[49] Dishonored, afflicted—_Deformatus aerumnis.

[50] Above all others—Potissimum.

[51] One of us has been murdered, and I, the other, have scarcely escaped the hand of lawlessness—Alter eorum necatus, alterius ipse ego manus impias vix effugi. This is the general reading, but it can not be right. Adherbal speaks of himself and his brother as two persons, and of Jugurtha as a third, and says that of those two the one (alter) has been killed; he would then naturally proceed to speak of himself as the other; i. e. he would use the word alter concerning himself, not apply it to Jugurtha. Allen, therefore, proposes to read alter necatus, alter manus impias vix effugi. This mode of correction strikes out too much; but there is no doubt that the second alter should be in the nominative case.

[52] From being friendly, has become hostile to me—Ex necessariis adversa facta sunt. "Si omnia mihi incolumia manerent, neque quidquam rerum mearum (s. praesidiorum) amisissem, neque Jugurtha aliique mihi ex necessariis inimici facti essent."Kritzius.

[53] But would that I could see him, etc.—Quod utinam illum—videam. The quod, in quod utinam, is the same as that in quod si, which we commonly translate, but if. Quod, in such expressions, serves as a particle of connection, between what precedes and what follows it; the Latins being fond of connection by means of relatives. See Zumpt's Lat. Grammar on this point, Sect. 63, 82, Kenrick's translation. Kritzius writes quodutinam, quodsi, quodnisi, etc., as one word. Cortius injudiciously interprets quod in this passage as having facientem understood with it.

[54] My life or death depends on the aid of others—Cujus vitae necisque ex opibus alienis pendet. On the aid of the Romans. Unless they protected him, he expected to meet with the same fate as Hiempsal at the hands of Jugurtha.

[55] Without disgrace—Sine dedecore. That is, if he did not succeed in getting revenge on Jugurtha.

[56] By your regard for yourselves, etc.—I have here departed from the text of Cortius, who reads per, vos, liberos atque parentes, i. e. vos (obsecro) per liberos, etc., as most critics would explain it, though Cortius himself prefers taking vos as the nominative case, and joining it with subvenite, which follows. Most other editions have per vos, per liberos, atque parentes vestros, to which I have adhered. Per vos, though an adjuration not used in modern times, is found in other passages of the Roman writers. Thus Liv. xxix. 18: Per vos, fidemque vestram. Cic. pro Planc., c. 42; Per vos, per fortunas vestras.

[57] To sink into ruin—Tabescere. "Paullatim interire." Cortius. Lucret. ii. 1172: Omnia paullatim tabescere el ire Ad capulum. "This speech," says Gerlach, "though of less weighty argument than the other speeches of Sallust, is composed with great art. Neither the speaker nor his cause was adapted for the highest flights of eloquence; but Sallust has shrouded Adherbal's weakness in excellent language. That there is a constant recurrence to the same topics, is no ground for blame; indeed, such recurrence could hardly be avoided, for it is natural to all speeches in which the orator earnestly labors to make his hearers adopt his own feelings and views. The Romans were again and again to be supplicated, and again and again to be reminded of the character and services of Masinissa, that they might be induced, if not by the love of justice, yet by the dread of censure, to relieve the distresses of his grandson.... He omits no argument or representation that could move the pity of the Romans; and if his abject prostration of mind appears more suitable to a woman than a man, it is to be remembered that it is purposely introduced by Sallust to exhibit the weakness of his character."

[58] XV. Aemilius Scaurus—He was princeps senatus(see c. 25), and seems to be pretty faithfully characterized by Sallust as a man of eminent abilities, but too avaricious to be strictly honest. Cicero, who alludes to him in many passages with commendation (Off., i. 20, 30; Brut. 29; Pro Muraen., 7; Pro Fonteio, 7), mentions an anecdote respecting him (De Orat. ii. 70), which shows that he had a general character for covetousness. See Pliny, H. N, xxxvi. 14. Valerius Maximus (iii. 7, 8) tells another anecdote of him, which shows that he must have been held in much esteem, for whatever qualities, by the public. Being accused before the people of having taken a bribe from Mithridates, he made a few remarks on his own general conduct; and added, "Varius of Sucro says that Marcus Scaurus, being bribed with the king's money, has betrayed the interests of the Roman people. Marcus Scaurus denies that he is guilty of what is laid to his charge. Which of the two do you believe?" The people dismissed the accusation; but the words of Scaurus may be regarded as those of a man rather seeking to convey a notion of his innocence, than capable of proving it. The circumstance which Cicero relates is this: Scaurus had incurred some obloquy for having, as it was said, taken possession of the property of a certain rich man, named Phyrgio Pompeius, without being entitled to it by any will; and being engaged as an advocate in some cause, Mommius, who was pleading on the opposite side, seeing a funeral pass by at the time, said, "Scaurus, yonder is a dead man, on his way to the grave; if you can but get possession of his property!" I mention these matters, because it has been thought that Sallust, from some ill-feeling, represents Scaurus as more avaricious than he really was.

[59] His ruling passion—Consueta libidine. Namely, avarice.

[60] XVI. Lucius Opimius—His contention with the party of C. Gracchus may be seen in any history of Rome. For receiving bribes from Jugurtha he was publicly accused, and being condemned, ended his life, which was protracted to old age, in exile and neglect. Cic. Brut. 33; Planc. 28.

[61] XVII. Only two divisions, Asia and Europe—Thus Varro, de L. L. iv.13, ed. Bip. "As all nature is divided into heaven and earth, so the heaven is divided into regions, and the earth into Asia and Europe." See Bronkh. ad Tibull., iv. 1, 176.

[62] The strait connecting our sea with the ocean—Fretum nostri maris et oceani. That is, the Fretum Gaditanum, or Strait of Gibraltar. By our see, he means the Mediterranean. See Pomp. Mela, i. 1.

[63] A vast sloping tract—Catabathmos—Declivem latitudinem, quem locum Catabathmon incolae appellant. Catabathmus—vallis repente convexa, Plin. H. N. v 5. Catabathmus, vallis devexa in Aegyptum, Pomp. Mela, i. 8. I have translated declivem latitudinem in conformity with these passages. Catabathmus, a Greek word, means a descent. There were two, the major and minor; Sallust speaks of the major.

[64] Most of them die by the gradual decay of age—Plerosque senectus dissolvit "A happy expression; since the effect of old age on the bodily frame is not to break it in pieces suddenly, but to dissolve it, as it were, gradually and imperceptibly." Burnouf.

[65] King Hiempsal—"This is not the prince that was murdered by Jugurtha, but the king who succeeded him; he was grandson of Masinissa, son of Gulussa, and father of Juba. After Juba was killed at Thapsus, Caesar reduced Numidia to the condition of a province, and appointed Sallust over it, who had thus opportunities of gaining a knowledge of the country, and of consulting the books written in the language of it." Burnouf.

[66] XVIII. Getulians and Lybians—Gaetuli et Libyes, "See Pompon. Mel. i. 4; Plin. H. N. v. 4, 6, 8, v. 2, xxi. 13; Herod, iv. 159, 168." Gerlach. The name Gaetuli, is, however, unknown to Herodotus. They lay to the south of Numidia and Mauretania. See Strabo, xvii. 3. Libyes is a term applied by the Greek writers properly to the Africans of the North coast, but frequently to the inhabitants of Africa in general.

[67] His army, which was composed of various nations—This seems to have been an amplification of the adventure of Hercules with Geryon, who was a king in Spain. But all stories that make Hercule a leader of armies appear to be equally fabulous.

[68] Medes, Persians and Armenians—De Brosses thinks that these were not real Medes, etc., but that the names were derived from certain companions of Hercules. The point is not worth discussion.

[69] Our sea—The Mediterranean. See above, c. 17.

[70] More toward the Ocean—_Intra oceanum magis_. "_Intra oceanum_ is differently explained by different commentators. Cortius, Muller and Gerlach, understand the parts bounded by the ocean, lying close upon it, and stretching toward the west; while Langius thinks that the regions more remote from the Atlantic Ocean, and extending toward the east, are meant. But Langius did not consider that those who had inverted keels of vessels for cottages, could not have strayed far from the ocean, but must have settled in parts bordering upon it_. And this is what is signified by _intra oceanum_. For _intra aliquam rem_ is not always used to denote what is actually _in a thing,_ and circumscribed by its boundaries, but what approaches toward it, and reaches close to it." Kritzius. He then instances _intra modum, intra legem; Hortensii scripta intra famam sunt_, Quintil. xi. 8, 8. But the best example which he produces is Liv. xxv. 11: _Fossa ingens ducta, et vallum_, intra eam _erigitur_. Cicero, in Verr. iii. 89, has also, he notices, the same, expression, _Locus_ intra oceanum _jam nullus est—quo non nostrorum hominum libido iniquitasque pervaserit_, i. e.. _locus oceano conterminus_. Burnouf absurdly follows Langius.

[71] Numidians—Numidas. The same as Nomades, or wanderers; a term applied to pastoral nations, and which, as Kritzius observes, the Africans must have had from the Greeks, perhaps those of Sicily.

[72] More to the sun—sub sole magis. I have borrowed this expression from Rose. The Getulians were more southward.

[73] These soon built themselves towns—That is, the united Medes, Armenians, and Libyans.

[74] Medes—into Moors—Mauris pro Medis. A most improbable, not to say impossible corruption.

[75] Of the Persians—Persarum. That is, of the Persians and Getulians united.

[76] The two parties—Utrique. The older Numidians, and the younger, who had emigrated toward Carthage.

[77] Those who had spread toward our sea—for the Libyans are less warlike than the Getulians—Magis hi, qui ad nostrum mare processerant; quia Libyes quam Gaetuli minus bellicosi. The Persians and Getulians (under the name of Numidians), and their colonists, who were more toward the Mediterranean, and were more warlike than the Libyans (who were united with the Medes and Armenians) took from them portions of their territories by conquest. This is clearly the sense, as deducible from the preceding portion of the text.

[78] Lower Africa—Africa pars inferior. The part nearest to the sea. The ancients called the maritime parts of a country the lower parts, and the inland parts the higher, taking the notion, probably, from the course of the rivers. Lower Egypt was the part at the mouth of the Nile.

