LV. When the senate, as I have stated, had gone over to the opinion of Cato, the counsel, thinking it best not to wait till night, which was coming on, lest any new attempts should be made during the interval, ordered the triumvirs[274] to make such preparations as the execution of the conspirators required. He himself, having posted the necessary guards, conducted Lentulus to the prison; and the same office was performed for the rest by the praetors. There is a place in the prison, which is called the Tullian dungeon,[275] and which, after a slight ascent to the left, is sunk about twelve feet under ground. Walls secure it on every side, and over it is a vaulted roof connected with stone arches;[276] but its appearance is disgusting and horrible, by reason of the filth, darkness, and stench. When Lentulus had been let down into this place, certain men, to whom orders had been given,[277] strangled him with a cord. Thus this patrician, who was of the illustrious family of the Cornelii, and who filled the office of consul at Rome, met with an end suited to his character and conduct. On Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, and Coeparius, punishment was inflicted in a similar manner.

LVI. During these proceedings at Rome, Catiline, out of the entire force which he himself had brought with him, and that which Manlius had previously collected, formed two legions, filling up the cohorts as far as his number would allow;[278] and afterward, as any volunteers, or recruits from his confederates,[279] arrived in his camp, he distributed them equally throughout the cohorts, and thus filled up his legions, in a short time, with their regular number of men, though at first he had not more than two thousand. But, of his whole army, only about a fourth part had the proper weapons of soldiers; the rest, as chance had equipped them, carried darts, spears, or sharpened stakes.

As Antonius approached with his army, Catiline directed his march over the hills, encamping, at one time, in the direction of Rome, at another in that of Gaul. He gave the enemy no opportunity of fighting, yet hoped himself shortly to find one,[280] if his accomplices at Rome should succeed in their objects. Slaves, meanwhile, of whom vast numbers [281] had at first flocked to him, he continued to reject, not only as depending on the strength of the conspiracy, but as thinking it impolitic [282] to appear to share the cause of citizens with runagates.

LVII. When it was reported in his camp, however, that the conspiracy had been discovered at Rome, and that Lentulus, Cethegus, and the rest whom I have named, had been put to death, most of those whom the hope of plunder, or the love of change, had led to join in the war, fell away. The remainder Catiline conducted, over rugged mountains, and by forced marches, into the neighborhood of Pistoria, with a view to escape covertly, by cross roads, into Gaul.

But Quintus Metellus Celer, with a force of three legions, had at that time, his station in Picenum, who suspected that Catiline, from the difficulties of his position, would adopt precisely the course which we have just described. When, therefore, he had learned his route from some deserters, he immediately broke up his camp, and took his post at the very foot of the hills, at the point where Catiline's descent would be, in his hurried march into Gaul[283]. Nor was Antonius far distant, as he was pursuing, though with, a large army, yet through plainer ground, and with fewer hinderances, the enemy in retreat.[284]

Catiline, when he saw that he was surrounded by mountains and by hostile forces, that his schemes in the city had been unsuccessful, and that there was no hope either of escape or of succor, thinking it best, in such circumstances, to try the fortune of a battle, resolved upon engaging, as speedily as possible, with Antonius. Having, therefore, assembled his troops, he addressed them in the following manner:

LVIII. "I am well aware, soldiers, that words can not inspire courage; and that a spiritless army can not be rendered active,[285] or a timid army valiant, by the speech of its commander. Whatever courage is in the heart of a man, whether from nature or from habit, so much will be shown by him in the field; and on him whom neither glory nor danger can move, exhortation is bestowed in vain; for the terror in his breast stops his ears.

I have called you together, however, to give you a few instructions, and to explain to you, at the same time, my reasons for the course which I have adopted. You all know, soldiers, how severe a penalty the inactivity and cowardice of Lentulus has brought upon himself and us; and how, while waiting for reinforcements from the city, I was unable to march into Gaul.

In what situation our affairs now are, you all understand as well as myself. Two armies of the enemy, one on the side of Rome, and the other on that of Gaul, oppose our progress; while the want of corn, and of other necessaries, prevents us from remaining, however strongly we may desire to remain, in our present position. Whithersoever we would go, we must open a passage with our swords. I conjure you, therefore, to maintain a brave and resolute spirit; and to remember, when you advance to battle, that on your own right hands depend[286] riches, honor, and glory, with the enjoyment of your liberty and of your country. If we conquer, all will be safe; we shall have provisions in abundance; and the colonies and corporate towns will open their gates to us. But if we lose the victory through want of courage, these same places[287] will turn against us; for neither place nor friend will protect him whom his arms have not protected. Besides, soldiers, the same exigency does not press upon our adversaries, as presses upon us; we fight for our country, for our liberty, for our life; they contend for what but little concerns them,[288] the power of a small party. Attack them, therefore, with so much the greater confidence, and call to mind your achievements of old.

We might,[289] with the utmost ignominy, have passed the rest of our days in exile. Some of you, after losing your property, might have waited at Rome for assistance from others. But because such a life, to men of spirit, was disgusting and unendurable, you resolved upon your present course. If you wish to quit it, you must exert all your resolution, for none but conquerors have exchanged war for peace. To hope for safety in flight, when you have turned away from the enemy the arms by which the body is defended, is indeed madness. In battle, those who are most afraid are always in most danger; but courage is equivalent to a rampart. When I contemplate you, soldiers, and when I consider your past exploits, a strong hope of victory animates me. Your spirit, your age, your valor, give me confidence; to say nothing of necessity, which makes even cowards brave. To prevent the numbers of the enemy from surrounding us, our confined situation is sufficient. But should Fortune be unjust to your valor, take care not to lose your lives unavenged; take care not to be taken and butchered like cattle, rather than fighting like men, to leave to your enemies a bloody and mournful victory."

LIX. When he had thus spoken, he ordered, after a short delay, the signal for battle to be sounded, and led down his troops, in regular order, to the level ground. Having then sent away the horses of all the cavalry, in order to increase the men's courage by making their danger equal, he himself, on foot, drew up his troops suitably to their numbers and the nature of the ground. As a plain stretched between the mountains on the left, with a rugged rock on the right, he placed eight cohorts in front, and stationed the rest of his force, in close order, in the rear.[290] From among these he removed all the ablest centurions,[291] the veterans,[293] and the stoutest of the common soldiers that were regularly armed, into the foremost ranks.[293] He ordered Caius Manlius to take the command on the right, and a certain officer of Faesulae[294] on the left; while he himself, with his freedmen[295] and the colonists,[296] took his station by the eagle,[297] which Caius Marius was said to have had in his army in the Cimbrian war.

On the other side, Caius Antonius, who, being lame,[298] was unable to be present in the engagement, gave the command of the army to Marcus Petreius, his lieutenant-general. Petreius, ranged the cohorts of veterans, which he had raised to meet the present insurrection,[299] in front, and behind them the rest of his force in lines. Then, riding round among his troops, and addressing his men by name, he encouraged them, and bade them remember that they were to fight against unarmed marauders, in defense of their country, their children, their temples, and their homes.[300] Being a military man, and having served with great reputation, for more than thirty years, as tribune, praefect, lieutenant, or praetor, he knew most of the soldiers and their honorable actions, and, by calling these to their remembrance, roused the spirits of the men.

LX. When he had made a complete survey, he gave the signal with the trumpet, and ordered the cohorts to advance slowly. The army of the enemy followed his example; and when they approached so near that the action could be commenced by the light-armed troops, both sides, with a loud shout, rushed together in a furious charge.[301] They threw aside their missiles, and fought only with their swords. The veterans, calling to mind their deeds of old, engaged fiercely in the closest combat. The enemy made an obstinate resistance; and both sides contended with the utmost fury. Catiline, during this time, was exerting himself with his light troops in the front, sustaining such as were pressed, substituting fresh men for the wounded, attending to every exigency, charging in person, wounding many an enemy, and performing at once the duties of a valiant soldier and a skillful general.

