 4 ...... NEW JERSEY. Free Colored 2,762 4,402 7,843 12,460 18,303 21,044 23,810 Increase per cent. per annum ...... 5.93 7.81 5.88 4.68 1.49 1.31 Slaves 11,423 12,422 10,851 7,557 2,254 674 236 RHODE ISLAND. Free Colored 3,469 3,304 3,609 3,554 3,561 3,238 3,670 Increase or decrease per cent. per annum ...... [a].47 .92 [a].15 .01 [a]90 1.33 Slaves 952 381 108 48 17 5 ...... VERMONT. Free Colored 225 557 750 903 881 730 718 Increase or decrease per cent. per annum ...... 11.84 3.46 2.04 [a].24 [a]1.71 [a]16 Slaves 17 ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... ......

=========================================================================== STATES AND CLASSES. 1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. 1850. - - - - - - - - MAINE. Free Colored 538 818 969 929 1,190 1,355 1,356 Increase or decrease per cent. per annum ...... 5.20 1.84 [a].41 2.80 1.38 .007 Slaves ...... ...... ...... ...... 2 ...... ...... NEW HAMPSHIRE. Free Colored 630 856 970 786 604 537 520 Increase or decrease per cent. per annum ...... 3.58 1.33 [a]1.89 [a]2.31 [a]1.10 [a].31 Slaves 158 8 ...... ...... 3 1 ...... CONNECTICUT. Free Colored 2,801 5,330 6,453 7,844 8,047 8,105 7,693 Increase or decrease per cent. per annum ...... 9.02 2.10 2.15 .25 .07 [a].50 Slaves 2,759 951 310 97 25 17 ...... OHIO. Free Colored ...... 337 1,899 4,723 9,568 17,342 25,279 Increase per cent. per annum ...... ...... 46.35 14.87 10.25 8.12 4.57 Slaves ...... ...... ...... ...... 6 3 ...... INDIANA. Free Colored ...... 163 393 1,230 3,629 7,165 11,262 Increase per cent. per annum ...... ...... 14.11 21.29 19.50 9.74 5.75 Slaves ...... 135 237 190 3 3 ...... DELAWARE. Free Colored 3,899 8,268 13,163 12,958 15,855 16,919 18,073 Increase or decrease per cent. per annum ...... 11.20 5.88 [a].13 2.23 .67 .68 Slaves 8,887 6,153 4,177 4,509 3,292 2,605 2,290 MARYLAND. Free Colored 8,043 19,587 33,927 39,730 52,938 62,078 74,723 Increase per cent. per annum ...... 14.35 7.32 1.71 3.32 1.72 2.03 Slaves 103,036 105,635 111,502 107,397 102,994 89,737 90,368 VIRGINIA. Free Colored 12,766 20,124 30,570 36,889 47,348 49,852 54,333 Increase per cent. per annum ...... 5.76 5.99 2.06 2.83 .52 .89 Slaves 293,427 345,796 392,518 425,153 469,757 449,087 472,528

========================================================================== STATES AND CLASSES. 1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. 1850. - - - - - - - - NORTH CAROLINA. Free Colored 4,975 7,043 10,266 14,612 19,543 22,732 27,463 Increase per cent. per annum ...... 4.15 4.57 4.23 3.37 1.63 2.08 Slaves 100,572 133,296 168,824 205,017 245,601 245,817 288,548 SOUTH CAROLINA. Free Colored 1,801 3,185 4,554 6,826 7,921 8,276 8,960 Increase per cent. per annum ...... 7.68 4.29 4.98 1.60 .44 .82 Slaves 107,094 146,151 196,365 258,475 315,401 327,038 584,984 GEORGIA. Free Colored 398 1,019 1,801 1,763 2,486 2,753 2,931 Increase or decrease per cent. per annum ...... 15.60 7.67 [a].21 4.10 1.07 .64 Slaves 22,264 59,404 105,218 149,654 217,531 280,944 381,682 TENNESSEE. Free Colored 361 309 1,317 2,727 4,555 5,524 6,422 Increase or decrease per cent. per annum ...... [a]1.44 32.62 10.70 6.70 2.12 1.62 Slaves 3,417 13,584 44,535 80,107 141,603 183,050 239,459 MISSISSIPPI. Free Colored ...... 182 240 458 519 1,366 930 Increase or decrease per cent. per annum ...... ...... 3.18 9.08 1.33 16.31 [a]3.19 Slaves ...... 3,489 17,088 32,814 65,659 195,211 309,878 ALABAMA. Free Colored ...... ...... ...... 517 1,572 2,039 2,265 Increase per cent. per annum ...... ...... ...... ...... 17.53 2.97 1.10 Slaves ...... ...... ...... 41,879 117,549 252,532 342,844 MISSOURI. Free Colored ...... ...... 607 347 596 1,574 2,618 Increase or decrease per cent. per annum ...... ...... ...... [a]4.28 6.39 17.66 6.63 Slaves ...... ...... 3,011 10,222 25,091 58,240 87,422 KENTUCKY. Free Colored 114 741 1,713 2,759 4,917 7,317 10,011 Increase per cent. per annum ...... 55.00 13.11 6.10 7.82 4.88 3.68 Slaves 11,830 40,343 80,561 126,732 165,213 182,258 210,981