[79] XIX. Hippo—"It is not Hippo Regius" (now called Bona) "that is meant, but another Hippo, otherwise called Diarrhytum or Zarytum, situate in Zengitana, not far from Utica. This is shown by the order in which the places are named, as has already been observed by Cortius." Kritzius.

[80] Leptis—There were two cities of this name. Leptis Major, now Lebida, lay between the two Syrtes; Leptis Minor, now Lempta, between the smaller Sytis and Carthage. It is the latter that is meant here, and in c. 77, 78.

[81] Next to the Catabathmos—Ad Catabathmon. Ad means, on the side of the country toward the Catabathmos. "Catabathmon initium ponens Sallustius ab eo discedit." Kritzius.

[82] Along the sea-coast—Secundo mari. "Si quis secundum mare pergat" Wasse.

[83] Of Therseans—Theraeon. From the island of Thera, one of the Sporades, in the Aegean Sea, now called Santorin. Battus was the leader of the colony. See Herod., iv. 145; Strab., xvii. 8; Pind. Pyth., iv.

[84] Two Syrtes—See c. 78.

[85] Leptis—That is, Leptis Major. See above on this c.

[86] Altars of the Philaeni—see c. 79.

[87] To the south of Numidia—Super Numidiam. "Ultra Numidiam, meridiem versus." Burnouf.

[88] Had lately possessed—Novissime habuerant. In the interval between the second and third Punic wars.

[89] XXI. Both armies took up, etc.—I have omitted the word interim at the beginning of this sentence, as it would be worse than useless in the translation. It signifies, during the interval before the armies came to an engagement; but this is sufficiently expressed at the termination of the sentence.

[90] Cirta—Afterward named Sittianorum Colonia, from P. Sittius Nucerinus (mentioned in Cat., c. 21), who assisted Caesar in the African war, and was rewarded by him with the possession of this city and its lands. It is now called Constantina, from Constantine the Great, who enlarged and restored it when it had fallen into decay. Strabo describes it, xvii. 3.

[91] Twilight was beginning to appear—Obscuro etiam tum lumine. Before day had fairly dawned.

[92] Romans—Togatorum. Romans, with, perhaps, some of the allies, engaged in merchandise, or other peaceful occupations, and therefore wearing the toga. They are called Italici in c. 26.

[93] Three young men—Tres adolescentes. Cortius includes these words in brackets, regarding them as the insertion of some sciolist. But a sciolist, as Burnouf observes, would hardly have thought of inserting tres adolescentes. The words occur in all the MSS., and are pretty well confirmed by what is said below, c. 25, that when the senate next sent a deputation, they took care to make it consist of majores natu, nobiles. See on adolescens, Cat., c. 38.

[94] XXII. Told much less than the truth—Sed is rumor clemens erat. "It fell below the truth, not telling the whole of the atrocity that had been committed." Gruter. "Priscian (xviii. 26) interprets clemens 'non nimius,' alluding to this passage of Sallust." Kritzius. All the later commentators have adopted this interpretation, except Burnouf, who adopts the supposition of Ciacconius, that a vague and uncertain rumor is meant.

[95] Right of nations—Jure gentium. "That is, the right of avenging himself." Rupertus.

[96] XXIV. Pays no regard—Neque—in animo habeat. This letter of Adherbal's, both in matter and tone, is very similar to his speech in c. 14.

[97] I have experienced, even before—Jam antea expertus sum. He means, in the result of his speech to the senate.

[98] XXV. Chief of the senate—Princeps senatus. "He whose name was first entered in the censors' books was called Princeps Senatus, which title used to be given to the person who of those alive had been censor first (qui primus censor, ex iis qui viverent, fuisset), but after the year 544, to him whom the censors thought most worthy, Liv., xxvii. 13. This dignity, although it conferred no command or emolument, was esteemed the very highest, and was usually retained for life, Liv., xxxiv. 44; xxxix. 52. It is called Principatus; and hence afterward the Emperor was named Princeps, which word properly denotes rank, and not power." Adam's Rom. Antiq., p. 3.

[99] At length the evil incitements of ambition prevailed—Vicit tamen in avido ingenio pravum consilium. "Evil propensities gained the ascendency in his ambitious disposition."

[100] XXVI. The Italians—Italici. See c. 21.

[101] XXVII. By the Sempronian law—Lege Sempronia. This was the Lex Sempronia de Provinciis. In the early ages of the republic, the provinces were decreed by the senate to the consuls after they were elected; but by this law, passed A.U.C. 631, the senate fixed on two provinces for the future consuls before their election (Cic. Pro Dom., 9; De Prov. Cons., 2), which they, after entering on their office, divided between themselves by lot or agreement. The law was passed by Caius Gracchus. See Adam's Rom. Antiq., p. 105.

[102] Publius Scipio Nasica—"The great-grandson of him who was pronounced by the senate to be vir optimus; and son of him who, though holding no office at the time, took part in putting to death Tiberius Gracchus. He was consul with Bestia, A.U.C. 643, and died in his consulship. Cic. Brut., 34." Burnouf.

[103] Lucius Bestia Calpurnius—"He had been on the side of the nobility against the Gracchi, and was therefore in favor with the senate. After his consulship he was accused and condemned by the Mamilian law (c. 40), for having received money from Jugurtha, Cic. Brut. c. 34. De Brosses thinks that he was the grandfather of that Bestia who was engaged in the conspiracy of Catilina." Burnouf._

[104] XXIX. For the sake of giving confidence—Fidei causa. "In order that Jugurtha might have confidence in Bestia, Sextius the quaestor was sent as a sort of hostage into one of Jugurtha's towns." Cortius.

[105] As if by an evident majority of voices—Quasi per saturam exquisitis sententiis. "The opinions being taken in a confused manner," or, as we say, in the lump. The sense manifestly is, that there was (or was said to be) such a preponderating majority in Jugurtha's favor, that it was not necessary to ask the opinion of each individual in order. Satura, which some think to be always an adjective, with lanx understood, though lanx, according to Scheller, is never found joined with it in ancient authors, was a plate filled with various kinds of fruit, such as was annually offered to the gods. "Lanx plena diversis frugibus in templum Cereris infertur, quae satura nomine appellatur," Acron. ad Hor. Sat., i. 1, init. "Lanx. referta variis multisque primitiis, sacris Cereris inferebatur," Diomed., iii. p. 483."Satura, cibi genus ex variis rebus conditum," Festus sub voce. See Casaubon. de Rom. Satira, ii. 4; Kritzius ad h. l., and Scheller's Lex. v., Satur. In the Pref. to Justinian's Pandects, that work is called opus sparsim et quasi per saturam collectum, utile cum inutilibus mixtim.

[106] To preside at the election of magistrates—Ad magistratus rogandos. The presiding magistrate had to ask the consent of the people, saying Velitis, jubeatis—rogo Quirites.

[107] XXX. To give in full—Perscribere. "To write at length." The reader might suppose, at first, that Sallust transcribed this speech from some publication; but in that case, as Burnouf observes, he would rather have said ascribere. Besides, the following hujuscemodi shows that Sallust did not profess to give the exact words of Memmius. And the speech is throughout marked with Sallustian phraseology. "The commencement of it, there is little doubt, is imitated from Cato, of whose speech De Lusitanis the following fragment is extant in Aul. Gell. xiii. 24: Multa me dehortata sunt huc prodere, anni, aetas, vox vires, senectus." Kritzius.

[108] XXXI. During the last fifteen years—His annis quindecim. "It was at this time, A.U.C. 641, twenty-two years since the death of Tiberius Gracchus, and ten since that of Caius; Sallust, or Memmius, not to appear to make too nice a computation, takes a mean." Burnouf. The manuscripts, however, vary; some read fifteen, and others twelve. Cortius conjectured twenty, as a rounder number, which Kritzius and Dietsch have inserted in their texts. Twenty is also found in the Editio Victoriana, Florence, 1576.

[109] Your defenders have perished—Perierint vestri defensores. Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, and their adherents.

[110] Liberty of speech—Libertatem. Liberty of speech is evidently intended.

[111] Every civil and religions obligation—Divina et humana omnia. "They offended against the laws, when they took bribes from an enemy; against the honor of Rome when they did what was unworthy of it, and greatly to its injury; and against gods and men, against all divine and human obligations, when they granted to a wicked prince not only impunity, but even rewards, for his crimes." Dietsch.

[112] Slaves purchased with money, etc.—Servi, aere parati, etc. This is taken from another speech of Cato, of which a portion is preserved in Aul. Gell. x. 3: Servi injurias nimis aegre ferunt; quid illos bono genere natos, magna virtute praeditos, animi habuisse atque habituros, dum vivent? "Slaves are apt to be too impatient of injuries; and what feelings do you think that men of good family, and of great merit, must have had, and will have as long as they live?"

[113] Public spirit—Pietas. Under this word are included all duties that we ought to perform to those with whom we are intimately connected, or on whom we are dependent, as our parents, our country, and the gods. I have borrowed my translation of the word from Rose.

[114] The marks of favor which proceed from you—Beneficia vestra. Offices of state, civil and military.

[115] A greater disgrace to lose, etc.—Quod majus dedecus est parta amitere quam omnino non paravisse. [Greek: Aischion de echontas aphairethaenai ae ktomenous atychaesai] Thucyd. ii. 62.

[116] These times please you less than those, etc.—Illa quam haec tempora magis placent, etc. "Those times, which immediately succeeded the deaths of the Gracchi, and which were distinguished for the tyranny of the nobles, and the humiliation of the people; these times, in which the people have begun to rouse their spirit and exert their liberty." Burnouf.

[117] Embezzlement of the public money—Peculatus aerarii. "Peculator, qui furtum facit pecuniae publicae." Ascon. Pedian. in Cic. Verr i.

[118] Kings—I have substituted the plural for the singular. "No name was more hated at Rome than that of a king; and no sentiment, accordingly, could have been better adapted to inflame the minds of Memmius's hearers, than that which he here utters." Dietsch.

[119] If the crimes of the wicked are suppressed, etc.—Si injuriae non sint, haud saepe auxilii egeas. "Some foolishly interpret auxilium as signifying auxilium tribunicium, the aid of the tribunes; but it is evident to me that Sallust means aid against the injuries of bad men, i.e. revenge or punishment." Kritzius. "If injuries are repressed, or prevented, there will be less need for the help of good men and it will be of less consequence if they become inactive." Dietsch.