When Petreius, contrary to his expectation, found Catiline attacking him with such impetuosity, he led his praetorian cohort against the centre of the enemy, among whom, being thus thrown into confusion, and offering but partial resistance,[302] he made great slaughter, and ordered, at the same time, an assault on both flanks. Manlius and the Faesulan, sword in hand, were among the first[303] that fell; and Catiline, when he saw his army routed, and himself left with but few supporters, remembering his birth and former dignity, rushed into the thickest of the enemy, where he was slain, fighting to the last.

LXI. When the battle was over, it was plainly seen what boldness, and what energy of spirit, had prevailed throughout the army of Catiline; for, almost every where, every soldier, after yielding up his breath, covered with his corpse the spot which he had occupied when alive. A few, indeed, whom the praetorian cohort had dispersed, had fallen somewhat differently, but all with wounds in front. Catiline himself was found, far in advance of his men, among the dead bodies of the enemy; he was not quite breathless, and still expressed in his countenance the fierceness of spirit which he had shown during his life. Of his whole army, neither in the battle, nor in flight, was any free-born citizen made prisoner, for they had spared their own lives no more than those of the enemy.

Nor did the army of the Roman people obtain a joyful or bloodless victory; for all their bravest men were either killed in the battle, or left the field severely wounded.

Of many who went from the camp to view the ground, or plunder the slain, some, in turning over the bodies of the enemy, discovered a friend, others an acquaintance, others a relative; some, too, recognized their enemies. Thus, gladness and sorrow, grief and joy, were variously felt throughout the whole army.



NOTES.

[1] I. Desire to excel other animals—Sese student praestare caeteris animalibus. The pronoun, which is usually omitted, is, says Cortius, not without its force; for it is equivalent to ut ipsi: student ut ipsi praestent. In support of his opinion he quotes, with other passages, Plaut. Asinar. i. 3, 31: Vult placere sese amicae, i.e. vult ut ipse amicae placeat; and Coelius Antipater apud Festum in "Topper," Ita uti sese quisque vobis studeat aemulari, i.e. studeat ut ipse aemuletur. This explanation is approved by Bernouf. Cortius might have added Cat. 7: sese quisque hostem ferire —properabat. "Student," Cortius interprets by "cupiunt."

[2] To the utmost of their power—Summa ope, with their utmost ability. "A Sallustian mode of expression. Cicero would have said summa opera, summo studio, summa contentione. Ennius has 'Summa nituntur opum vi.'" Colerus.

[3] In obscurity—Silentio. So as to have nothing said of them, either during their lives or at their death. So in c. 2: Eorum ego vitam mortemque juxta aestumo, quoniam de utraque siletur. When Ovid says, Bene qui latuit, bene vixit, and Horace, Nec vixit male, qui vivens moriensque fefellit, they merely signify that he has some comfort in life, who, in ignoble obscurity, escapes trouble and censure. But men thus undistinguished are, in the estimation of Sallust, little superior to the brute creation. "Optimus quisque," says Muretus, quoting Cicero, "honoris et gloriae studio maxime ducitur;" the ablest men are most actuated by the desire of honor and glory, and are more solicitous about the character which they will bear among posterity. With reason, therefore, does Pallas, in the Odyssey, address the following exhortation to Telemachus:

"Hast thou not heard how young Orestes, fir'd With great revenge, immortal praise acquir'd?

O greatly bless'd with ev'ry blooming grace, With equal steps the paths of glory trace! Join to that royal youth's your rival name, And shine eternal in the sphere of fame."

[4] Like the beasts of the field—Veluti pecora. Many translators have rendered pecora "brutes" or "beasts;" pecus, however, does not mean brutes in general, but answers to our English word cattle.

[5] Groveling—Prona. I have adopted groveling from Mair's old translation. Pronus, stooping to the earth, is applied to cattle, in opposition to erectus, which is applied to man; as in the following lines of Ovid, Met. i.:

"Prona que cum spectent animalia caetera terram, Os homini sublime dedit, coelumque tueri Jussit, et erectos ad sidera tollere vultus."

"—while the mute creation downward bend Their sight, and to their earthly mother tend, Man looks aloft, and with erected eyes Beholds his own hereditary skies." Dryden.

Which Milton (Par. L. vii. 502) has paraphrased:

"There wanted yet the master-work, the end Of all yet done; a creature, who not prone And 'brute as other creatures, but endued With sanctity of reason, might erect His stature, and upright with front serene Govern the rest, self-knowing, and from thence Magnanimous to correspond with heaven." "Nonne vides hominum ut celsos ad sidera vultus Sustulerit Deus, et sublimia fluxerit ora, Cum pecudes, voluerumque genus, formasque ferarum, Segnem atque obscoenam passim stravisset in alvum."

"See'st thou not how the Deity has rais'd The countenance of man erect to heav'n, Gazing sublime, while prone to earth he bent Th' inferior tribes, reptiles, and pasturing herds, And beasts of prey, to appetite enslav'd"

"When Nature," says Cicero, de Legg. i. 9, "had made other animals abject, and consigned them to the pastures, she made man alone upright, and raised him to the contemplation of heaven, as of his birthplace and former abode;" a passage which Dryden seems to have had in his mind when he translated the lines of Ovid cited above. Let us add Juvenal, xv, 146.

"Sensum a coelesti demissum traximus arce, Cujus egent prona et terram spectantia."

"To us is reason giv'n, of heav'nly birth, Denied to beasts, that prone regard the earth."

[6] All our power is situate in the mind and in the body—Sed omnis nostra vis in animo et corpore sita. All our power is placed, or consists, in our mind and our body. The particle sed, which is merely a connective, answering to the Greek de, and which would be useless in an English translation, I have omitted.

[7] Of the mind we—employ the government—Animi imperio—utimur. "What the Deity is in the universe, the mind is in man; what matter is to the universe, the body is to us; let the worse, therefore, serve the better."—Sen. Epist. lxv. Dux et imperator vitae mortalium animus est, the mind is the guide and ruler of the life of mortals. —Jug. c. 1. "An animal consists of mind and body, of which the one is formed by nature to rule, and the other to obey."—Aristot. Polit. i. 5. Muretus and Graswinckel will supply abundance of similar passages.

[8] Of the mind we rather employ the government; of the body, the service—Animi imperio, corporis servitio, magis utimur. The word magis is not to be regarded as useless. "It signifies," says Cortius, "that the mind rules, and the body obeys, in general, and with greater reason." At certain times the body may seem to have the mastery, as when we are under the irresistible influence of hunger or thirst.

[9] It appears to me, therefore, more reasonable, etc.—Quo mihi rectius videtur, etc. I have rendered quo by therefore. "Quo," observes Cortius, "is propter quod, with the proper force of the ablative case. So Jug. c. 84: Quo mihi acrius adnitendum est, etc; c. 2, Quo magis pravitas eorum admiranda est. Some expositors would force us to believe that these ablatives are inseparably connected with the comparative degree, as in quo minus, eo major, and similar expressions; whereas common sense shows that they can not be so connected." Kritzius is one of those who interprets in the way to which Cortius alludes, as if the drift of the passage were, Quanto magis animus corpori praestat, tanto rectius ingenii opibus gloriam quaerere. But most of the commentators and translators rightly follow Cortius. "Quo," says Pappaur, "is for quocirca."

[10] That of intellectual power is illustrious and immortal—Virtus clara aeternaque habetur. The only one of our English translators who has given the right sense of virtus In this passage, is Sir Henry Steuart, who was guided to it by the Abbe Thyvon and M. Beauzee. "It appears somewhat singular," says Sir Henry, "that none of the numerous translators of Sallust, whether among ourselves or among foreign nations—the Abbe Thyvon and M. Beauzee excepted—have thought of giving to the word virtus, in this place, what so obviously is the meaning intended by the historian; namely, 'genius, ability, distinguished talents.'" Indeed, the whole tenor of the passage, as well as the scope of the context, leaves no room to doubt the fact. The main objects of comparison, throughout the three first sections of this Proemium, or introductory discourse, are not vice and virtue, but body and mind; a listless indolence, and a vigorous, honorable activity. On this account it is pretty evident, that by virtus Sallust could never mean the [Greek aretae], 'virtue or moral worth,' but that he had in his eye the well-known interpretation of Varro, who considers it ut viri vis (De Ling. Lat. iv.), as denoting the useful energy which ennobles a man, and should chiefly distinguish him among his fellow-creatures. In order to be convinced of the justice of this rendering, we need only turn to another passage of our author, in the second section of the Proemium to the Jugurthine War, where the same train of thought is again pursued, although he gives it somewhat a different turn in the piece last mentioned. The object, notwithstanding, of both these dissertations is to illustrate, in a striking manner, the pre-eminence of the mind over extrinsic advantage, or bodily endowments, and to show that it is by genius alone that we may aspire to a reputation which shall never die. "Igitur praeclara facies, magnae divitiae, adhuc vis corporis, et alia hujusmondi omnia, brevi dilabuntur: at ingenii egregia facinora, sicut anima, immortalia sunt".