=========================================================================== STATES AND CLASSES. 1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. 1850. - - - - - - - - LOUISIANA. Free Colored ...... ...... 7,585 10,476 16,710 25,502 17,462 Increase or decrease per cent. per annum ...... ...... ...... 3.81 5.95 5.26 [a]3.15 Slaves ...... ...... 34,660 69,064 109,588 168,452 244,809 ILLINOIS. Free Colored ...... ...... 613 457 1,637 3,598 5,436 Increase or decrease per cent. per annum ...... ...... ...... [a]2.54 25.82 11.97 5.10 Slaves ...... ...... 168 917 747 331 ...... FLORIDA. Free Colored ...... ...... ...... ...... 844 817 932 Increase or decrease per cent. per annum ...... ...... ...... ...... ...... [a].31 1.40 Slaves ...... ...... ...... ...... 15,501 25,717 39,310 ARKANSAS. Free Colored ...... ...... ...... 59 141 465 608 Increase per cent. per annum ...... ...... ...... ...... 13.89 2.29 1.10 Slaves ...... ...... ...... 1,617 4,576 19,935 47,100 MICHIGAN. Free Colored ...... ...... 120 174 261 707 2,583 Increase per cent. per annum ...... ...... ...... 4.50 5.00 17.08 25.53 Slaves ...... ...... 24 ...... 32 ...... ...... DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. Free Colored ...... 783 2,549 4,048 6,152 8,361 10,059 Increase per cent. per annum ...... ...... 22.55 5.88 5.19 3.59 2.03 Slaves ...... 3,244 5,395 6,377 6,119 4,694 3,687 -

FOOTNOTE:

[a] DECREASE.



TABLE V.

INFLUENCE OF THE COLORED POPULATION ON PUBLIC SENTIMENT.

TABLE SHOWING THE PROPORTION OF THE FREE COLORED POPULATION IN THE NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN PORTIONS OF THE STATE OF OHIO, BY COUNTIES, AS PRESENTED BY THE CENSUS OF 1840 AND 1850, TOGETHER WITH THE POPULAR VOTE FOR AND AGAINST THE ABOLITION CANDIDATE, HON. S. P. CHASE, AT THE ELECTION FOR GOVERNOR, OCTOBER, 1855.

================================================= SOUTHERN COUNTIES. MR. CHASE. - - COUNTIES. 1840. 1850. FOR AGAINST - - - - - Hamilton, 2,576 3,600 4,516 18,764 Clermont, 122 412 2,434 2,879 Brown, 614 863 1,571 2,129 Adams, 63 55 1,139 1,629 Scioto, 206 211 1,042 1,497 Lawrence, 148 326 1,092 1,067 Gallia, 799 1,198 344 1,972 Meigs, 28 52 1,515 1,504 Jackson, 315 391 714 906 Pike, 329 618 641 1,156 Highland, 786 896 1,209 2,599 Clinton, 377 598 1,640 964 Warren, 341 602 2,306 1,821 Butler, 254 367 1,960 3,235 Preble, 88 77 1,567 1,326 Montgomery, 376 249 2,746 3,830 Greene, 344 654 1,953 1,357 Fayette, 239 291 909 757 Ross, 1,195 1,906 2,160 2,255 Vinton, [a] 107 722 901 Hocking, 46 117 927 1,199 Pickaway, 333 412 1,521 1,862 Fairfield, 342 280 2,474 2,726 Perry, 47 29 1,772 1,540 Athens, 55 106 1,634 1,072 Washington, 269 390 2,212 1,774 Morgan, 68 90 1,776 1,235 Noble, [a] [b] 1,361 1,030 Monroe, 13 69 1,451 1,901 Belmont, 742 778 1,755 2,856 Guernsey, 190 168 1,893 1,491 Muskingum, 562 631 2,551 3,204 Franklin, 805 1,607 2,487 4,033 Madison, 97 78 562 1,012 Clarke, 20 323 1,866 1,404 Miami, 211 602 1,787 1,977 Darke, 200 248 1,685 1,829 Champaigne, 328 494 1,353 1,463 Union, 78 128 1,222 829 Delaware, 76 135 1,602 1,504 Licking, 140 128 2,021 3,252 Harrison, 163 287 1,712 1,259 Jefferson, 497 665 2,156 1,654 Shelby, 262 407 955 1,286 - - - - Total, South, 14,924 21,745 72,915 95,941 -