[120] XXXII. Lucius Cassius—This is the man from whom came the common saying cui bono? "Lucius Cassius, whom the Roman people thought the most accurate and wisest of judges, was accustomed constantly to inquire, in the progress of a cause, cui bono fuisset, of what advantage any thing had been." Cic. pro Rosc. Am. 80. "His tribunal," says Valerius Maximus (iii. 7), "was called, from his excessive severity, the rock of the accused." It was probably on account of this quality in his character that he was now sent into Numidia.

[121] Under guarantee of the public faith—Interposita fide publica. See Cat.47, 48. So a little below, fidem suam interponit. Interpono is "to pledge."

[121] Under guarantee of the public faith—Interposita fide publica. See Cat. 47, 48. So a little below, fidem suam interponit. Interpono is "to pledge."

[122] XXXIII. In the garb, as much as possible, of a suppliant—Cultu quam maxime miserabili. "In such a garb as accused persons, or suppliants, were accustomed to adopt, when they wished to excite compassion, putting on a mean dress, and allowing their hair and beard to grow." Burnouf.

[123] XXXIV. Enjoined the prince to hold his peace—A single tribune might, by such intervention, offer an effectual opposition to almost any proceeding. On the great power of the tribunes, see Adam's Rom. Ant., under the head "Tribunes of the People."

[124] Every other act to which anger prompts—Aliis omnibus, qua ira fieri amat. "These words have given rise to wonderful hallucinations; for Quintilian, ix. 3. 17, having observed that many expressions of Sallust are borrowed from the Greek, as Vulgus amat fieri, all interpreters, from Cortius downward, have thought that the structure of Sallust's words must be Greek, and have taken ira, in this passage, for an ablative, and quae for a nominative plural. Gerlach has even gone so far as to take liberties with the words cited By Quintilian, and to correct them, please the gods, into quae in Vulgus amat fieri. But how could there have been such want of penetration in learned critics, such deficiency in the knowledge of the two languages, that, when the imitation of the Greek, noticed by Quintilian, has reference merely to the word [Greek: philei], amat, they should think of extending it to the dependence of a singular verb on a neuter plural? With truth, indeed, though with much simplicity, does Gerlach observe, that you will in vain seek for instances of this mode of expression in other writers." Kritzius. Dietsch agrees with Kritzius; and there will, I hope, be no further doubt that quae is the accusative and ira the nominative; the sense being, "which anger loves or desires to be done." Another mode of explanation has been suggested, namely, to understand multitudo as the nominative case to amat, making ira the ablative; but this method is far more cumbersome, and less in accordance with the style of Sallust. The words quoted by Quintilian do not refer, as Cortius erroneously supposes, to this passage, but to some part of Sallust's works that is now lost.

[125] XXXV. Should be disturbed—Movere is the reading of Cortius; moveri that of most other editors, in conformity with most of the MSS. and early editions.

[126] The times at which he resorted to particular places—Loca atque tempora cuncta. "All his places and times." There can be no doubt that the sense is what I have given in the text.

[127] In accordance with the law of nations, etc.—As the public faith had been pledged to Jugurtha for his security, his retinue was on the same footing as that of embassadors, the persons of whose attendants are considered as inviolable as their own, as long as they commit no offense against the laws of the country in which they are resident. If any such offense is committed by an attendant of an embassador, an application is usually made by the government to the embassador to deliver him up for trial. Bomilcar seems to have been apprehended without any application having been made to Jugurtha; as, in our own country, the Portuguese embassador's brother, who was one of his retinue, was apprehended and executed for a murder, by Oliver Cromwell. See, on this point, Grotius De Jure Bell, et Pac., xviii, 8; Vattel, iv. 9; Burlamaqui on Politic Law, part iv. ch. 15. Jugurtha, says Vattel, should have given up Bomilcar; but such was not Jugurtha's object.

[128] At the commencement of the proceedings—In priori actione. That is, when Bomilcar was apprehended and charged with the murder.

[129] His other subjects would be deterred from obeying him—Reliquos popularis metus invaderet parendi sibi. "Fear of obeying him should take possession of his other subjects."

[130] That it was a venal city, etc.—Urbem venalem, etc. I consider, with Cortias, that this is the proper way of taking these words. Some would render them O venal city, etc., because Livy, Epit. lxiv., has O urbem venalem, but this seems to require that the verb should be in the second person; and it is probable that in Livy we should either eject the O or read inveneris. Florus, iii. 1, gives the words in the same way as Sallust.

[131] XXXVI. As propraetor—Pro praetore. With the power of lieutenant-general.

[132] XXXVII. Throughout the year—Totius anni. That is, all that remained of the year.

[133] On the edge of a steep hill—In praerupti montis extremo. "In extremo a scholiast rightly interprets in margine," Gerlach. Cortius, whom Langius follows, considers that in extremo means at the bottom; a notion which Kritzius justly condemns; for, as Gerlach asks, what would that have to do withthe strength of the place? Muller would have us believe that in extremo means at the top; but if Sallust had meant to say that the city was at the top, he would hardly have chosen the word extremus for the purpose. Doubtless, as Gerlach observes, the city was on the top of the hill, which was broad enough to hold it; but the words in extremo signify that the walls were even with the side of the hill. Of the site of the town of Suthul no traces are now to be found.

[134] Vineae—Defenses made of hurdles or other wood, and often covered with raw hides, to defend the soldiers who worked the battering-ram. The word that comes nearest to vineae in our language is mantelets. Before this word, in many editions, occurs the phrase ob thesauros oppidi potiundi, which Cortius, whom I follow, omits.

[135] XXXIII. That their defection might thus be less observed—Ita delicta occultiora fore. Cortius transferred these words to this place from the end of the preceding sentence; Kritzius and Dietsch have restored them to their former place. Gerlach thinks them an intruded gloss.

[136] The chief centurion—Centurio primi pili.There were sixty centurions in a Roman legion; the one here meant was the first, or oldest, centurion of the Triarii, or Pilani.

[137] As death was the alternative—_Quia mortis metu mutabant. Neither manuscripts nor critics are agreed about this passage. Cortius, from a suggestion of Palmerius, adopted _mutabant_; most other editors have _mutabantur_; but both are to be taken in the same sense; for _mutabant_ is equivalent to _mutabant se_. Cortius's interpretation appears the most eligible: "Permutabantur cum metuenda morte," i.e. there were those conditions on one side, and death on the other, and if they did not accept the conditions, they must die. Kritzius fancifully and strangely interprets, _propter mortis metum se mutabant, i.e., alia videbantur atque erant_, or the acceptance of the terms appeared excusable to the soldiers, because they were threatened with death if they did not accept them. It is worth while to notice the variety of readings exhibited in the manuscripts collated by Cortius: ten exhibit _mutabantur_; three, _minitabantur_; three, _multabantur_; three, _tenebantur_; one, _tenebatur_; one, _cogebantur_; one, _cogebatur_; one, _angustiabantur_; one, _urgebantur_; and one _mortis metuebant pericula_. There is also, he adds, in some copies, _mutabant_, which the Bipont editors and Mueller absurdly adopted.

[138] XXXIX. Under all the circumstances of the case—Ex copia rerum. From the number of things which he had to consider.

[139] XL. The Latins and Italian allies—Per homines nominis Latini, et socios Italicos. "The right of voting was not extended to all the Latin people till A.U.C. 664, and the Italian allies did not obtain it till some years afterward." Kritzius. So that at this period, which was twenty years earlier, their influence could only be employed in an underhand way. Compare c.42.

[140] Marcus Scaurus—See c. 15. That he was appointed on this occasion, is an evident proof of his commanding influence.

[141] But the investigation, notwithstanding, was conducted, etc.—Sed quaes tuo exercita, etc. Scaurus, it is probable, did what he could to mitigate the violence of the proceedings. Cicero, however, says that Caius Gallus sacerdos, with four consulares, Bestia, Caius Cato, Albinus, and Opimius, were condemned and exiled by this law of Mamilius. See Brut., c. 34.

[142] XLI. Took, snatched, and seized—Ducere, trahere, rapere. "Ducere conveys the notion of cunning and fraud; trahere of some degree of force; rapere of open violence." Muller. The words chiefly refer to offices in the state, as is apparent from what follows.

[141] The parents and children of the soldiers, etc.—

Quid quod usque proximos Revellis agri terminos, et ultra Limites clientium Salis avarus? Pellitur paternos In sinu ferens deos Et uxor et vir, sordidosque natos.

Hor. Od., ii. 18.

What can this impious av'rice stay? Their sacred landmarks torn away. You plunge into your neighbor's grounds, And overleap your client's bounds, Helpless the wife and husband flee, And in their arms, expell'd by thee, Their household gods, adored in vain, Their infants, too, a sordid train.

[144] Among the nobility—Ex nobilitate. Cortius injudiciously omits those words. The reference is to the Gracchi.

[145] By means of the allies and Latins—See on, c. 40.

[146] But to a reasonable man it is more agreeable to submit, etc.—Sed bono vinci satius est, quam malo more injuriam vincere. Bono, sc. viro. "That is, if the nobility had been truly worthy characters, they would rather have yielded to the Gracchi, than have revenged any wrong that they had received from them in an unprincipled manner." Dietsch. Thus this is a reflection on the nobles; in which notion of the passage Allen concurs with Dietsch. Others, as Cortius, think it a reflection on the too great violence of the Gracchi. The brevity with which Sallust had expressed himself makes it difficult to decide. Kritzius, who thinks that the remark is in praise of the Gracchi, supplies the ellipse thus: "Sane concedi debet Gracchis non satis moderatum animum fuiase; quae res ipsis adeo interitum attulit; sed sic quoque egregii viri putandi sunt; nam bono vinci," etc. Langius and Burnouf join bono with more, but do not differ much in their interpretations of the passage from that given by Dietsch.

[147] XLIII. Of a character uniformly irreproachable—Fama tamen aequabili et inviolata. Aequabilis is uniform, always the same, keeping an even tenor.

[148] Regarded all things as common to himself and his colleague—Ali omnia sibi cum collega ratus. "Other matters, unconnected with the war against Jugurtha, he thought that he would have to manage in conjunction with his colleague, and that, consequently, he might give but partial attention to them; but that the war in Numidia was committed to his sole care." Cortius. Other interpretations of these words have been suggested; but they are fanciful and unworthy of notice.