[11] It is necessary to plan before beginning to act—Priusquam incipias, consulto—opus est. Most translators have rendered consulto "deliberation," or something equivalent; but it is planning or contrivance that is signified. Demosthenes, in his Oration de Pace, reproaches the Athenians with acting without any settled plan: [Greek: Oi men gar alloi puntes anthropoi pro ton pragmatonheiothasi chraesthai to Bouleuesthai, umeis oude meta ta pragmata.]

[12] To act with promptitude and vigor—Mature facto opus est. "Mature facto" seems to include the notions both of promptitude and vigor, of force as well as speed; for what would be the use of acting expeditiously, unless expedition be attended with power and effect?

[13] Each—Utrumque. The corporeal and mental faculties.

[14] The one requires the assistance of the other—Alterum alterius auxilio eget. "Eget," says Cortius, "is the reading of all the MSS." Veget, which Havercamp and some others have adopted, was the conjecture of Palmerius, on account of indigens occurring in the same sentence. But eget agrees far better with consulto et—mature facto opus est, in the preceding sentence.

[15] II. Applied themselves in different ways—Diversi. "Modo et instituto diverso, diversa sequentes." Cortius.

[16] At that period, however—Et jam tum. "Tunc temporis praecise, at that time precisely, which is the force of the particle jam. as donatus shows. I have therefore written et jam separately. Virg. Aen. vii. 737. Late jam tum ditione premebat Sarrastes populos." Cortius.

[17] Without covetousness—Sine cupiditate_. "As in the famous golden age. See Tacit. Ann. iii. 28." _Cortius_. See also Ovid. Met. i. 80, _seq_. But "such times were never," as Cowper says.

[18] But after Cyrus in Asia, etc.—Postea vero quam in, Asia Cyrus, etc. Sallust writes as if he had supposed that kings were more moderate before the time of Cyrus. But this can hardly have been the case. "The Romans," says De Brosses, whose words I abridge, "though not learned in antiquity, could not have been ignorant that there were great conquerors before Cyrus; as Ninus and Sesostris. But as their reigns belonged rather to the fabulous ages, Sallust, in entering upon a serious history, wished to confine himself to what was certain, and went no further back than the records of Herodotus and Thucydides." Ninus, says Justin. i. 1, was the first to change, through inordinate ambition, the veterem et quasi avitum gentibus morem, that is, to break through the settled restraints of law and order. Gerlach agrees in opinion with De Brosses.

[19] Proof and experience—Periculo atque negotiis. Gronovius rightly interprets periculo "experiundo, experimentis," by experiment or trial. Cortius takes periculo atque negotiis for periculosis negotiis, by hendyadys; but to this figure, as Kritzius remarks, we ought but sparingly to have recourse. It is better, he adds, to take the words in their ordinary signification, understanding by negotia "res graviores." Bernouf judiciously explains negotiis by "ipsa negotiorum tractatione," i. e. by the management of affairs, or by experience in affairs. Dureau Delamalle, the French translator, has "l'experience et la pratique." Mair has "trial and experience." which, I believe, faithfully expresses Sallust's meaning. Rose gives only "experience" for both words.

[20] And, indeed, if the intellectual ability, etc.—Quod si—animi virtus, etc. "Quod si" can not here be rendered but if; it is rather equivalent to quapropter si, and might be expressed by wherefore if, if therefore, if then, so that if.

[21] Intellectual ability—Animi virtus. See the remarks on virtus, above noted.

[22] Magistrates—Imperatorum. "Understand all who govern states, whether in war or in peace." Bernouf. Sallust calls the consuls imperatores, c. 6.

[23] Governments shifted from hand to hand—aliud alio ferri. Evidently alluding to changes in government.

[24] Less to the more deserving—Ad optimum quemque a minus bono. "From the less good to the best."

[25] Even in agriculture, etc.—Quae homines arant, navigant, aedificant, virtuti omnia parent. Literally, what men plow, sail, etc. Sallust's meaning is, that agriculture, navigation, and architecture, though they may seem to be effected by mere bodily exertion, are as much the result of mental power as the highest of human pursuits.

[26] Like travelers in a strange country—Sicuti peregrinantes. "Vivere nesciunt; igitur in vita quasi hospites sunt:" they know not how to use life, and are therefore, as it were, strangers in it. Dietsch. "Peregrinantes, qui, qua transeunt, nullum sui vestigium relinquunt;" they are as travelers who do nothing to leave any trace of their course. Pappaur.

[27] Of these I hold the life and death in equal estimation—Eorum ego vitam mortemque juxta aestimo. I count them of the same value dead as alive, for they are honored in the one state as much as in the other. "Those who are devoted to the gratification of their appetites," as Sallust says, "let us regard as inferior animals, not as men; and some, indeed, not as living, but as dead animals." Seneca, Ep. lx.

[28] III. Not without merit—Haud absurdum. I have borrowed this expression from Rose, to whom Muretus furnished "sua laude non caret." "The word absurdus is often used by the Latins as an epithet for sounds disagreeable to the ear; but at length it came to be applied to any action unbecoming a rational being." Kunhardt.

[29] Deeds must be adequately represented, etc.—Facta dictis sunt exaequanda. Most translators have regarded these words as signifying that the subject must be equaled by the style. But it is not of mere style that Sallust is speaking. "He means that the matter must be so represented by the words, that honorable actions may not be too much praised, and that dishonorable actions may not be too much blamed; and that the reader may at once understand what was done and how it was done." Kunhardt.

[30] Every one hears with acquiescence, etc.—Quae sibi—aequo animo accipit, etc. This is taken from Thucydides, ii. 35. "For praises spoken of others are only endured so far as each one thinks that he is himself also capable of doing any of the things he hears; but that which exceeds their own capacity, men at once envy and disbelieve." Dale's Translation: Bohn's Classical Library.

[31] Regards as fictitious and incredible—Veluti ficta, pro falsis ducit. Ducit pro falsis, he considers as false or incredible, veluti ficta, as if invented.

[32] When a young man—Adolescentulus. "It is generally admitted that all were called adolescentes by the Romans, who were between the fifteenth or seventeenth year of their age and the fortieth. The diminutive is used in the same sense, but with a view to contrast more strongly the ardor and spirit of youth with the moderation, prudence, and experience of age. So Caesar is called adolescentulus, in c. 49, at a time when he was in his thirty-third year." Dietsch. And Cicero, referring to the time of his consulship, says, Defendi rempublicam adolescens, Philipp. ii. 46.

[33] To engage in political affairs—Ad rempublicam. "In the phrase of Cornelius Nepos, honoribus operam dedi, I sought to obtain some share in the management of the Republic. All public matters were comprehended under the term Respublica." Cortius.

[34] Integrity—Virtute. Cortius rightly explains this word as meaningjustice, equity, and all other virtues necessary in those who manage the affairs of a state. Observe that it is here opposed to avaritia, not, as some critics would have it, to largitio.

[35] Was ensnared and infected—Corrupta, tenebatur. As obsessus tenetur, Jug., c. 24.