=============================================== NORTHERN COUNTIES. MR. CHASE. - - COUNTIES. 1840. 1850. FOR AGAINST - - - - - Ashtabula, 17 43 3,772 1,156 Lake, 21 38 1,640 521 Geauga, 3 7 1,816 486 Cuyahoga, 121 359 3,965 3,545 Trumbull, 70 65 3,109 1,505 Portage, 39 58 2,660 1,871 Summit, 42 121 2,242 1,326 Medina, 13 35 2,032 1,526 Lorain, 62 264 2,693 919 Huron, 106 39 2,295 1,411 Erie, 97 202 1,564 1,191 Seneca, 65 151 2,332 1,976 Sandusky, 41 47 1,382 1,509 Ottawa, 5 1 369 406 Lucas, 54 139 1,618 1,156 Fulton, [a] 1 715 453 Williams, 2 0 890 878 Defiance, [a] 19 592 626 Henry, 6 0 440 511 Wood, 32 18 1,099 636 Paulding, 0 1 362 115 Putnam, [a] 11 528 858 Hancock, 8 26 1,238 1,359 Vanwert, 0 47 602 483 Allen, 23 27 1,235 929 Wyandott, [a] 49 1,143 1,106 Crawford, 5 10 1,449 1,753 Richland, 65 67 2,220 2,329 Ashland, [a] 3 1,580 1,660 Wayne, 41 28 2,421 2,585 Starke, 204 159 3,343 3,044 Mahoning, [a] 90 1,592 1,552 Columbiana, 417 182 3,118 2,170 Carroll, 49 52 1,502 1,082 Tuscarawas, 71 89 2,552 2,179 Coshocton, 38 44 2,064 2,014 Holmes, 3 5 1,194 1,675 Knox, 63 62 2,166 2,135 Morrow, [a] 18 1,631 1,371 Marion, 52 21 1,220 1,184 Hardin, 4 14 903 725 Logan, 407 536 1,424 1,119 Mercer, 204 399 492 968 Auglaise, [a] 87 643 1,286 - - - - Total, North, 2,450 3,524 73,877 59,319 -

FOOTNOTES:

[a] Not organized in 1840.

[b] Not organized in 1850.



TABLE VI.

TOTAL COTTON CROP OF THE UNITED STATES, WITH THE AMOUNTS EXPORTED, THE CONSUMPTION OF THE UNITED STATES, NORTH OF VIRGINIA, AND THE STOCK ON HAND, SEPTEMBER 1, OF EACH YEAR, FROM 1840 TO 1859, IN POUNDS.—London Economist, 1859.