[149] Princes—Reges. Who these were, the commentators have not attempted to conjecture.

[150] XLIV. By Spurius Albinus, the proconsul.—A Spurio Albino proconsule. This is the general reading. Cortius has, Spurii Albini pro consule, with which we may understand agentis or imperantis, but can hardly believe it to be what Sallust wrote. Kritzius reads, Spurii Albini proconsulis.

[151] In a stationary camp—Stativis castris. In contradistinction to that which the soldiers formed at the end of a day's march.

[152] But neither had the camp been fortified, etc.—Sed neque muniebantur ea (se. castra), neque more militari vigiliae deducebantur. "The words sed neque muniebantur ea are wanting in almost all the manuscripts, as well as in all the editions, except that of Cyprianus Popma." Kritzius. Gerlach, however, had, previously to Kritz, inserted them in his text though in brackets; for he supposed them to be a mere conjecture of some scribe, who was not satisfied with a single neque. But they have been found in a codex of Fronto, by Angelo Mai, and have accordingly been received as genuine by Kritz and Dietsch. Potter and Burnouf have omitted the ea, thinking, I suppose, that in such a position it could hardly be Sallust's; but the verb requires a nominative case to prevent it from being referred to the following vigiliae.

[153] Foreign wine—Vino advectitio Imported. Africa does not abound in wine.

[154] XLV. With regard to other things—Caeteris. Cortius, whom Gerlach follows, considers this word as referring to the men or officers; but Kritzius and Dietsch, with better judgment, understand rebus.

[155] Numerous sentinels—Vigilias crebras. At short intervals, says Kritzius, from each other.

[156] XLVI. Villages—Mapalibus. See c. xviii. The word is here used for a collection of huts, a village.

[157] Here the consul, to try the disposition of the inhabitants, and, should they allow him, to take advantage of the situation of the place, etc.—Huc consul, simul tentandi gratia, et si paterentur, opportuniatis loci, praesidium imponit. This is a locus veratissimus, about which no editor has satisfied himself. I have deserted Cortius and followed Dietsch, who seems to have settled the passage, on the basis of Havercamp's text, with more judgment than any other commentator. Cortius read, Huc consul simul tentandi gratia, si paterent opportunitates loci, etc., taking opportuniatates in the sense of munitiones, "defenses;" but would Sallust have said that Metellus put a garrison in the place, to try if its defenses would be open to him? Havercamp's reading is, simul tentan si gratia, et si paterentur opportunitates loci, etc. Palmerius conjectured simul tentandi gratia, si paterentur; et opportunitate loci, which Gerlach and Kritsius adopt, except that they change the place of the et, and put it before si. Allen thinks that he has amended the passage by reading Huc consul, simul si paterentur tentandi, et opportunitatis loci, gratia; but this conjecture is liable to similar objection with that of Cortius. Other varieties of reading it is needless to notice. But it is observable that four manuscripts, as Kritzius remarks, have propter opportunitates, which led me long ago to suppose that the true reading must be simul tentandi gratia, simul propter opportunitates loci. Simul propter might easily have been corrupted into si paterentur.

[158] Frequent arrival of supplies—Commeatum. "Frumenti et omnium rerum quarum in bello usus est, largam copiam." Kritzius. I follow the text of Cortius (retaining the words juvaturum ecercitum) which Kritzius sufficiently justifies. There is a variety of readings, but all much the same in sense.

[159] Extraordinary earnestness—Impensius modo. Cortius and Kritzius interpret this modo as the ablative case of modus; i. e. quam modus erat, or supra modum; but Dietsch and Burnouf question the propriety of this interpretation, and consider the modo to be the same as that in tantummodo, dummodo, etc. The same expression occurs again in c. 75.

[160] XLVIII. Running parallel with the stream—Tractu pari. It may be well to illustrate this and the following chapter by a copy of the lines which Cortius has drawn, "to excite," as he says, "the imagination of his readers:"

River Muthul, flowing from the south ————————————————————————— I Hill on North I which <—————- I I Jugurtha I I posted I I himself ————————————————————————— Range of hills, parallel I with the Muthul I I Route of Metellus I

[161] XLIX. In a transverse direction—Transverso itinere. It lay on the flank of the Romans as they marched toward the river, in dextero latere, c.49, fin.

[162] Well acquainted with the country—Prudentes. "Periti loci et regionis." Cortius.Or it may mean knowing what they were to do, while the enemy would be imperiti, surprised and perplexed.

[163] Would crown—Confirmaturum. Would establish, settle, put the last hand to them.

[164] Was seen—Conspicitur. This is the reading adopted by Cortius, Mueller, and Allen, as being that of all the manuscripts. Havercamp, Kritzius, and Dietsch admitted into their texts, on the sole authority of Donatus ad Ter. Eun. ii. 3, conspicatur, i.e. (Metellus) catches sight of the enemy. The latter reading, perhaps, makes a better connection.

[165] Rendering it uncertain—Incerti. Presenting such an appearance that a spectator could not be certain what they were.

[166] He drew up these in the right wing—in three lines—In dextero latere triplicibus subsidiis aciem instruxit. In the other passages in which Sallust has the word subsidia (Cat. c. 59), he uses it for the lines behind the front. Thus he says of Catiline, Octo cohortes in fronte constituit; reliqua signa in subsidiis arctius collocat; and of Petreius, Cohortes veteranas—in fronte; post eas reliquum exercitum in subsidiis locat. But whether he uses the word in the same sense here; whether we might, as Cortius thinks (whom Gerlach and Dietsch follow), call the division of Metellus's troops quadruple instead of triple, or whether he arranged them as De Brosses and others suppose, in the usual disposition of Hastati, Principes, and Triarii, who shall place beyond dispute? The probability, however, if Sallust is consistent with himself in his use of the word, lies with Cortius. Gerlach refers to Caesar, De Bell, Civ., iii. 89: "Celeriter ex tertia acie singulas cohortes detraxit, atque ex his quartam instituit; but this does not illustrate Sallust's use of the word subsidia: Caesar forms a fourth acies; Metellus draws up one acies triplicibus subsidia".

[167] With the front changed into a flank—Transversis principiis. He made the whole army wheel to the left, so that what was their front line, or principia, as they faced the enemy on the hill, became their flank as they marched from the mountain toward the river.

[168] L. Behind the front line—Post principia. The principia are the same as those mentioned in the preceding note, that is, the front line when the army faced that of Jugurtha on the hill, but which presented its flank to the enemy when the army was on its march. So that Marius commanded in the center ("in medio agmine," says Dietsch), while Metellus took the lead with the cavalry of the left wing. See the following note.

[169] Cavalry on the left wing—which, on the march, had become the van—Sinistrae ulae equitibus—qui in agmine principes facti erant. When Metellus halted (c. 49, fin.), and drew up his troops fronting the hill on which Jugurtha was posted, he placed all his cavalry in the wings; consequently, when the army wheeled to the left, and marched forward, the cavalry of the left wing became the van.

[170] LI. Of the whole struggle—Totius negotii. That is, on the side of the Romans.

[171] LII. The enemy's ignorance of the country—Regio hostibus ignara. Ignara for ignota; a country unknown to the enemy.

[172] LIII. Fatigued and exhausted—Fessi lassique. I am once more obliged to desert Cortius, who reads laetique. The sense, as Kritzius and Dietsch observe, shows that laeti can not be the reading, for there must evidently be a complete antithesis between the two parts of the sentence; an antithesis which would be destroyed by the introduction of laeti. Gerlach, though he retains laeti in his text, condemns it in his notes.

[173] LIV. Which could only be conducted, etc.—Quod, nisi ex illius lubidine, geri non posset. Cortius omits the non before posset, but almost every other editor, except Allen, has retained it, from a conviction of necessity.

[174] Under these circumstances, however—Ex copia tamen. With copia we must understand consiliorum or rerum, as at the end of c. 39. All the manuscripts, except two, have inopia, which editors have justly rejected as inconsistent with the sense.

[175] LV. A thanksgiving—Supplicia. The same as supplicatio, on which the reader may consult Adam's Rom. Ant., or Dr. Smith's Dictionary.

[176] LVI. Dared not be guilty of treachery—Fallere nequibant. "Through dread of the severest punishments if they should fall into the hands of the Romans. Valerius Maximus, ii. 7, speaks of deserters having been deprived of their hands by Quintus Fabius Maximus; of others who were crucified or beheaded by the elder Africanus; of others who were thrown to wild beasts by Africanus the younger; and of others who were sentenced by Paulus Aemilius to be trampled to death by elephants. Hence it appears that the punishment of deserters was left to the pleasure of the general." Burnouf.

[177] Sicca—It stood on the banks of the Bagradas, at some distance from the coast, and contained a celebrated Temple of Venus. Val. Max., ii. 6. D'Anville thinks it the same as the modern Kef.

[178] LVII. Javelins—Pila. This pilum may have been, as Mueller suggests, similar to the falarica which Livy (xxi. 8) says that the Saguntines used against their besiegers. Falarica erat Saguntinis, missile telum hastili abiegno—id, sicut in pilo, quadratum stuppa circumligabant, linebantque pice:—quod cum medium accensum mitteretur, etc. Of Sallust's other words, in the latter part of this sentence, the sense is clear, but the readings of different editors are extremely various. Cortius and Gerlach have sudes, pila praeterea picem sulphure et taeda mixtam ardentia mittere: but it can scarcely be believed that Sallust wrote picem—taeda mixtam. Havercamp gives pice et sulphure taedam mixtam ardentia mittere, which has been adopted by Kritzius and Dietsch, except that they have changed ardentia, on the authority of some of the manuscripts, into ardenti.

[179] LIX. And thus, with the aid of the light-armed foot, almost succeeded in giving the enemy a defeat—Ita expeditis peditibus suis hostes paene victos dare. Cortius, Kritzius, and Allen, concur in regarding expeditis peditibus as an ablative of the instrument, i.e. as equivalent to per expeditos pedites and victos dare as nothing more than vincere. This appears to be the right mode of explanation; but most of the translators, French as well as English, have taken expeditis peditibus as a dative, and given to the passage the sense that "the cavalry delivered up the enemy, when nearly conquered, to be dispatched by the light-armed foot."