[36] The same eagerness for honors, the same obloquy and jealousy, etc.—Honoris cupido eadem quae caeteros, fama atque invidia vexabat. I follow the interpretation of Cortius: "Me vexabat honoris cupido, et vexabat propterea etiam eadem, quae caeteros, fama atqua invidia." He adds, from a gloss in the Guelferbytan MS., that it is a zeugma. "Fama atque invidia," says Gronovius, "is [Greek: en dia duoin], for invidiosa et maligna fama." Bernouf, with Zanchius and others, read fama atque invidia in the ablative case; and the Bipont edition has eadem qua—fama, etc.; but the method of Cortius is, to me, by far the most straightforward and satisfactory. Sallust, observes De Brosses, in his note on this passage, wrote the account of Catiline's conspiracy shortly after his expulsion from the Senate, and wishes to make it appear that he suffered from calumny on the occasion; though he took no trouble, in the subsequent part of his life, to put such calumny to silence.

[37] IV. Servile occupations—agriculture or hunting—Agrum colendo, aut venando, servilibus officiis intentum. By calling agriculture and hunting servilia officia, Sallust intends, as is remarked by Graswinckelius, little more than was expressed in the saying of Julian the emperor, Turpe est sapienti, cum habeat animum, captare laudes ex corpore. "Ita ergo," adds the commentator, "agricultura et venatio servilio officia sunt, quum in solo consistant corporis usu, animum, vero nec meliorem nec prudentiorem reddant. Quia labor in se certe est illiberalis, ei praesertim cui facultas sit ad meliora." Symmachus (1 v. Ep. 66) and some others, whose remarks the reader may see in Havercamp, think that Sallust might have spoken of hunting and agriculture with more respect, and accuse him of not remembering, with sufficient veneration, the kings and princes that have amused themselves in hunting, and such illustrious plowmen as Curius and Cincinnatus. Sallust, however, is sufficiently defended from censure by the Abbe Thyvon, in a dissertation much longer than the subject deserves, and much longer than most readers are willing to peruse.

[38] Returning to those studies, etc.—A quo incepto studio me ambitio mala detinuerat, eodem regressus. "The study, namely, of writing history, to which he signifies that he was attached in c. 3." Cortius.

[39] In detached portions—Carptim. "Plin. Ep. viii., 47: Respondebis non posse perinde carptim, ut contexta placere: et vi. 22: Egit carptim et [Greek: kata kephulaia]," Dietsch.

[40] V. Of noble birth—Nobili genere natus. His three names were Lucius Sergius Catilina, he being of the family of the Sergii, for whose antiquity Virgil is responsible, Aen. v. 121: Sergestusque, domus tenet a quo Sergia nomen. And Juvenal says, Sat. viii. 321: Quid, Catilino, tuis natalibus atque Cethegi Inveniet quisquam sublimius? His great grandfather, L. Sergius Silus, had eminently distinguished himself by his services in the second Punic war. See Plin. Hist. Nat. vii. 29. "Catiline was born A.U.C. 647, A.C. 107." Dietsch. Ammianus Marcellinus (lib. xxv.) says that he was the last of the Sergii.

[41] Sedition—Discordia civilis.

[42] And in such scenes he had spent his early years—Ibique juventutem suam exercuit. "It is to be observed that the Roman writers often used an adverb, where we, of modern times, should express ourselves more specifically by using a noun." Dietsch on c. 3, ibique multa mihi advorsa fuere. Juventus properly signified the time between thirty and forty-five years of age; adolescentia that between fifteen and thirty. But this distinction was not always accurately observed. Catiline had taken an active part in supporting Sylla, and in carrying into execution his cruel proscriptions and mandates. "Quis erat hujus (Syllae) imperii minister? Quis nisi Catilina jam in omne facinus manus exercens?" Sen. de Ira, iii. 18.

[43] Capable of pretending or dissembling whatever he wished —Cujuslibet, rei simulator ac dissimulator. "Dissimulation is the negative, when a man lets fall signs and arguments, that he is not that he is; simulation is the affirmative, when a man industriously and expressly feigns and pretends to be that he is not." Bacon, Essay vi.

[44] Abundance of eloquence—Satis eloquentiae. Cortius reads loquentiae "Loquentia is a certain facility of speech not necessarily attended with sound sense; called by the Greeks [Greek: lalia]." Bernouf. "Julius Candidus used excellently to observe that eloquentia was one thing, and loquentia another; for eloquence is given to few, but what Candidus called loquentia, or fluency of speech, is the talent of many, and especially of the most impudent." Plin. Ep. v. 20. But eloquentiae is the reading of most of the MSS., and loquentiae, if Aulus Gellius (i. 15) was rightly informed, was a correction of Valerius Probus, the grammarian, who said that Sallust must have written so, as eloquentiae could not agree with sapientiae parum. This opinion of Probus, the grammarian, who said that Sallust must have written so, as eloquentiae could not agree with sapientiae parum. This opinion of Probus, however, may be questioned. May not Sallust have written eloquentiae, with the intention of signifying that Catiline had abundance of eloquence to work on the minds of others, though he wanted prudence to regulate his own conduct? Have there not been other men of whom the same may be said, as Mirabeau, for example? The speeches that Sallust puts into Catiline's mouth (c. 20, 58) are surely to be characterized rather as eloquentia, than loquentia. On the whole, and especially from the concurrence of MSS., I prefer to read eloquentiae, with the more recent editors, Gerlach, Kritz and Dietsch.

[45] Since the time of Sylla's dictatorship—Post dominationem Lucii Syllae. "The meaning is not the same as if it were finita dominatione but is the same as ab eo tempore quo dominari caeperat. In French, therefore, post should be rendered by depuis, not, as it is commonly translated, apres." Bernouf. As dictator was the title that Sylla assumed, I have translated dominatio, "dictatorship". Rose, Gordon, and others, render it "usurpation".

[46] Power—Regnum. Chief authority, rule, dominion.

[47] Rendered thoroughly depraved—Vexabant. "Corrumpere et pessundare studebant." Bernouf. Quos vexabant, be it observed, refers to mores, as Gerlach and Kritz interpret, not to cives understood in civitatis, which is the evidently erroneous method of Cortius.

[48] Conduct of our ancestors—Instituta majorum. The principles adopted by our ancestors, with regard both to their own conduct, and to the management of the state. That this is the meaning, is evident from the following account.

[49] VI. As I understand—Sicuti ego accepi. "By these words he plainly shows that nothing certain was known about the origin of Rome. The reader may consult Livy, lib. i.; Justin, lib. xliii.; and Dionys. Halicar., lib.i.; all of whom attribute its rise to the Trojans." Bernouf.

[50] Aborigines—Aborigines. The original inhabitants of Italy; the same as indigenae, or the [Greek: Autochthones].

[51]: Almost incredible—Incredibile memoratu. "Non credi potest, si memoratur; superat omnem fidem." Pappaur. Yet that which actually happened, can not be absolutely incredible; and I have, therefore, inserted almost.

[52] Prepared with alacrity for there defense—Festinare, parare. "Made haste, prepared." "Intenti ut festinanter pararent ea, quae defensioni aut bello usui essent." Pappaur.

[53] Procured friendships rather by bestowing, etc;—Magisque dandis, quam accipiundis beneficiis amicitias parabant. Thucyd. ii., 40: [Greek: Ou paschontes eu, alla drontes, ktometha tous philous]

[54] FATHERS—PATRES. "(Romulus) appointed that the direction of the state should be in the hands of the old men, who, from their authority, were called Fathers; from their age, Senatus." Florus, i. 1. Senatus from senex. "Patres ab honore—appellati." Livy.

[55] Two magistrates—Binos imperatores. The two consuls. They were more properly called imperatores at first, when the law, which settled their power, said "Regio imperio duo sunto" (Cic. de Legg. iii. 4), than afterward, when the people and tribunes had made encroachments on their authority.

[56] VII. Almost incredible—Incredibile memoratu. See above, c. 6.

[57] Able to bear the toils of war—Laboris ac belli patiens. As by laboris the labor of war is evidently intended, I have thought it better to render the words in this manner. The reading is Cortius'. Havercamp and others have "simul ac belli patiens erat, in castris per laborem usu militiam discebat;" but per laborem usu is assuredly not the hand of Sallust.

[58] Honor and true nobility—Bonam famam magnamque nobilitatem.

[59] VIII. Very great and glorious—Satis amplae magnificaeque. In speaking of this amplification of the Athenian exploits, he alludes, as Colerus observes, to the histories of Thucydides, Xenophen, and perhaps Herodotus; not, as Wasse seems to imagine, to the representations of the poets.

