[304] Besides, the Roman people, even from the very infancy—The reading of this passage, before the edition of Cortius, was this: Ad hoc, populo Romano jam a principio inopi melius visum amicos, quam servos, quaerere. Gruter proposed to read Ad hoc populo Romano inopi melius est visum, etc., whence Cortius made Ad hoc, populo Romano jam inopi visum, etc. But the Bipont editors, observing that inopi was not quite consistent with quaerere servos, altered the passage to Ad hoc, populo Romano jam a principio reipublicae melius visum, etc., which seems to be the best emendation that has been proposed, and which I have accordingly followed. Kritzius and Dietsch adopt it, except that they omit reipublicae, and put nothing in the place of inopi. Gerlach retains inopi, on the principle of "quo insolentius, eo verius," and it may, after all, be genuine. Cortius omitted melius on no authority but his own.

[305] Out of which he had forcibly driven Jugurtha—Unde ut Jugurtham expulerit [expulerat] There is here some obscurity. The manuscripts vary between expulerit and expulerat. Cortius, and Gerlaen in his second edition, adopt expulerat, which they of necessity refer to Marius; but to make Bocchus speak thus, is, as Kritzius says, to make him speak very foolishly and arrogantly. Kritzius himself, accordingly, adopts expulerit, and supposes that Bocchus invents a falsehood, in the belief that the Romans wouldhave no means of detecting it. But Bocchus may have spoken truth, referring, as Mueller suggests, to some previous transactions between him and Jugurtha, to which Sallust does not elsewhere allude.

[306] In ill plight—Sine decore.

[307] For interested bounty—Largitio. "The word signifies liberal treatment of others with a view to our own interest; without any real goodwill." Mueller. "He intends a severe stricture on his own age, and the manners of the Romans." Dietsch.

[308] About forty days. Waiting, apparently, for the return of Marius.

[309] CIV. Having failed in the object, etc.—Infecto, quo intenderat, negotio. Though this is the reading of most of the manuscripts, Kritzius, Mueller, and Dietach, read confecto, as if Marius could not have failed in his attempt.

[310] Are always verging to opposite extremes.—Semper in adversa mutant. Rose renders this "are always changing, and constantly for the worse;" and most other translators have given something similar. But this is absurd; for every one sees that all changes in human affairs are not for the worse. Adversa is evidently to be taken in the sense which I have given.

[311] CV. At his discretion—Arbitratu. Kritzius observes that this word comprehends the notion of plenary powers to treat and decide: der mit unbeschraenkter Vollmacht unterhandeln koennte.

[312] Presenting—Intendere. The critics are in doubt to what to refer this word; some have thought of understanding animum; Cortius, Wasse, and Mueller, think it is meant only of the bows of the archers; Kritzius, Burnouf, and Allen, refer it, apparently with better judgment, to the arma and tela in general.

[313] CVI. To dispatch their supper—Coenatos esse. "The perfect is not without its force; it signifies that Sylla wished his orders to be performed with the greatest expedition." Kritzius. He orders them to have done supper.

[314] CVII. And blind parts of his body—Caecum corpus. Imitated from Xenephon, Cyrop. iii. 3, 45: [Greek: Moron gar to kratein boulomenous, ta tuphla, tou somatos, kai aopla, tauta enantia tattein tois polemiois pheugontas.] "It is folly for those that desire to conquer to turn the blind, unarmed, and handless parts of the body, to the enemy in flight."

[315] At being an instrument of his father's hostility—Quoniam hostilia faceret. "Since he wished to deceive the Romans by pretended friendship." Mueller.

[316] CVIII. Of the family of Masinissa—Ex gente Masinissae. Massugrada was the son of Masinissa by a concubine.

[317] Faithful—Fidum. After this word, in the editions of Cortius, Kritzius, Gerlach, Allen, and Dietsch, follows Romanis or esse Romanis. These critics defend Romanis on the plea that a dative is necessary after fidum, and that it was of importance, as Castilioneus observes that Dabar should be well disposed toward the Romans, and not have been corrupted, like many other courtiers of Bocchus, by the bribes of Jugurtha. Glarcanus, Badius Ascensius, the Bipont editors, and Burnouf, with, most of the translators, omit Romanis, and I have thought proper to imitate their example.

[318] Place, day, and hour—Diem, locum, tempus. Not only the day, but the time of the day.

[319] That he kept all points, which he had settled with him before, inviolate—Consulta sese omnia cum illo integra habere. Kritzius justly observes that most editors, in interpreting this passage, have erroneously given to consulta the sense of consulenda; and that the sense is, "that all that he had arranged with Sylla before, remained unaltered, and that he was not drawn from his resolutions by the influence of Jugurtha."

[320] And that he was not to fear the presence of Jugurtha's embassador, as any restraint, etc.—Neu Jugurthae legatum pertimesceret, quo res communis licentius gereretur. There is some difficulty in this passage. Burnouf makes the nearest approach to a satisfactory explanation of it. "Sylla," says he, "was not to fear the envoy of Jugurtha, quo, on which account (equivalent to eoque, and on that account, i. e. on account of his freedom from apprehension) their common interests would be more freely arranged." Yet it appears from what follows that fear of Jugurtha's envoy could not be dismissed, and that there could be no freedom of discussion in his presence, as Sylla was to say but little before him, and to speak more at large at a private meeting. These considerations have induced Kritzius to suppose that the word remoto, or something similar, has been lost after quo. The Bipont editors inserted cautum esse before quo, which is without authority, and does not at all assist the sense.

[321] African duplicity—Punica fide. "Punica fides was a well-known proverbial expression for treachery and deceit. The origin of it is perhaps attributable not so much to fact, as to the implacable hatred of the Romans toward the Carthaginians." Burnouf.

[322] CIX. What answer should be returned by Bocchus—That is, in the presence of Aspar.

[323] Both then retired to their respective camps—Deinde ambo in sua castra digressi. Both, i. e. Bocchus and Sylla, not Aspar and Sylla, as Cortius imagines.

[324] CX. It will be a pleasure to me—Fuerit mihi. Some editions, as that of Langius, the Bipont, and Burnouf's, have fuerit mihi pretium. Something of the kind seems to be wanting. "Res in bonis numeranda fuerit mihi." Burnouf. Allen, who omits pretium, interprets, "Grata mihi egestas sit, quae ad tuam, amicitiam coufugiat;" but who can deduce this sense from the passage, unless he have pretium, or something similar, in his mind?

[325] CXI. That part of Numidia which he claimed—Numidiae partem quam nunc peteret. See the second note on c. 102. Bocchus continues, in his speech in the preceding chapter, to signify that a part of Numidia belonged to him.

[326] The ties of blood—Cognationem. To this blood-relationship between him and Jugurtha no allusion is elsewhere made.

[327] His resolution gave way—Lenitur. Cortius whom Gerlach and Mueller follow, reads leniter, but, with Kritzius and Gerlach, I prefer the verb to the adverb; which, however, is found in the greater number of the manuscripts.

[328] CXII. Interests of both—Ambobus. Both himself and Jugurtha.

[329] CXIV. At that time— Ea tempestate. "In many manuscripts is found ex ea tempestate, by which the sense is wholly perverted. Sallust signifies that Marius did not continue always deserving of such honor; for, as is said in c. 63, 'he was afterward carried headlong by ambition.'" Kritzius.

THE END