[180] LX. Attacks, or preparations for defense, were made in all quarters—Oppugnare aut parare omnibus locis. There is much discussion among the critics whether these verbs are to be referred to the besiegers or the besieged. Cortius and Gerlach attribute oppugnare to the Romans, and parare to the men of Zama; a distinction which Kritzius justly condemns. There can be little doubt that they are spoken of both parties equally.

[181] LXI. The rest of his forces—in that part of our province nearest to Numidia—Caeterum exercitum in provinciam, quae proxima est Numidiae, hiemandi gratia collocat. "The words quae proxima est Numidiae Cortius would eject as superfluous and spurious. But it is to be understood that Metellus did not distribute his troops through the whole of the province, but in that part which is nearest to Numidia, in order that they might be easily assembled in case of an attack of the enemy or any other emergency. There is, therefore, no need to read with the Bipont edition and Mueller, qua proxima, etc. though this is in itself not a bad conjecture." Kritzius.

[182] LXII. Was summoned to appear in person at Tisidium, etc. —Cum ipse ad imperandum Tisidium vocaretur. The gerund is used, as grammarians say, in a passive sense. "The town of Tisidium is nowhere else mentioned. Strabo (xvii. 3, p. 488, Ed. Tauch.) speaks of a place named [Greek: Tisiaioi], which was utterly destroyed, and not a vestige of it left." Gerlach.

[183] LXIII. Sacrificing to the gods—Per hostias dis supplicante. Supplicating or worshiping the gods with sacrifices, and trying to learn their intentions as to the future by inspection of the entrails. "Marius was either a sincere believer in the absurd superstitions and dreams of the soothsayers, or pretended to be so, from a knowledge of the nature of mankind, who are eager to listen to wonders, and are ore willing to be deceived than to be taught." Burnouf. See Plutarch, Life of Marius. He could interpret omens for himself, according to Valerius Maximus, i. 5.

[184] The people—disposed of, etc.—Etiam tum alios magistratus plebes, consulatum nobilitas, inter se per manus tradebat. The commentators have seen the necessity of understanding a verb with plebes. Kritzius suggests habebat; Gerlach grebat or accipiebat.

[185] A disgrace to it—Pollutus. He was considered, as it were, unclean. See Cat., c. 23, fin.

[186] LXIV. As soon as the public business would allow him—Ubi primum potuisset per negotia publica. As soon as he could through (regard to) the public business.

[187] With his own son—Cum filio suo. With the son of Metellus. He tells Marius that it would be soon enough for him to stand for the consulship in twenty-three years' time, the legitimate age for the consulship being forty-three.

[188] In the camp with his father—Contubernio patris. He was among the young noblemen in the consul's retinue, who were sent out to see military service under him. This was customary. See Cic. Pro Cael. Pro Planc. 11.

[189] LXV. Which was as weak as his body—Ob morbos—parum valido. Sallust had already expressed this a few lines above.

[190] Merchants—Negotiatores. "Every one knows that Romans of equestrian dignity were accustomed to trade in the provinces." Burnouf.

[191] With the most honorable demonstrations in his favor —Honestissima suffragatione. "Suffragatio was the zealous recommendation of those who solicited the votes of their fellow-citizens in favor of some candidate. See Festus, s.v. Suffragatores, p. 266, Lindem." Dietsch. It was honorable, in the case of Marius, as it was without bribery, and seemed to have the good of the republic in view.

[192] The Mamilian law—See c. 40.

[193] LXVI. Advantageous positions—Suos locos. Places favorable for his views. See Kritzius on c. 54.

[194] LXVII. Were in trepidation. At the citadel, etc.—I have translated this passage in conformity with the texts of Gerlach, Kritzius, Dietsch, Mueller, and Allen, who put a point between trepidare and ad arcem. Cortina, Havercamp, and Burnouf have trepidare ad arcem, without any point. Which method gives the better sense, any reader can judge.

[195] On the roofs of the houses—Pro tectis aedificiorum. In front of the roofs of the houses; that is, at the parapets. "In prima tectorum parte." Kritzius. The roofs were flat.

[196] Worthless and infamous character—Improbus intestabilisque. These words are taken from the twelve tables of the Roman law: See Aul. Gell. vi. 7, xv. 3. Horace, in allusion to them, has intestabilis et sacer, Sat. ii. 3.181, Intestabilis signified a person to be of so infamous a character that he was not allowed to give evidence in a court of justice.

[197] LXVIII. Averse to further exertion—Tum abnuentes omnia. Most of the translators have understood by these words that the troops refused to obey orders; but Sallust's meaning is only that they expressed, by looks and gestures, their unwillingness to proceed.

[198] LXIX As a native of Latium—Nam is civis ex Latio erat. "As he was a Latin, he was not protected by the Porcian law (see Cat., c. 51), though how far this law had power in the camp, is not agreed." Allen. Gerlach thinks that it had the same power in the camp as elsewhere, with reference to Roman citizens. But Roman citizenship was not extended to the Latins till the end of the Social War, A.U.C. 662. Plutarch, however, in his Life of Caius Gracchus (c. 9), speaks of Livius Drusus having been abetted by the patricians in proposing a law for exempting the Latin soldiers from being flogged, about thirty years earlier; and it seems to have been passed, but, from this passage of Sallust, appears not to have remained in force. Lipsius touches on this obscure point in his Militia Romana, v. 18, but settles nothing. Plutarch, in his Life of Marius, c. 8, says that Turpilius was an old retainer of the family of Metellus, whom he attended, in this war, as prafectus fabrum, or master of the artificers; that, being afterward appointed governor of Vacea, he exercised his office with great justice and humanity, that his life was spared by Jugurtha at the solicitation of the inhabitants; that, when he was brought to trial, Metellus thought him innocent, and that he would not have been condemned but for the malice of Marius, who exasperated the other members of the council against him. He adds, that after his death, his innocence became apparent, and that Marius boasted of having planted in the breast of Metellus an avenging fury, that would not fail to torment him for having put to death the innocent friend of his family. Hence Sir Henry Steuart has accused Sallust of wilfully misrepresenting the character of Turpilius, as well as the whole transaction. But as much credit is surely due to Sallust as to Plutarch.

[199] LXX. To which Jugurtha—was unable to attend—Quae Jugartha, fesso, aut majoribus astricto, superaverant. "Which had remained to (or been too much for) Jugurtha, when weary, or engaged in more important affairs."

[200] Among the winter-quarters of the Romans—Inter hiberna Romanorum.It is stated in c. 61, as Kritzius observes, that Metellus, when he put his army into winter-quarters, had, at the same time, placed garrisons in such of Jugurtha's towns as had revolted to him. The forces of the Romans being thus dispersed, Nabdalsa might justly be said to have his army inter hiberna, "among their winter-quarters."

[201] LXXI. Behind his head—Super caput. On the back of the bolster that supported his head; part of which might be higher than the head itself.

[202] LXXIIL The factious tribunes—Seditiosi magistratus.

[203] After the lapse of many years—Post multas tempestates. Apparently the period since A.U.C. 611, when Quintus Pompeius, who, as Cicero says (in Verr. ii. 5), was humile atque obscuro loco natus, obtained the consulship; that is, a term of forty-three or forty-four years.

[204] That decree was thus rendered abortive—Ea res frustra fuit. By a lex Sempronia, a law of Caius Gracchus, it was enacted that the senate should fix the provinces for the future consuls before the comitia for electing them were held. But from Jug. c. 26, it appears that the consuls might settle by lot, or by agreement between themselves, which of those two provinces each of them should take. How far the senate were allowed or accustomed in general, to interfere in the arrangement, it is not easy to discover: but on this occasion they had taken on themselves to pass a resolution in favor of the patrician. Lest similar scenes, however, to those of the Sempronian times should be enacted, they yielded the point to the people.

[205] LXXV. Thala—The river on which this town stood is not named by Sallust, but it appears to have been the Bagrada. It seems to have been nearly destroyed by the Romans, after the defeat of Juba, in the time of Julius Caesar; though Tacitus, Ann. iii. 21, mentions it as having afforded a refuge to the Romans in the insurrection of the Numidian chief, Tacfarinas. D'Anville and Dr. Shaw, Travels in Bombay, vol. i. pt. 2, ch. 5, think it the same with Telepte, now Ferre-anah; but this is very doubtful. See Cellar. iv. 5. It was in ruins in the time of Strabo.

[206] Had done more than was required of them—Officia intenderant. "Auxit intenditque saevitiam exacerbatus indicio filii sui Drusi" Suet. Tib. 62.

[207] LXXVI. Nor did he ever—continue, etc.—Neque postea—moratus, simulabat, etc.—Most editors take moratus for morans; Allen places a colon after it, as if it were for moratus est.

[208] And erected towns upon it to protect, etc.—Et super aggerem impositis turribus epus et administros tutari. "And protected the work and the workmen with towers placed on the mound." Impositis turribus is not the ablative absolute, but the ablative of the instrument.

[209] LXXVII. Leptis—Leptis Major, now Lebida. In c. 19, Leptis Minor is meant.

[210] Their own safety—Suam salutem: i.e. the safety of the people of Leptis.

[211] LXXVIII. Which take their name from their nature—Quibus nomen ex re inditum. From [Greek: surein], to draw, because the stones and sand were drawn to and fro by the force of the wind and tide. But it has been suggested that this etymology is probably false; it is less likely that their name should be from the Greek than from the Arabic, in which sert signifies a desert tract or region, a term still applied to the desert country bordering on the Syrtea. See Ritter, Allgem. vergleich, Geog. vol. i. p. 929. The words which, in Havercamp, close this description of the Syrtes, "Syrtes ab tractu nominatae", and which Gruter and Putschius suspected not to be Sallust's, Cortius omitted; and his example has been followed by Muller and Burnouf; Gerlach, Kritzius, and Dietsch, have retained them. Gerlach, however, thinks them a gloss, though they are found in every manuscript but one.

[212] Almost at the extremity of Africa—Prope in extrema Africa. "By extrema Africa Gerlach rightly understands the eastern part of Africa, bordering on Egypt, and at a great distance from Numidia." Kritzius.

[213] The language alone—Lingua modo.