[60] There was never any such abundance of writers—Nunquam ea copia fuit. I follow Kuhnhardt, who thinks copia equivalent to multitudo. Others render it advantage, or something similar; which seems less applicable to the passage. Compare c.28: Latrones—quorum—magna copia erat.

[61] Chose to act rather than narrate—"For," as Cicero says, "neither among those who are engaged in establishing a state, nor among those carrying on wars, nor among those who are curbed and restrained under the rule of kings, is the desire of distinction in eloquence wont to arise." Graswinckelius.

[62] IX. Pressed by the enemy—_Pulsi_. In the words _pulsi loco cedere ausi erant_, _loco_ is to be joined, as Dietsch observes, with cedere_, not, as Kritzius puts it, with _pulsi_. "To retreat," adds Dietsch, "is disgraceful only to those _qui ab hostibus se pelli patiantur_, who suffer themselves to be _repulsed by the enemy_."

[63] X. When mighty princes had been vanquished in war—Perses, Antiochus, Mithridates, Tigranes, and others.

[64] To keep one thing concealed in the breast, and another ready on the tongue—_Aliud clausum in pectore, aliud in lingua promptum,

[Greek: Echthros gar moi keinos homos Aidao pulaesin. Os ch' eteron men keuthei eni phresin, allo de Bazei.]

Who dares think one thing, and another tell, My heart detests him as the gates of hell. Pope.

[65] XI. At first, however, it was ambition, rather than avarice, etc.—Sed primo magis ambitio quam avaritia animos hominum exercebat. Sallust has been accused of having made, in this passage, an assertion at variance with what he had said before (c.10), Igitur primo pecuniae, deinde imperii cupido, crevit, and it will be hard to prove that the accusation is not just. Sir H. Steuart, indeed, endeavors to reconcile the passages by giving them the following "meaning", which, he says, "seems perfectly evident": "Although avarice was the first to make its appearance at Rome, yet, after both had had existence, it was ambition that, of the two vices, laid the stronger hold on the minds of men, and more speedily grew to an inordinate height". To me, however, it "seems perfectly evident" that the Latin can be made to yield no such "meaning". "How these passages agree," says Rupertus, "I do not understand: unless we suppose that Sallust, by the word primo, does not always signify order".

[66] Enervates whatever is manly in body or mind—Corpus virilemque animum effaeminat. That avarice weakens the mind, is generally admitted. But how does it weaken the body? The most satisfactory answer to this question is, in the opinion of Aulus Gellius (iii. 1), that those who are intent on getting riches devote themselves to sedentary pursuits, as those of usurers and money-changers, neglecting all such exercises and employments as strengthen the body. There is, however, another explanation by Valerius Probus, given in the same chapter of Aulus Gellius, which perhaps is the true one; namely, that Sallust, by body and mind, intended merely to signify the whole man.

[67] Having recovered the government—Recepta republica. Having wrested it from the hands of Marius and his party.

[68] All became robbers and plunderers—Rapere omnes, trahere. He means that there was a general indulgence in plunder among Sylla's party, and among all who, in whatever character, could profit by supporting it. Thus he says immediately afterward, "neque modum neque modestiam victores habere."

[69] which he had commanded in Asia—Quem in Asia dustaverat. I have here deserted Cortius, who gives in Asiam, "into Asia," but this, as Bernouf justly observes, is incompatible with the frequentative verb ductaverat.

[70] in public edifices and private dwellings—Privatim ac publice. I have translated this according to the notion of Burnouf. Others, as Dietsch and Pappaur, consider privatim as signifying each on his own account, and publice, in the name of the Republic.

[71] XII. A life of innocence was regarded as a life of ill-nature —Innocentia pro malivolentia duci caepit. "Whoever continued honest and upright, was considered by the unprincipled around him as their enemy; for a good man among the bad can never be regarded as of their party." Bernouf.

[72] It furnishes much matter for reflection—Operae pretium est.

[73] Basest of mankind—Ignavissumi mortales. It is opposed to fortissumi viri, which follows, "Qui nec fortiter nec bene quidquam fecere." Cortius.

[74] XIII. Seas covered with edifices—Maria constructa esse.

Contracta pisces aequora sentiunt, Jactis in altum molibus, etc. Hor. Od., iii. 1.

—The haughty lord, who lays His deep foundations in the seas, And scorns earth's narrow bound; The fish affrighted feel their waves Contracted by his numerous slaves, Even in the vast profound. Francis.

[75] To have made a sport of their wealth—Quibus mihi videntur ledibrio fuisse divitiae. "They spent their riches on objects which, in the judgment of men of sense, are ridiculous and contemptible." Cortius.

[76] Luxury—_Cultus_. "Deliciarum in victu_, luxuries of the table; for we must be careful not to suppose that apparel is meant." _Cortius_.

[77] Cold—Frigus. It is mentioned by Cortius that this word is wanting in one MS.; and the English reader may possibly wish that it were away altogether. Cortius refers it to cool places built of stone, sometimes underground, to which the luxurious retired in the hot weather; and he cites Pliny, Ep., v. 6, who speaks of crytoporticus, a gallery from which the sun was excluded, almost as if it were underground, and which, even in summer was cold nearly to freezing. He also refers to Ambros., Epist. xii., and Casaubon. Ad Spartian. Adrian., c. x., p. 87.

[78] XIV. Gaming—Manu. Gerlach, Dietsch, Kritzius, and all the recent editors, agree to interpret manu by gaming.

[79] Assassins—Parricidae. "Not only he who had killed his father was called a parricide, but he who had killed any man; as is evident from a law of Numa Pompilius: If any one unlawfully and knowingly bring a free man to death, let him be a parricide." Festus sub voce Parrici.

[80] Than from any evidence of the fact—Quam quod cuiquam id compertum foret.

[81] XV. With a virgin of noble birth—Cum virgine nobili. Who this was is not known. The name may have been suppressed from respect to her family. If what is found in a fragment of Cicero be true, Catiline had an illicit connection with some female, and afterward married the daughter who was the fruit of the connection: Ex eodem stupro et uxorem et filiam invenisti; Orat. in Tog. Cand. (Oration xvi., Ernesti's edit.) On which words Asconius Pedianus makes this comment: "Dicitur Catilinam adulterium commisisse cum ea quae ci postea socrus fuit, et ex eo stupro duxisse uxorem, cum filia ejus esset. Haec Lucceius quoque Catilinae objecit in orationibus, quas in eum scripsit. Nomina harum mulierum nondum inveni." Plutarch, too (Life of Cicero, c. 10), says that Catiline was accused of having corrupted his own daughter.

[82] With a priestess of Vesta—Cum sacerdote Vestae. This priestess of Vesta was Fabia Terentia, sister to Terentia, Cicero's wife, whom Sallust, after she was divorced by Cicero, married. Clodius accused her, but she was acquitted, either because she was thought innocent, or because the interest of Catulus and others, who exerted themselves in her favor, procured her acquittal. See Orosius, vi. 3; the Oration of Cicero, quoted in the preceding note; and Asconius's commentary on it.

[83] Aurelia Orestilla—See c. 35. She was the sister or daughter, as De Brosses thinks, of Cneius Aurelius Orestis, who had been praetor, A.U.C. 677.

[84] A grown-up step-son—Privignum adulta aetate. A son of Catiline's by a former marriage.

[85] Desolate his tortured spirit—Mentem exciteam vastabat. "Conscience desolates the mind, when it deprives it of its proper power and tranquillity, and introduces into it perpetual disquietude." Cortius. Many editions have vexabat.

[86] XVI. He furnished false witnesses, etc. Testis signatoresque falsos commodare. "If any one wanted any such character, Catiline was ready to supply him from among his troop."Bernouf.

[87] Inoffensive persons, etc.—Insontes, sicuti sontes. Most translators have rendered these words "innocent" and "guilty," terms which suggest nothing satisfactory to the English reader. The insontes are those who had given Catiline no cause of offens; the sontes those who had in some way incurred his displeasure, or become objects of his rapacity.