======================================================================= EXPORTS TO VARIOUS PLACES. YEARS. TOTAL CROP. - OTHER ENGLAND. FRANCE. POINTS. TOTAL. - - - - - 1840 871,134,000 498,716,400 178,986,000 72,698,800 750,401,200 1841 653,978,000 343,496,800 139,510,400 42,303,600 525,290,800 1842 673,429,600 374,252,400 159,251,600 52,594,800 586,098,800 1843 551,550,000 587,884,400 138,455,600 77,714,800 804,052,000 1844 812,163,600 480,999,200 113,074,000 57,722,800 651,796,000 1845 957,801,200 575,722,400 143,742,800 114,037,200 433,502,400 1846 840,214,800 440,497,600 143,881,200 81,888,000 666,716,800 1847 711,460,400 332,363,600 96,594,400 67,530,800 496,488,800 1848 939,053,600 529,706,000 111,668,800 101,929,600 1,743,304,400 1849 1,091,437,600 615,160,400 147,303,600 128,672,400 891,141,600 1850 838,682,400 422,708,400 115,850,800 77,502,800 636,062,000 1851 942,102,800 565,306,000 120,534,200 107,634,800 795,484,000 1852 1,206,011,600 667,499,600 168,550,000 141,408,800 977,458,400 1853 1,305,152,800 694,744,000 170,691,200 145,924,800 1,011,360,000 1854 1,172,010,800 641,500,000 149,623,200 136,536,000 927,659,200 1855 1,138,935,600 619,886,400 163,972,400 113,824,000 897,683,600 1856 1,411,138,000 768,554,400 192,254,800 221,033,200 1,181,842,400 1857 1,175,807,600 571,548,000 165,342,800 164,172,000 901,062,800 1858 1,245,584,800 723,986,400 153,600,800 158,594,800 1,036,181,000 1859 1,606,800,000 ........... ........... ........... 1,208,561,200 -

======================================== CONSUMPTION OF YEARS. U. S. NORTH OF STOCK ON HAND VIRGINIA. 1ST SEPTEMBER. - - 1840 118,077,200 23,376,800 1841 118,915,200 28,991,600 1842 107,140,000 12,722,800 1843 130,051,600 37,794,400 1844 138,697,600 63,908,800 1845 155,602,400 39,368,000 1846 169,038,800 42,848,800 1847 171,186,800 85,934,800 1848 212,708,800 68,587,200 1849 207,215,600 61,901,200 1850 195,107,600 67,172,000 1851 161,643,200 51,321,600 1852 241,211,600 36,470,400 1853 268,403,600 54,257,200 1854 244,228,400 27,120,600 1855 237,433,600 28,667,200 1856 261,091,600 25,668,400 1857 280,855,200 17,703,200 1858 184,692,800 40,410,000 1859 304,087,200 ..........

Consumption for Virginia and South of that State, for 1859, is estimated at 66,973,600 lbs. The crop year closes, August 31st.



TABLE VII.

STATEMENT OF THE VALUE OF COTTON MANUFACTURES, OF FOREIGN PRODUCTION, WHICH WERE IMPORTED INTO THE UNITED STATES; AND THE VALUE OF THE COTTON GOODS MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES, AND EXPORTED, DURING THE YEARS STATED—THE YEAR ENDING JUNE 30.

=================================================================== FOREIGN DOMESTIC FOREIGN DOMESTIC YEARS. IMPORTS. EXPORTS. YEARS. IMPORTS. EXPORTS. - - - 1840. $ 6,504,484 $3,549,607 1850. $20,108,719 $4,734,424 1841. 11,757,036 3,122,546 1851. 22,164,442 7,241,205 1842. 9,578,515 2,970,690 1852. 19,689,496 7,672,151 1843. 2,958,796 3,223,550 1853. 27,731,313 8,768,894 1844. 13,641,478 2,898,780 1854. 33,949,503 5,535,516 1845. 13,863,282 4,327,928 1855. 17,757,112 5,857,181 1846. 13,530,625 3,545,481 1856. 25,917,999 6,967,309 1847. 15,192,875 4,082,523 1857. 28,685,726 6,115,177 1848. 18,421,589 5,718,205 1858. 17,965,130 5,651,504 1849. 15,754,841 4,933,129 1859. 26,026,140 8,316,222

NOTE. Of the goods imported, a part were re-exported, and the remainder was used in the United States. The re-exports stood as follows, beginning with 1840:—$1,103,489—$929,056—$836,892—$314,040—$404,648 —$502,553—$673,203—$486,135—$1,216,172—$571,082—$427,107—$677,940 —$977,030—$1,254,363—$1,468,179—$2,012,554—$1,580,495—$570,802— $390,988.—Congress Report on Finances.

STATEMENT SHOWING THE AMOUNT OF COFFEE IMPORTED INTO THE UNITED STATES ANNUALLY, WITH THE AMOUNT TAKEN FOR CONSUMPTION, DURING THE YEARS 1850 TO 1858, INCLUSIVE—THE YEAR ENDING DECEMBER 31.