[214] From the king's dominions—Ab imperio regis. "Understand Masinissa's, Micipsa's, or Jugurtha's." Burnouf.

[215] LXXIX. Philaeni—The account of these Carthaginian brothers with a Greek name, philainoi, praise-loving, is probably a fable. Cortius thinks that the inhabitants, observing two mounds rising above the surrounding level, fancied they must have been raised, not by nature, but by human labor, and invented a story to account for their existence. "The altars," according to Mr. Rennell (Geog. of Herod., p. 640), "were situated about seven ninths of the way from Carthage to Cyrene; and the deception," he adds, "would have been too gross, had it been pretended that the Carthaginian party had traveled seven parts in nine, while the Cyrenians had traveled no more than two such parts of the way." Pliny (II. N. v. 4) says that the altars were of sand; Strabo (lib. iii.) says that in his time they had vanished. Pomponius Mela and Valerius Maximus repeat the story, but without adding any thing to render it more probable.

[216] Devoid of vegetation—Nuda gignentium. So c. 93, cunota gignentium natura. Kritzius justly observes that gignentia is not to be taken in the sense of genita, as Cortius and others interpret, but in its own active sense; the ground was bare of all that was productive, or of whatever generates any thing. This interpretation is suggested by Perizonius ad Sanctu Minerv. i. 15.

[217] Sacrificed themselves—Seque vitamque—condonavere. "Nihil aliud est quam vitam suam, sc.[Greek: eu dia dyoin]." Allen.

[218] LXXX. Sell—honorable or dishonorable—Omnia honesta atque inhonesta vendere. See Cat. c. 30. They had been bribed by Jugurtha to use their influence against Bocchus.

[219] A daughter of Bocchus, too, was married to Jugurtha—Jugurthae filia Bocchi nupserat. Several manuscripts and old editions have Boccho, making Bocchus the son-in-law of Jugurtha. But Plutarch (Vit. Mar. c. 10, Sull. c. 8) and Florus (iii. 1) agree in speaking of him as Jugurtha's father-in-law. Bocchus was doubtless an older man than Jugurtha, having a grown up son, Volux, c. 105. Castilioneus and Cortius, therefore, saw the necessity of reading Bocchi, and, other editors have followed them, except Gerlach, "who," says Kritzius, "has given Bocchi in his larger, and Boccho in his smaller and more recent edition, in order that readers using both may have an opportunity of making a choice."

[220] No one of them becomes a companion to him—_Nulla pro socia obtinet The use of _obtinet_ absolutely, or with the word dependent on it understood, prevails chiefly among the later Latin writers. Livy, however, has _fama obtinuit_, xxi. 46. "The _tyro_ is to be reminded," says Dietsch, "that _obtinet_ is not the same as _habetar_, but is always for _locum obtinet_."

[221] LXXXI. The two kings, with their armies—The text has only exercitus.

[222] To lessen Bocchus's chance of peace—Bocchi pacem imminuere. He wished to engage Bocchus in some act of hostility against the Romans, so as to render any coalition between them impossible.

[223] LXXXII. Should have learned something of the Moors —Cognitis Mauris, i.e. after knowing something of the Moors, and not before. Cognitis militibus is used in the same way in c. 39; and Dietsch says that amicitia Jugurthae parum cognita is for nondum cognita, c. 14.

[224] LXXXIV. Discharged veterans—Homines emeritis stipendiis. Soldiers who had completed their term of service.

[225] Means of warfare—Usum belli. That is ea quae belli usus posceret, troops and supplies.

[226] Cherished the fancy—Animis trahebant. "Trahere animo is always to revolve in the mind, not to let the thought of a thing escape from the mind." Kritzius.

[227] LXXXV. Its interests ought to be managed, etc.—Majore cura illam administrari quam haec peti debere. Cortius injudiciously omits the word illam. No one has followed him but Allen.

[228] Hostile—Occursantis. Thwarting, opposing.

[229] That you may not be deceived in me—Ut neque vos capiamini. "This verb is undoubtedly used in this passage for decipere. Compare Tibull. Eleg. iii. 6, 45: Nec vos aut capiant pendentia brachia collo, Aut fallat blanda sordida tingua prece. Cic. Acad. iv. 20: Sapientis vim maximam esse cavere, ne capiatur." Gerlach.

[230] To secure their election—Per ambitionem. Ambire is to canvass for votes; to court the favor of the people.

[231] Of yonder crowd of nobles—ex illo globo nobilitatis. Illo, [Greek: deiktikos].

[232] I know some—who after they have been elected, etc.—"At whom Marina directs this observation, it is impossible to tell. Gerlach referring to Cic. Quest. Acad. ii. 1, 2, thinks that Lucullus is meant. But if he supposes that Lucullus was present to the mind of Marius when he spoke, he is egregiously deceived, for Marius was forty years antecedent to Lucullus. It is possible, however, that Sallust, thinking of Lucullus when he wrote Marius's speech, may have fallen into an anachronism, and have attributed to Marius, whose character he had assumed, an observation which might justly have been made in his own day." Kritzius.

[233] Persons who invert the order of things—Homines Praeposteri. Men who do that last which should be done first.

[234] For though to discharge the duties of the office, etc.—Nam gerere, quam fieri, tempore posterius, re atque usu prius est. With gerere is to be understood consulatum; with fieri, consulem. This is imitated from Demosthenes, Olynth. iii.: [Greek: To gar prattein ton legein kai cheirotonein, usteron on tae taxei, proteron tae dynamei kai kreitton esti.] "Acting is posterior in order to speaking and voting, but prior and superior in effect."

[235] With those haughty nobles—Cum illorum superbui. Virtus Scipiades et mitis sapientia Laeli.

[236] My condition Mihi fortuna. "That is, my lot, or condition, in which I was born, in which I had no hand in producing." Dietsch.

[237] The circumstance of birth, etc. Naturam unam et communem omnium existumo. "Nascendi sortem" is the explanation which Dietsch gives to naturam. One man is born as well as another, but the difference between men is made by their different modes of action; a difference which the nobles falsely suppose to proceed from fortune. "Voltaire, Mohammed, Act.I., sce. iv., has expressed the sentiment of Sallust exactly:

Les mortels sont egaux, ce n'est point la naissance, C'est la seule vertu qui fait leur difference." Burnouf.

[238] And could it be inquired of the fathers, etc.—Ac, si jam ex patribus Alibini aut Bestiae quaeri posset, etc. Patres, in this passage, is not, as Anthon imagines, the same as majores; as is apparent from the word gigni. The fathers of Albinus and Bestia were probably dead at the time that Marius spoke. The passage which Anthon quotes from Plutarch to illustrate patres, is not applicable, for the word there is [Greek: pragonoi: Epunthaneto ton paronton, ei mae kai tous ekeinon oiontai progonous auto mallon an emxasthai paraplaesious ekgonous apolitein, ate dae maed autous di eugeneian, all ap aretaes kai kalon ergon endoxous genomenous.] Vit. Mar. c. 9. "He would then ask the people whether they did not think that the ancestors of those men would have wished rather to leave a posterity like him, since they themselves had not risen to glory by their high birth, but by their virtue and heroic achievements?" Langhorne.

[239] Abstinence—Innocentiae. Abstinence from all vicious indulgence.

[240] Honorable exertion—Virtutis. See notes on Cat. c. 1, and Jug. c. 1.

[241] They occupy the greatest part of their orations in extolling their ancestors—Pleraque oratione majores suos extollunt. "They extol their ancestors in the greatest part of their speech."

[242] The glory of ancestors sheds a light on their posterity, Juvenal, viii.138:

Incipit ipsorum contra te stare parentum Nobilitas, claramque facem praeferre pudendis.

Thy fathers' virtues, clear and bright, display Thy shameful deeds, as with the light of day.

[243] I feel assured—Ex animi sententia. "It was a common form of strong asseveration." Gerlach.

[244] Spears—Hastas. "A hasta pura, that is a spear without iron, was anciently the reward of a soldier the first time that he conquered in battle, Serv. ad Virg. Aen. vi. 760; it was afterward given to one who had struck down an enemy in a sally or skirmish, Lips. ad Polyb. de Milit. Rom. v.17." Burnouf.

[245] A banner—Vexillum. "Standards were also military rewards. Vopiscus relates that ten hastae purae, and four standards of two colors, were presented to Aurelian. Suetonius (Aug. 25) says that Agrippa was presented by Augustus, after his naval victory, with a standard of the color of the sea. These standards therefore, were not, as Badius Ascensius thinks, always taken from the enemy; though this was sometimes the case, as appears from Sil. Ital. x.v. 261:

Tunc hasta viris, tunc martia cuique Vexilla, ut meritum, et praedae libamina, dantur." Burnouf.

[246] Caparisons—Phaleras. "Sil. Ital. xv. 255:

Phaleris hic pectora fulget: Hic torque aurato circumdat bellica collae.

Juvenal, xv. 60:

Ut laeti phaleris omnes et torquibus omnes.

These passages show that phalerae, a name for the ornaments of horses, were also decorations of men; but they differed from the torques, or collars, in this respect, that the phalerae hung down over the breast, and the torques only encircled the neck. See Lips. ad Polyb. de Milit. Rom. v. 17." Burnouf.

[247] Valor—Virtutem. "The Greeks, those illustrious instructors of the world, had not been able to preserve their liberty; their learning therefore had not added to their valor. Virtus, in this passage, is evidently fortitudo bellica, which, in the opinion of Marius, was the only virtue." Burnouf. See Plutarch, Vit. Mar. c. 2.

[248] To be vigilant at my post—Praesidia agitare. Or "to keep guard at my post." "Praesidia agitare signifies nothing more than to protect a party of foragers or the baggage, or to keep guard round a besieged city." Vortius.