[88] Veterans of Sylla, etc.—Elsewhere called the colonists of Sylla; men to whom Sylla had given large tracts of land as rewards for their services, but who, having lived extravagantly, had fallen into such debt and distress, that, as Cicero said, nothing could relieve them but the resurrection of Sylla from the dead. Cic. ii. Orat. in Cat.

[89] Pompey was fighting in a distant part of the world—In extremis terris. Pompey was then conducting the war against Mithridates and Tigranes, in Pontus and Armenia.

[90] The senate was wholly off its guard—Senatus nihil sane intentus. The senate was regardless, and unsuspicious of any danger.

[91] XVII. Lucius Caesar—He was a relation of Julius Caesar; and his sister was the wife of M. Antonius, the orator, and mother of Mark Antony, the triumvir.

[92] Publius Lentulus Sura—He was of the same family with Sylla, that of the Cornelii. He had filled the office of consul, but his conduct had been afterward so profligate, that the censors expelled him from the senate. To enable him to resume his seat, he had obtained, as a qualification, the office of praetor, which he held at the time of the conspiracy. He was called Sura, because, when he had squandered the public money in his quaestorship, and was called to account by Sylla for his dishonesty, he declined to make any defense, but said, "I present you the calf of my leg (sura);" alluding to a custom among boys playing at ball, of inflicting a certain number of strokes on the leg of an unsuccessful player. Plutarch, Life of Cicero, c.17.

[93] Publius Autronius—He had been a companion of Cicero in his boyhood, and his colleague in the quaestorship. He was banished in the year after the conspiracy, together with Cassius, Laeca, Vargunteius, Servius Sylla, and Caius Cornelius, under the Plautian law. De Brosses.

[94] Lucius Cassius Longinus.—He had been a competitor with Cicero for the consulship. Ascon. Ped., in Cic. Orat. in Tog. Cand. His corpulence was such that Cassius's fat (Cassii adeps) became proverbial. Cic. Orat. in Catil., iii. 7.

[95] Caius Cethegus—He also was one of the Cornelian family. In the civil wars, says De Brosses, he had first taken the side of Marius, and afterward that of Sylla. Both Cicero (Orat. in Catil., ii.7) and Sallust describe him as fiery and rash.

[96] Publius and Servius Sylla—These were nephews of Sylla the dictator. Publius, though present on this occasion, seems not to have joined in the plot, since, when he was afterward accused of having been a conspirator, he was defended by Cicero and acquitted. See Cic. Orat. pro P. Sylla. He was afterward with Caesar in the battle of Pharsalia. Caes. de B.C., iii. 89.

[97] Lucius Vargunteius—"Of him or his family little is known. He had been, before this period, accused of bribery, and defended by Hortensius. Cic. pro P. Sylla, c. 2." Bernouf.

[98] Quintus Annius—He is thought by De Brosses to have been the same Annius that cut off the head of M. Antonius the orator, and carried it to Marius. Plutarch, Vit. Marii, c. 44.

[99] Marcus Porcius Laeca—He was one of the same gens with the Catones, but of a different family.

[100] Lucius Bestia—Of the Calpurnian gens. He escaped death on the discovery of the conspiracy, and was afterward aedile, and candidate for the praetorship, but was driven into exile for bribery. Being recalled by Caesar, he became candidate for the consulship, but was unsuccessful. De Brosses.

[101] Quintus Curius—He was a descendant of M. Curius Dentatus, the opponent of Pyrrhus. He was so notorious as a gamester and a profligate, that he was removed from the senate, A.U.C. 683. See c. 23. As he had been the first to give information of the conspiracy to Cicero, public honors were decreed him, but he was deprived of them by the influence of Caesar, whom he had named as one of the conspirators. Sueton. Caes. 17; Appian. De Bell. Civ., lib. ii.

[102] M. Fulvius Nobilior—"He was not put to death, but exiled, A.U.C. 699. Cic. ad Att. iv., 16." Bernouf.

[103] Lucius Statilius—of him nothing more is known than is told by Sallust.

[104] Publius Gabinius Capito—Cicero, instead of Capito, calls him Cimber. Orat. in Cat., iii. 3. The family was originally from Gabii.

[105] Caius Cornelius—There were two branches of the gens Cornelia, one patrician, the other plebeian, from which sprung this conspirator.

[106] Municipal towns—Municipiis. "The municipia were towns of which the inhabitants were admitted to the rights of Roman citizens, but which were allowed to govern themselves by their own laws, and to choose their own magistrates. See Aul. Gell, xvi. 13; Beaufort, Rep. Rom., vol. v." Bernouf.

[107] Marcus Licinius Crassus—The same who, with Pompey and Caesar, formed the first triumvirate, and who was afterward killed in his expedition against the Parthians. He had, before the time of the conspiracy, held the offices of praetor and consul.

[108] XVIII. But previously, etc.—Sallust here makes a digression, to give an account of a conspiracy that was formed three years before that of Catiline.

[109] Publius Autronius and Publius Sylla—The same who are mentioned in the preceding chapter. They were consuls elect, and some editions have the words designati consules, immediately following their names.

[110] Having been tried for bribery under the laws against it —Legibus ambitus interrogati. Bribery at their election, is the meaning of the word ambitus, for ambire, as Cortius observes, is circumeundo favorem et suffragia quaerere. De Brosses translates the passage thus: "Autrone et Sylla, convaincus d'avoir obtenu le consulat par corruption des suffrages, avaient ete punis selon la rigueur de la loi". There were several very severe Roman laws against bribery. Autronius and Sylla were both excluded from the consulship.

[111] For extortion—Pecuniarum repetundarum. Catiline had been praetor in Africa, and, at the expiration of his office, was accused of extortion by Publius Clodius, on the part of the Africans. He escaped by bribing the prosecutor and judges.

[112] To declare himself a candidate within the legitimate number of days—Prohibitus erat consulatum petere, quod intra legitimos dies profiteri (se candidatum, says Cortius, citing Suet. Aug. 4) nequiverit. A person could not be a candidate for the consulship, unless he could declare himself free from accusation within a certain number of days before the time of holding the comitia centuriata. That number of days was trinundinum spatium, that is, the time occupied by three market-days, tres nundinae, with seven days intervening between the first and second, and between the second and third; or seventeen days. The nundinae (from novem and dies) were held, as it is commonly expressed, every ninth day; whence Cortius and others considered trinundinum spatium to be twenty-seven, or even thirty days; but this way of reckoning was not that of the Romans, who made the last day of the first ennead to be also the first day of the second. Concerning the nundinae see Macrob., Sat. i. 16. "Muller and Longius most erroneously supposed the trinundinum to be about thirty days; for that it embraced only seventeen days has been fully shown by Ernesti. Clav. Cic., sub voce; by Scheller in Lex. Ampl., p. 11, 669; by Nitschius Antiquitt. Romm. i. p. 623: and by Drachenborch (cited by Gerlach) ad Liv. iii. 35." Kritzius.

[113] Cneius Piso—Of the Calpurnian gens. Suetonius (Vit. Caes., c. 9) mentions three authors who related that Crassus and Caesar were both concerned in this plot; and that, if it had succeeded, Crassus was to have assumed the dictatorship, and made Caesar his master of the horse. The conspiracy, as these writers state, failed through the remorse or irresolution of Crassus.

[114] Catiline and Autronius—After these two names, in Havercamp's and many other editions, follow the words circiter nonas Decembres, i.e., about the fifth of December.

[115] On the first of January—Kalendis Januariis. On this day the consuls were accustomed to enter on their office. The consuls whom they were going to kill, Cotta and Torquatus, were those who had been chosen in the place of Antronius and Sylla.

[116] The two Spains—Hither and Thither Spain. Hispania Citerior and Ulterior, as they were called by the Romans.

[117] XIX. Nor were the senate, indeed, unwilling, etc.—See Dio Cass. xxxvi. 27.

[118] XX. Just above mentioned—In c. 17.

[119] Favorable opportunity—Opportuna res. See the latter part of c. 16.

[120] Assert our claims to liberty—Nosmet ipsi vindicamus in libertatem.Unless we vindicate ourselves into liberty. See below, "En illa, illa, quam saepe optastis, libertas," etc.