=============================================== YEARS. RECEIPTS. CONSUMPTION. - 1850. lbs. 152,580,310 lbs. 134,539,736 1851. 216,043,870 181,225,700 1852. 205,542,855 204,991,595 1853. 193,112,300 175,687,790 1854. 182,473,853 179,481,083 1855. 283,214,533 210,378,287 1856. 230,913,150 218,225,490 1857. 217,871,839 172,565,934 1858. 227,656,186 251,255,099 -

NOTE. The New York Shipping and Commercial List, to which we are indebted for these statements, says, that it includes the quantity withdrawn from our markets, and forwarded inland to Canada and the British Provinces; the amount of which is not ascertained, but will not vary greatly from 2,230,000 lbs., for the last year.



TABLE VIII.

STATEMENT EXHIBITING THE VALUE OF THE EXPORTS FROM THE UNITED STATES, OF BREADSTUFFS AND PROVISIONS; THE AMOUNT AND VALUE OF COTTON EXPORTED, WITH THE AVERAGE COST, IN CENTS, PER POUND; AND THE AMOUNT OF TOBACCO EXPORTED, FROM 1821 TO 1859 INCLUSIVE: THE YEAR FROM 1821 TO 1842 ENDING SEPTEMBER 30, AND FROM 1844 TO 1859 ENDING JUNE 30,—THE YEAR 1843 INCLUDING ONLY NINE MONTHS.

=========================================================================== COTTON. AVERAGE BREADSTUFFS COST PER AND lb. IN TOBACCO YEARS. PROVISIONS. POUNDS. VALUE. CENTS. UNMANUFACTURED. - - - - 1821 $12,341,901 124,893,405 $20,157,484 16.2 $5,648,962 1822 13,886,856 144,675,095 24,035,058 16.6 6,222,838 1823 13,767,847 173,723,270 20,445,520 11.8 6,282,672 1824 15,059,484 142,369,663 21,947,401 15.4 4,855,566 1825 11,634,449 176,449,907 36,846,649 20.9 6,115,623 1826 11,303,496 204,535,415 25,025,214 12.2 5,347,208 1827 11,685,556 294,310,115 29,359,545 10 6,577,123 1828 11,461,144 210,590,463 22,487,229 10.7 5,269,960 1829 13,131,858 264,837,186 26,575,311 10 4,982,974 1830 12,075,430 298,459,102 29,674,883 9.9 5,586,365 1831 17,538,227 276,979,784 25,289,492 9.1 4,892,388 1832 12,424,703 322,215,122 31,724,682 9.8 5,999,769 1833 14,209,128 324,698,604 36,191,105 11.1 5,755,968 1834 11,524,024 384,717,907 49,448,402 12.8 6,595,305 1835 12,009,399 387,358,992 64,961,302 16.8 8,250,577 1836 10,614,130 423,631,307 71,284,925 16.8 10,058,640 1837 9,588,359 444,211,537 63,240,102 14.2 5,795,647 1838 9,636,650 595,952,297 61,566,811 10.3 7,392,029 1839 14,147,779 413,624,212 61,238,982 14.8 9,832,943 1840 19,067,535 743,941,061 63,870,307 8.5 9,883,957 1841 17,196,102 530,204,100 54,330,341 10.2 12,576,703 1842 16,902,876 584,717,017 47,593,464 8.1 9,540,755 1843 11,204,123 792,297,106 49,119,806 6.2 4,650,979 1844 17,970,135 663,633,455 54,063,501 8.1 8,397,255 1845 16,743,421 872,905,996 51,739,643 5.92 7,469,819 1846 27,701,121 547,558,055 42,767,341 7.81 8,478,270 1847 68,701,921 527,219,958 53,415,848 10.34 7,242,086 1848 37,472,751 814,274,431 61,998,294 7.61 7,551,122 1849 38,155,507 1,026,602,269 66,396,967 6.4 5,804,207 1850 26,051,373 635,381,604 71,984,616 11.3 9,951,023 1851 21,948,651 927,237,089 112,315,317 12.11 9,219,251 1852 25,857,027 1,093,230,639 87,965,732 8.05 10,031,283 1853 32,985,322 1,111,570,370 109,456,404 9.85 11,319,319 1854 65,941,323 987,833,106 93,596,220 9.47 10,016,046 1855 38,895,348 1,008,424,601 88,143,844 8.74 14,712,468 1856 77,187,301 1,351,431,701 128,382,351 9.49 12,221,843 1857 74,667,852 1,048,282,475 131,575,859 12.55 20,662,772 1858 50,683,285 1,118,624,012 131,386,661 11.70 17,009,767 1859 38,171,881 1,372,755,006 161,434,923 11.75 21,074,038 - - $961,545,275 $23,366,357,434 $2,383,027,536 $339,274,520 -

NOTE. The articles exported which are not included above, are as follows, for 1859:—product of the sea, $4,462,974; product of the forest, $14,489,406; cotton piece goods, manufactured tobacco, spirits, seeds, hemp, and various other articles, $31,579,008. The value of the manufactured tobacco, exported in 1859, and included in the last item, was over $3,334,401, which, added to the $21,074,038, of unmanufactured included above, makes the total exports of tobacco for that year amount to $24,408,439.