[249] Keep no actor—_Histrionem nullum—habeo_. "Luxuriae peregrinae origo ab exercitu Asiatico (Manlii sc. Vulsonis, A.U.C. 563) invecta in urbem est.——Tum psaltriae sambucistriaeque et convivalia _ludionum_ obiectamenta, addita epulis." Liv. xxxix. 6. "By this army returning from Asia was the origin of foreign luxury imported into the city.——At entertainments—were introduced players on the harp and timbrel, with _buffoons_ for the diversion of the guests." _Baker_. Professor Anthon, who quotes this passage, says that _histrio_ "here denotes a buffoon kept for the amusement of the company." But such is not the meaning of the word _histrio_. It signifies one who in some way _acted_, either by dancing and gesticulation, or by reciting, perhaps to the music of the _sambucistriae or other minstrels. See Smith's Dict. of Gr. and Rom. Ant. Art. _Histrio_, sect. 2. Scheller's Lex. sub. vv. _Histrio, Ludio_, and _Salto_. The emperors had whole companies of actors, _histriones aulici_, for their private amusement. Suetonius says of Augustus (c. 74) that at feasts he introduced _acroamata et histriones_. See also Spartian. _Had_. c. 19; Jul.Capitol. _Verus_, c.8.

[250] My cook—Coquum. Livy, in the passage just cited from him, adds tum coquus villisimum antiquis mancipium, et estimatione et usu in pretio esse; ut quod ministerium fuerat, ars haberi coepta. "The cook, whom the ancients considered as the meanest of their slaves both in estimation and use, became highly valuable." Baker.

[251] Avarice, inexperience, and arrogance—Avaritiam, imperitiam, superbiam. "The President De Brosses and Dotteville have observed, that Marius, in these words, makes an allusion to the characters of all the generals that had preceded him, noticing at once the avarice of Calpurnius, the inexperience of Albinus, and the pride of Metellus." Le Brun.

[252] For no man, by slothful timidity, has escaped the lot of mortals—_Etenim ignavia nemo immortalis factus. The English translators have rendered this phrase as if they supposed the sense to be, "No man has gained immortal renown by inaction." But this is not the signification. What Marius means, is, that _no man, however cautiously and timidly he may avoid danger, has prolonged his life to immortality_. Taken in this sense, the words have their proper connection with what immediately follows: _neque quisquam parens liberis, uti aeterni forent, optavit_. The sentiment is the same as in the verse of Horace: _Mors et fugacem persequitur virum_; or in these lines of Tyrtaeus:

[Greek: Ou gar kos thanaton ge psygein eimarmenon estin Andr', oud' haen progonon hae genos athanaton Pollaki daeiotaeta phygon kai doupon akonton Erchetai, en d' oiko moira kichen thanaton.]

To none, 'mong men, escape from death is giv'n, Though sprung from deathless habitants of heav'n: Him that has fled the battle's threatening sound, The silent foot of fate at home has found.

The French translator, Le Brun, has given the right sense: "Jamais la lachete n'a preserve de la mort;" and Dureau Delamalle: "Pour etre un lache, on n'en serait pas plus immortel." Ignavia is properly inaction; but here signifies a timid shrinking from danger.

[253] Nor has any parent wished for his children, etc.—[Greek: Ou gar athanatous sphisi paidas euchontai genesthai, all' agathous kai eukleeis.] "Men do not pray that they may have children that will never die, but such as will be good and honorable." Plato, Menex. 20. "This speech, differing from the other speeches in Sallust both in words and thoughts, conveys a clear notion of that fierce and objurgatory eloquence which was natural to the rude manners and bold character of Marius. It is a speech which can not be called polished and modulated, but must rather be termed rough and ungraceful. The phraseology is of an antique cast, and some of the wordscoarse.——But it is animated and fervid, rushing on like a torrent; and by language of such a character and structure, the nature and manners of Marius are excellently represented." Gerlach.

[254] LXXXVI. Not after the ancient method, or from the classes—Non more majorum, neque ex classibus. By the regulation of Servius Tullius, who divided the Roman people into six classes, the highest class consisting of the wealthiest, and the others decreasing downward in regular gradation, none of the sixth class, who were not considered as having any fortune, but were capite censi, "rated by the head," were allowed to enlist in the army. The enlistment of the lower order, commenced, it is said, by Marius, tended to debase the army, and to render it a fitter tool for the purposes of unprincipled commanders. See Aul. Gell., xvi. 10.

[255] Desire to pay court—Per ambitionem.

[256] LXXXVII. Having filled up his legions, etc. Their numbers had been thinned in actions with the enemy, and Metellus perhaps took home some part of the army which did not return to it.

[257] Their country and parents, etc—Patriam parentesque, etc. Sallust means to say that the soldiers would see such to be the general effect and result of vigorous warfare; not that they had any country or parents to protect in Numidia. But the observation has very much of the rhetorician in it.

[258] LXXXVIII. From our allies—Ex sociis nostris. The people of the province.

[259] Obliged the king himself—to take flight without his arms Ipsumque regem—armis exuerat. He attacked Jugurtha so suddenly and vigorously that he was compelled to flee, leaving his arms behind him.

[260]: LXXXIX. The Libyan Hercules—Hercules Libys. "He is one of the forty and more whom Varro mentions, and who, it is probable, were leaders of trading expeditions or colonies. See supra, c. 18. A Libyan Hercules is mentioned by Solinus xxvii." Bernouf.

[261] Marius conceived a strong desire—Marium maxima cupido invaserat. "A strong desire had seized Marius."

[262] Wild beasts' flesh—Ferina carne. Almost all our translators have rendered this "venison." But the Africans lived on the flesh of whatever beasts they took in the chase.

[263] XC. The consul, etc.—Here is a long and awkward parenthesis. I have adhered to the construction of the original. The "yet," tamen, that follows the parenthesis, refers to the matter included in it.

[264] He consigned to the care, etc.—Equitibus auxiliariis agendum attribuit. "He gave to be driven by the auxiliary cavalry."

[265] The town of Lares—Oppidum Laris. Cortius seems to have been right in pronouncing Laris to be an accusative plural. Gerlach observes that Lares occurs in the Itinerary of Antonius and in St. Augustine, Adv. Donatist., vi. 28.

[266] XCI. After marching the whole night.—He seems to have marched in the night for the sake of coolness.

[267] XCII. All his undertakings, etc.—Omnia non bene consulta in virtutem trahebantur. "All that he did rashly was attributed to his consciousness of extraordinary power." If they could not praise his prudence, they praised his resolution and energy.

[268] Difficult of execution—Difficilem. There seemed to be as many impediments to success as in the affair at Capsa, though the undertaking was not of so perilous a nature.

[269] In the midst of a plain—Inter caeteram planitiem. By caeteram he signifies that the rest of the ground, except the part on which the fort stood, was plain and level.

[270] Directed his utmost efforts to take—Summa vi capere intendit. It is to be observed that summa vi refers to intendit, not to capere. Summa ope animum intendit ut caperet.

[271] Among the vineae—Inter vineas. "Inter, for which Mueller, from a conjecture of Glareanus, substituted intra is supported by all the manuscripts, and ought not to be altered, although intra would have been more exact, as the signification of inter is of greater extent, and includes that of intra. Inter is used when a thing is inclosed on each side; intra, when it is inclosed on all sides. If the soldiers, therefore, are considered as surrounded with the vineae, they should be described as intra vineas; but as there is no reason why they may not also be contemplated as being inclosed only laterally by the vineae, the phrase inter vineas may surely in that case be applied to them. Gronovius and Drakenborch ad Liv., i. 10, have observed how often these propositions are interchanged when referred to time." Kritzius. On vineae, see c. 76.

[272] XCIII. A certain Ligurian—in the auxiliary cohorts—The Ligurians were not numbered among the Italians or socii in the Roman army, but attached to it only as auxiliaries.

[273] A desire—of seeing what he had never seen—More humani ingenii, cupido ignara visundi invadit. This is the reading of Cortius, to which Muller and Allen adhere. Gerlach inserted in his text, More humani ingeni, cupidio difficilia faciundi animum vortit; which Kritzius, Orelli, and Dietsch, have adopted, and which Cortius acknowledged to be the reading of the generality of the manuscripts, except that they vary as to the last two words, some having animad vortit. The sense of this reading will be, "the desire of doing something difficult, which is natural to the human mind, drew off his thoughts from gathering snails, and led him to contemplate something of a more arduous character." But the reading of Cortius gives so much better a sense to the passage, that I have thought proper to follow it. Burnouf, with Havercamp and the editions antecedent to Cortius, reads more humanae cupidinis ignara visundi animum vortit, of which the first five words are taken from a quotation of Aulus Gellius, ix. 12, who, however, may have transcribed them from some other part of Sallust's works, now lost.

[274] Horizontally—Prona. This word here signifies forward, not downward, as Anthon and others interpret, for trees growing out of a rock or bank will not take a descending direction.

[275] As nature directs all vegetables—Quo cuncta gignentium natura fert. It is to be observed that the construction is natura fert cuncta gignentium, for cuncta gignentia. On gignentia, i.e. vegetable, or whatever produces any thing, see c. 79, and Cat., c. 53.

[276] Four centurions for a guard—Praesidio qui forent, quatuor centuriones. It is a question among the commentators whether the centurions were attended by their centuries or not; Cortius thinks that they were not, as ten men were sufficient to cause an alarm in the fortress, which was all that Marius desired. But that Cortius is in the wrong, and that there were common soldiers with the centurions, appears from the following considerations: 1. Marius would hardly have sent, or Sallust have spoken of, four men as a guard to six. 2. Why should centurions only have been selected, and not common soldiers as well as their officers? 3. An expression in the following chapter, laqueis—quibus allevati milites facilius escenderent, seems to prove that there were others present besides the centurions and the trumpeters. The word milites is indeed wanting in the text of Cortius, but appears to have been omitted by him merely to favor his own notion as to the absence of soldiers, for he left it out, as Kritzius says, summa libidine, ne uno quidem codice assentiente, "purely of his own will, and without the authority of a single manuscript." Taking a fair view of the passage, we seem necessarily led to believe that the centurions were attended by a portion, if not the whole, of their companies. See the following note.

[277] XCIV. Those who commanded the centuries—Illi qui centuriis praeerant. This is the reading of several manuscripts, and of almost all the editions before that of Kritzius, and may be tolerated if we suppose that the centurions were attended by their men, and that Sallust, in speaking of the change of dress, meant to include the men, although he specifies only the officers. Yet it is difficult to conceive why Sallust should have used such a periphrase for centuriones. Seven of the manuscripts, however, have qui adsensuri erant, which Kritzius and Dietsch have adopted. Two have qui ex centuriis praeerant. Allen, not unhappily, conjectures, qui praesidio erant. Cortius suspected the phrase, qui centuriis praeerant, and thought it a transformation of the words qui adscensuris praeerat, which somebody had written in the margin as an explanation of the following word duce, and which were afterward altered and thrust into the text.