[121] Kings and princes—Reges tetrarchae. Tetrarchs were properly those who had the government of the fourth part of the country; but at length, the signification of the word being extended, it was applied to any governors of any country who were possessed of supreme authority, and yet were not acknowledged as kings by the Romans. See Hirt. Bell. Alex. c. 67: "Deiotarus, at that time tetrarch of almost all Gallograecia, a supremacy which the other tetrarchs would not allow to be granted him either by the laws or by custom, but indisputably acknowledged as king of Armenia Minor by the senate," etc. Dietsch. "Hesychius has, [Greek: Tetrarchas, basileis]. See Isidor., ix. 8; Alex. ab. Alex., ii. 17." Colerus. "Cicero, Phil. II., speaks of Reges Tetrarchas Dynastasque. And Lucan has (vii. 46) Tetrarchae regesque tenent, magnique tyranni." Wasse. Horace also says,

—Modo reges atque tetrarchas, Omnia magna loquens.

I have, with Rose, rendered the word princes, as being the most eligible term.

[122] Insults—Repulsas. Repulses in standing for office.

[123] The course of events, etc.—Caetera res expediet.—"Of. Cic. Ep. Div. xiii. 26: explicare et expedire negotia." Gerlach.

[124] Building over seas—See c. 13.

[125] Embossed plate—Toreumata. The same as vasa coelata, sculptured vases, c. 11. Vessels ornamented in bas-relief; from [Greek: toreuein], sculpere; see Bentley ad Hor. A. P., 441. "Perbona toreumata, in his pecula duo," etc. Cic. in Verr. iv. 18.

[126] XXI. What support or encouragement they had, and in what quarters.—Quid ubique opis aut spei haberent; i.e. quid opis aut So c. 27, init. Quem ubique opportunum credebat, i.e., says Cortius, "quem, et ubi illum, opportunum credebat".

[127] Abolition of their debts—Tabulas novas. Debts were registered on tablets; and, when the debts were paid, the score was effaced, and the tablets were ready to be used as new. See Ernesti's Clav. in Cio.sub voce.

[128] Proscription of the wealthy citizens—Proscriptionem locupletium. The practice of proscription was commenced by Sylla, who posted up, in public places of the city, the names of those whom he doomed to death, offering rewards to such as should bring him their heads. Their money and estates he divided among his adherents, and Catiline excited his adherents with hopes of similar plunder.

[129] Another of his ruling passion—Admonebat—alium cupiditatis suae. Rose renders this passage, "Some he put in mind of their poverty, others of their amours." De Brosses renders it, "Il remontre a l'un sa pauvrete, a l'autre son ambition." Ruling passion, however, seems to be the proper sense of cupiditatis; as it is said, in c. 14, "As the passions of each, according to his years, appeared excited, he furnished mistresses to some, bought horses and dogs for others", etc.

[130] XXII. They asserted—Dictitare. In referring this word to the circulators of the report, I follow Cortius, Gerlach, Kritzius, and Bernouf. Wasse, with less discrimination, refers it to Catiline. This story of the drinking of human blood is copied by Florus, iv 1, and by Plutarch in his Life of Cicero. Dio Cassius (lib. xxxvii.) says that the conspirators were reported to have killed a child on the occasion.

[131] XXIII. Quintus Curius—the same that is mentioned in c. 17.

[132] To promise her seas and mountains—Maria montesque polliceri. A proverbial expression. Ter. Phorm., i. 2, 18: Modo non montes auri pollicens. Perc., iii. 65: Et quid opus Cratero magnos promittere emontes.

[133] With greater arrogance than ever—Ferocius quam solitus erat.

[134] To Marcus Tullius Cicero—Cicero was now in his forty-third year, and had filled the office of quaestor, aedile, and praetor.

[135] A man of no family—Novus homo. A term applied to such as could not boast of any ancestor that had held any curule magistracy, that is, had been consul, praetor, censor, or chief aedile.

[136] XXIV. Manlius—He had been an officer in the army of Sylla, and, having been distinguished for his services, had been placed at the head of a colony of veterans settled about Faesulae: but he had squandered his property in extravagance. See Plutarch, Vit. Cic., Dio Cassius, and Appian.

[137] Faesulae—A town of Etruria, at the foot of the Appennines,

At evening from the top of Fesole, Or in Valdarno to descry new lands, etc. Par. L. i. 28.

[138] XXV. Sempronia—Of the same gens as the two Gracchi. She was the wife of Decimus Brutus.

[139] Sing, play, and dance—Psallere, saltare. As psallo signifies both to play on a musical instrument, and to sing to it while playing, I have thought it necessary to give both senses in the translation.

[140] By no means despicable—Haud absurdum. Compare, Bene dicere haud absurdum est, c. 8.

[141] She was distinguished, etc.—Multae facetiae, multusque lepos inerat. Both facetiae and lepos mean "agreeableness, humor, pleasantry," but lepos here seems to refer to diction, as in Cic. Orat. i. 7: Magnus in jocando lepos.

[142] XXVI. By an arrangement respecting their provinces—Pactione provinciae. This passage has been absurdly misrepresented by most translators, except De Brosses. Even Rose, who was a scholar, translated pactione provinciae, "by promising a province to his colleague." Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that the two provinces, which Cicero and his colleague Antonius shared between them, were Gaul and Macedonia, and that Cicero, in order to retain Antonius in the interest of the senate, exchanged with him Macedonia, which had fallen to himself, for the inferior province of Gaul. See Jug., c. 27.

[143] Plots which he had laid for the consuls in the Campus Martius —Insidiae quas consuli in campo fecerat. I have here departed from the text of Cortius, who reads consulibus, thinking that Catiline, in his rage, might have extended his plots even to the consuls-elect. But consuli, there is little doubt, is the right reading, as it is favored by what is said at the beginning of the chapter, insidias parabat Ciceroni, by what follows in the next chapter, consuli insidias tendere, and by the words, sperans, si designatus foret, facile se ex voluntate Antonio usurum; for if Catiline trusted that he should be able to use his pleasure with Antonius, he could hardly think it necessary to form plots against his life. I have De Brosses on my side, who translates the phrase, les pieges ou il comptait faire perir le consul. The words in campo, which look extremely like an intruded gloss, I wonder that Cortius should have retained. "Consuli," says Gerlach, "appears the more eligible, not only on account of consuli insidias tendere, c. 27, but because nothing but the death of Cicero was necessary to make everything favorable for Catiline." Kritzius, Bernouf, Dietsch, Pappaur, Allen, and all the modern editors, read Consuli. See also the end of c. 27: Si prius Ciceronem oppressisset.] [note 144: Had ended in confusion and disgrace—Aspera faedaque evenerant. I have borrowed from Murphy.

[145] XXVII. Of Camerinum—Camertem. "That is, a native of Camerinum, a town on the confines of Umbria and Picenum. Hence the noun Camers, as Cic. Pro. Syll., c. 19, in agro Camerti." Cortius.

[146] Wherever he thought each would be most serviceable—_Ubi quemque opportunum credebat. "Proprie reddas: quam, _et ubi_ illum, _opportunum credebat_," Cortius. See c. 23.

[147] When none of his numerous projects succeeded—Ubi multa agilanti nihil procedit.

[148] XXVIII. On that very night, and with but little delay—Ea nocte, paulo post. They resolved on going soon after the meeting broke up, so that they might reach Cicero's house early in the morning, which was the usual time for waiting on great men. Ingentem foribus domus alla superbis Mane salutantum totis vomit aedibus undam. Virg. Georg., ii. 461.

[149] XXIX. This is the greatest power which—is granted, etc. —Ea potestas per senatum, more Romano, magistratui maxima permittitur. Cortius, mira judicii peversitate, as Kritzius observes, makes ea the ablative case, understanding "decretione," "formula," or some such word; but, happily, no one has followed him.

[150] XXX. By the 27th of October—Ante diem VI. Kalendas Novembres. He means that they were in arms on or before that day.

[151] Quintus Marcius Rex—He had been proconsul in Cilicia, and was expecting a triumph for his successes.