TABLE IX.

STATEMENT EXHIBITING THE VALUE OF FOREIGN GOODS IMPORTED AND TAKEN FOR CONSUMPTION, IN THE UNITED STATES; THE VALUE OF DOMESTIC PRODUCE OF THE UNITED STATES EXPORTED, EXCLUSIVE OF SPECIE; THE VALUE OF SPECIE AND BULLION IMPORTED, AND THE VALUE OF SPECIE AND BULLION EXPORTED, FROM 1821 TO 1859 INCLUSIVE: THE YEAR FROM 1821 TO 1842 ENDING SEPTEMBER 30, AND FROM 1844 TO 1859 ENDING JUNE 30,—THE YEAR 1843 INCLUDING ONLY NINE MONTHS.

===================================================================== IMPORTS ENTERED DOMESTIC PRODUCE FOR CONSUMPTION, EXPORTED, SPECIE AND BULLION. YEARS. EXCLUSIVE OF EXCLUSIVE OF - SPECIE. SPECIE. IMPORTED. EXPORTED. - - - 1821 $43,696,405 $43,671,894 $8,064,890 $10,477,969 1822 68,367,425 49,874,079 3,369,846 10,810,180 1823 51,308,936 47,155,408 5,097,896 6,372,987 1824 53,846,567 50,649,500 8,379,835 7,014,552 1825 66,375,722 66,944,745 6,150,765 8,787,659 1826 57,652,577 52,449,855 6,880,966 4,704,533 1827 54,901,108 57,878,117 8,151,130 8,014,880 1828 66,975,475 49,976,632 7,489,741 8,243,476 1829 54,741,571 55,087,307 7,403,612 4,924,020 1830 49,575,009 58,524,878 8,155,964 2,178,773 1831 82,808,110 59,218,583 7,305,945 9,014,931 1832 75,327,688 61,726,529 5,907,504 5,656,340 1833 83,470,067 69,950,856 7,070,368 2,611,701 1834 86,973,147 80,623,662 17,911,632 2,076,758 1835 122,007,974 100,459,481 13,131,447 6,477,775 1836 158,811,392 106,570,942 13,400,881 4,324,336 1837 113,310,571 94,280,895 10,516,414 5,976,249 1838 86,552,598 95,560,880 17,747,116 3,508,046 1839 145,870,816 101,625,533 8,595,176 8,776,743 1840 86,250,335 111,660,561 8,882,813 8,417,014 1841 114,776,309 103,636,236 4,988,633 10,034,332 1842 87,996,318 91,798,242 4,087,016 4,813,539 1843 37,294,129 77,686,354 22,390,559 1,520,791 1844 96,390,548 99,531,774 5,830,429 5,454,214 1845 105,599,541 98,455,330 4,070,242 8,606,495 1846 110,048,859 101,718,042 3,777,732 3,905,268 1847 116,257,595 150,574,844 24,121,289 1,907,024 1848 140,651,902 130,203,709 6,360,224 15,841,616 1849 132,565,168 131,710,081 6,651,240 5,404,648 1850 164,032,033 134,900,233 4,628,792 7,522,994 1851 200,476,219 178,620,138 5,453,592 29,472,752 1852 195,072,695 154,931,147 5,505,044 42,674,135 1853 251,071,358 189,869,162 4,201,382 27,486,875 1854 275,955,893 215,156,304 6,958,184 41,436,456 1855 231,650,340 192,751,135 3,659,812 56,247,343 1856 295,650,938 266,438,051 4,207,632 45,745,485 1857 333,511,295 278,906,713 12,461,799 69,136,922 1858 242,678,413 251,351,033 19,274,496 52,633,147 1859 324,258,159 278,392,080 7,434,789 63,887,411 - - - $5,064,761,199 $4,540,620,945 $332,476,827 $522,100,369 -