[278] Progress—might be less impeded—Nisus—facilius foret. The adverb for the adjective. So in the speech of Adherbal, c. 14, ut tutius essem.

[279] Unsafe—Dubia nisu. "Not to be depended upon for support." Nisu is the old dative for nisui.

[280] Causing a testudo to be formed—Testudine acta. The soldiers placed their shields over their heads, and joined them close together, forming a defense like the shell of a tortoise.

[281] XCV. For I shall in no other place allude to his affairs—Neque enim allo loco de Sullae rebus dicturi sumus. "These words show that Sallust, at this time, had not thought of writing Histories, but that he turned his attention to that pursuit after he had finished the Jugurthine war. For that he spoke of Sylla in his large history is apparent from several extant fragments of it, and from Plutarch, who quotes Sallust, Vit. Syll., c. 3." Kritzius.

[282] Lucius Sisenna—He wrote a history of the civil wars between Sylla and Marius, Vell. Paterc. ii. 9. Cicero alludes to his style as being jejune and puerile, Brut., c. 64, De Legg. i. 2. About a undred and fifty fragments of his history remain.

[283] Except that he might have acted more for his honor with regard to his wife—Nisi quod de uxore potuit honestius consuli. As these words are vague and indeterminate, it is not agreed among the critics and translators to what part of Sylla's life Sallust refers. I suppose, with Rupertus, Aldus, Manutius, Crispinus, and De Brosses, that the allusion is to his connection with Valeria, of which the history is given by Plutarch in his life of Sylla, which the English reader may take in Langhorne's translation: "A few months after Metella's death, he presented the people with a show of gladiators; and as, at that time, men and women had no separate places, but sat promiscuously in the theater, a woman of great beauty, and of one of the best families, happened to sit near Sylla. She was the daughter of Messala, and sister to the orator Hortensius; her name was Valeria; and she had lately been divorced from her husband. This woman, coming behind Sylla, touched him, and took off a little of the nap of his robe, and then returned to her place. Sylla looked at her, quite amazed at her familiarity, when she said, 'Wonder not, my lord, at what I have done; I had only a mind to share a little in your good fortune.' Sylla was far from being displeased; on the contrary, it appeared that he was flattered very agreeably, for he sent to ask her name, and to inquire into her family and character. Then followed an interchange of amorous regards and smiles, which ended in a contract and marriage. The lady, perhaps, was not to blame. But Sylla, though he got a woman of reputation, and great accomplishments, yet came into the match upon wrong principles. Like a youth, he was caught with soft looks and languishing airs, things that are wont to excite the lowest of the passions." Others have thought that Sallust refers to Sylla's conduct on the death of his wife Metella, above mentioned, to whom, as she happened to fall sick when he was giving an entertainment to the people, and as the priest forbade him to have his house defiled with death on the occasion, he unfeelingly sent a bill of divorce, ordering her to be carried out of the house while the breath was in her. Cortius, Kritz, and Langius. think that the allusion is to Sylla'a general faithlessness to his wives, for he had several; as if Sallust had used the singular for the plural, uxore for uxoribus, or reuxoria; but if Sallust meant to allude to more than one wife, why should he have restricted himself to the singular?

[284] Lived on the easiest terms with his friends—Facilis amicitia The critics are in doubt about the sense of this phrase. I have given that which Dietsch prefers, who says that a man facilis amicitia is "one who easily grants his friends all that they desire, exacts little from them, and is no severe censor of their morals." Cortius explains it facilis ad amicitiam, and Facciolati, in his Lexicon, facile sibi amicos parans, but these interpretations, as Kritzius observes, are hardly suitable to the ablative case.

[285] Most fortunate—Felicissumo. Alluding, perhaps, to the title of Felix, which he assumed after his great victory over Marius.

[286] His desert—Industriam. That is, the efforts which he made to attain distinction.

[287] XCVII. When scarcely a tenth part of the day remained—Vix decima parte die reliqua. A remarkably exact specification of the time.

[288] From various quarters—Ex multis. From his scouts, who came in from all sides.

[289] The Roman veterans, who were necessarily well experienced in war,—The reading of Cortius is, Romani veteres, novique, et ob ea scientes belli; which he explains by supposing that the new recruits were joined with the veterans, and that both united were consequently well skilled in war, citing, in support of his supposition, a passage in c. 87: Sic brevi spatio novi veteresqua coaluere, et virtus omnium aequalis facta. And Ascensius had previously given a similar explanation, quod etiam veterani adessent. But many later critics have not been induced to believe that Cortius's reading will bear any such interpretation; and accordingly Kritzius, Dietsch, and Orelli, have ejected novique; as indeed Ciaeconius and Ursinus had long before recommended. Muller, Burnouf, and Allen, retain it, adopting Cortius's interpretation. Gerlach also retains it, but not without hesitation. But it is very remarkable that it occurs in all the manuscripts but one, which has Romani veteres boni scientes erant ut quos locus, etc.

[290] Neque minus hostibus conturbatis. If the enemy had not been in as much disorder as himself, Marius would hardly have been able to effect his retreat.

[291] Pleno gradu.—"By the militaris gradus twenty miles were completed in five hours of a summer day; by the plenusus, which is quicker, twenty-four miles were traversed in the same time." Veget. i.9.

[292] XCIX. When the watches were changed—_Per vigilias: i. e. at the end of each watch, when the guards were relieved. "The nights, by the aid of a clepsydra, were divided into four watches, the termination of each being marked by the blast of a trumpet or horn. See Viget. in. 8: _A tubicine omnes vigiliae committuntur; et finitis horis a cornicine revocantur_." Kritzius He also refers to Liv. vii. 35; Lucan. viii. 24; Tacit. Hist. v. 22.

[293] Auxiliary cohorts—Cohortium. I have added the word auxiliary. That they were the cohorts of the auxiliaries or allies is apparent, as the word legionum follows. Kritzius indeed thinks otherwise, supposing that the cohorts had particular trumpeters, distinct from those of the whole legion. But for this notion there seems to be no sufficient ground. Sallust speaks of the cohortes sociorum, c. 58, and cohortes Ligurum, c. 100.

[294] Sally forth from the camp—Portis erumpere. Sallust uses the common phrase for issuing from the camp. It can hardly be supposed, that the Romans had formed a regular camp with gates during the short time that they had been upon the hill, especially as they had fled to it in great disorder.

[295] Stupor—Vecordia. A feeling that deprived them of all sense.

[296] C. in form of a square—Quadrato agmine. "A hollow square, with the baggage in the center; see Serv. ad Verg. Aen. xii.121. ... Such an agmen Sallust, in c. 46, calls munitum, as it was prepared to defend itself against the enemy, from whatever quarter they might approach." Kritzius.

[297] Might be endured by them with cheerfulness Volentibus esset. A Greek phrase, Boulomenois eiae.

[298] Dread of shame—Pudore. Inducing each to have a regard to his character.

[299] CI. Trusting that one of them, assuredly, etc.—Ratua es omnibus aque aliquos ab tergo hostibus ventures. By aequo Sallust signifies that each of the four bodies would have an equal chance of coming on the rear of the Romans.

[300] In person and with his officers—Ipse aliique. "The alii, are the praefecti equitum, officers of the cavalry." Kritzius.

[301] Wheeled secretly about, with a few of his followers, to the infantry—Clam—ad pedites convertit. What infantry are meant, the commentators can not agree, nor is there any thing in the narrative on which a satisfactory decision can be founded. As the arrival of Bocchus is mentioned immediately before, Cortius supposes that the infantry of Bocchus are signified; and it may be so; but to whatever party the words wore addressed, they were intended to be heard by the Romans, or for what purpose were they spoken in Latin? Jugurtha may have spoken the words in both languages, and this, from what follows, would appear to have been the case, for both sides understood him. Quod ubi milites (evidently the Roman soldiers) accepere—simul barbari animos tollere, etc. The clam signifies that Jugurtha turned about, or wheeled off, so as to escape the notice of Marius, with whom he had been contending.

[302] By vigorously cutting down our infantry—Satis impigre occiso pedite nostro. "A ces mots il leur montra son epee teinte du sang des notres, dont il venait, en effet, de faire une assez cruelle boucherie." De Brosses. Of the other French translators, Beauzee and Le Brun render the passage in a similar way; Dotteville and Durean Delamalle, as well as all our English translators, take pedite as signifying only one soldier. Sir Henry Steuart even specifies that it was "a legionary soldier." The commentators, I should suppose, have all regarded the word as having a plural signification; none of them, except Burnouf, who expresses a needless doubt, say any thing on the point.

[303] The spectacle on the open plains was then frightful—Tum spectaculum horribile campis patentibus, etc. The idea of this passage was probably taken, as Ciacconius intimates, from a description in Xenophon, Agesil. ii. 12, 14, part of which is quoted by Longinus, Sect. 19, as an example of the effect produced by the omission of conjunctions: [Greek: Kai symbalontes tas aspidas eothounto, emachonto, apekteinon, apethnaeskon Epei ge maen elaexen hae machae, paraen dae theasasthai entha synepeson allaelois, taen men gaen aimati pe, ormenaen, nekrous de peimenous philious kai polemious met allaelon, aspidas de diatethrummenas, dorata syntethrausmena, egchoipidia gumna kouleon ta men chamai, ta d'en somasi, ta d'eti meta cheiras.] "Closing their shields together, they pushed, they fought, ... But when the battle was over, you might have seen, where they had fought, the ground clotted with blood, the corpses of friends and enemies mingled together, and pierced shields, broken lances, and swords without their sheaths, strewed on the ground, sticking in the dead bodies, or still remaining in the hands that had wielded them when alive." Tacitus, Agric. c. 37. has copied this description of Sallust, as all the commentators have remarked: Tum vero patentibus locis grande et atrox spectaculum. Sequi, vulnerare, capere, atque eosdem, oblatis aliis, trucidare.... Passim, arma et corpora, et laceri artus, et cruenta humus. "The sight on the open field was then striking and horrible; they pursued, they inflicted wounds, they took ... Every where were seen arms and corpses, mangled limbs, and the ground stained with blood."