[152] Quintus Metellus Creticus—He had obtained the surname of Creticus from having reduced the island of Crete.

[153] Both which officers, with the title of commanders, etc. —hi utrique ad urbem imperatores erant; impediti ne triumpharent calumnia paucorum quibus omnia honesta atque inhonesta vendere mos erat. "Imperator" was a title given by the army, and confirmed by the senate, to a victorious general, who had slain a certain number of the enemy. What the number was is not known. The general bore this title as an addition to his name, until he obtained (if it were granted him) a triumph, for which he was obliged to wait ad urbem, near the city, since he was not allowed to enter the gates as long as he held any military command. These imperatores had been debarred from their expected honor by a party who would sell any thing honorable, as a triumph, or any thing dishonorable, as a license to violate the laws.

[154] A hundred sestertia—two hundred sestertia—A hundred sestertia were about 807L. 5s. 10d. of our money.

[155] Schools of gladiators—Gladiatoriae familiae. Any number of gladiators under one teacher, or trainer (lanista), was called familia. They were to be distributed in different parts, and to be strictly watched, that they might not run off to join Catiline. See Graswinckelius, Rupertus, and Gerlach.

[156] The inferior magistrates—The aediles, tribunes, quaestors, and all others below the consuls, censors, and praetors. Aul. Cell., xiii. 15.

[157] XXXI. Dissipation—Lascivia. "Devotion to public amusements and gayety. The word is used in the same sense as in Lucretius, v.

Tum caput atque humeros planis redimire coronis. Floribus et foliis, lascivia laeta monebat.

"Then sportive gayety prompted them to deck their heads and shoulders with garlands of flowers and leaves." Bernouf.

[158] Long tranquillity—Diuturna quies. "Since the victory of Sylla to the time of which Sallust is speaking, that is, for about twenty years, there had been a complete cessation from civil discord and disturbance" Bernouf.

[159] The Plautian law—Lege Plautia. "This law was that of M. Plautius Silanus, a tribune of the people, which was directed against such as excited a sedition in the state, or formed plots against the life of any individual." Cyprianus Popma. See Dr. Smith's Dict. of Gr. and Rom. Antiquities, sub Vis.

[160] Which he afterward wrote and published—Quam postea scriptam edidit. This was the first of Cicero's four Orations against Catiline. The epithet applied to it by Sallust, which I have rendered "splendid," is luculentam; that is, says Gerlach, "luminibus verborum et sententiarum ornatam," distinguished by much brilliancy of words and thoughts. And so say Kritzius, Bernouf, and Dietsch. Cortius, who is followed by Dahl, Langius, and Muller, makes the word equivalent merely to lucid, in the supposition that Sallust intended to bestow on the speech, as on other performances of Cicero, only very cool praise. Luculentus, however, seems certainly to mean something more than lucidus.

[161] A mere adopted citizen of Rome—Inquilinus civis urbis Romae. "Inquilinus" means properly a lodger, or tenant in the house of another. Cicero was born at Arpinum, and is therefore called by Catiline a citizen of Rome merely by adoption or by sufferance. Appian, in repeating this account (Bell. Civ., ii. 104), says, [Greek: Ingkouilinon, phi raemati kalousi tous enoikountas en allotriais oikiais.]

[162] Traitor—Parricidam. See c. 14. "An oppressor or betrayer of his country is justly called a parricide; for our country is the common parent of all. Cic. ad Attic." Wasse.

[163] Since I am encompassed, by enemies, he exclaimed, etc.—"It was not on this day, nor indeed to Cicero, that this answer was made by Catiline. It was a reply to Cato, uttered a few days before the comitia for electing consuls, which were held on the 22d day of October. See Cic. pro Muraeno, c. 25. Cicero's speech was delivered on the 8th of November. Sallust is, therefore, in error on this point, as well as Florus and Valerius Maximus, who have followed him." Bernouf. From other accounts we may infer that no reply was made to Cicero by Catiline on this occasion. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that Catiline, before Cicero rose, seemed desirous to address the senate in defense of his proceedings, but that the senators refused to listen to him. Of any answer to Cicero's speech, on the part of Catiline, he makes no mention. Cicero himself, in his second Oration against Catiline, says that Catiline could not endure his voice, but, when he was ordered to go into exile, "paruit, quievit," obeyed and submitted in silence. And in his Oration, c. 37, he says, "That most audacious of men, Catiline, when he was accused by me in the senate, was dumb."

[164] XXXII. With directions to address him, etc.—Cum mandatis hujuscemodi. The communication, as Cortius observes, was not an epistle, but a verbal message.

[165] XXXIII. To have the benefit of the law—Lege uti. The law here meant was the Papirian law, by which it was provided, contrary to the old law of the Twelve Tables, that no one should be confined in prison for debt, and that the property of the debtor only, not his person, should be liable for what he owed. Livy (viii. 28) relates the occurrence which gave rise to this law, and says that it ruptured one of the strongest bonds of credit.

[166] The praetor—The praetor urbanus, or city praetor, who decided all causes between citizens, and passed sentence on debtors.

[167] Relieved their distress by decrees—Decretis suis inopiae opitulati sunt. In allusion to the laws passed at various times for diminishing the rate of interest.

[168] Silver—was paid with brass—Agentum aere solutum est. Thus a sestertius, which was of silver, and was worth four asses, was paid with one as, which was of brass; or the fourth part only of the debt was paid. See Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 3; and Velleius Paterculus, ii. 23; who says, quadrantem solvi, that a quarter of their debts were paid by the debtors, by a law of Valerius Flaccus, when he became consul on the death of Marius.

[169] Often—have the commonalty—seceded, etc.—"This happened three times: 1. To the Mons Sacer, on account of debt; Liv. ii. 32. 2. To the Aventine, and thence to the Mons Sacer, through the tyranny of Appius Claudius, the decemvir; Liv. iii. 50. 3. To the Janiculum, on account of debt; Liv. Epist. xi." Bernouf.

[170] XXXIV. That such had always been the kindness, etc.—Ea, mansuetudine atque misericordia senatum populumque Romanum, semper fuisse. "That the senate, etc., had always been of such kindness." I have deserted the Latin for the English idiom.

[171] XXXV. The commencement of this letter is different in different editions. In Havercamp it stands thus: Egregiatua fides, re cognita, grata mihi, magnis in meis periculis, fiduciam commendationi meae tribuit. Cortius corrected it as follows: Egregia tua fides, re cognita, gratam in magnis periculis fiduciam commendationi meae tribuit. Cortius's reading has been adopted by Kritzius, Bernouf, and most other editors. Gerlach and Dietsch have recalled the old text. That Cortius's is the better; few will deny; for it can hardly be supposed that Sallust used mihi, meis, and meae in such close succession. Some, however, as Rupertus and Gerlach, defend Havercamp's text, by asserting, from the phrase earum exemplam infra scriptum, that this is a true copy of the letter, and that the style is, therefore, not Sallust's, but Catiline's. But such an opinion is sufficiently refuted by Cortius, whose remarks I will transcribe: "Rupertus," says he, "quod in promptu erat, Catilinae culpam tribuit, qui non eo, quo Crispus, stilo scripserit. Sed cur oratio ejus tam apta et composita supra, c. 20 refertur? At, inquis, hic ipsum litterarum exemplum exhibetur. At vide mihi exemplum litterarum Lentuli, c. 44; et lege Ciceronem, qui idem exhibet, et senties sensum magis quam verba referri. Quare inanis haec quidem excusatio." Yet it is not to be denied that grata mihi is the reading of all the manuscripts.

[172] Known—by experience.—Re cognita. "Cognita" be it observed, tironum gratia, is the nominative case. "Catiline had experienced the friendship of Catulus in his affair with Fabia Terentia; for it was by his means that he escaped when he was brought to trial, as is related by Orosius." Bernouf.

[173] Recommendation—Commendationi. His recommendation of his affairs, and of Orestilla, to the care of Catulus.

[174] Formal defense—Defensionem. Opposed to satisfactionem, which follows, and which means a private apology or explanation. "Defensio, a defense, was properly a statement or speech to be made against an adversary, or before judges; satisfactio was rather an excuse or apology made to a friend, or any other person, in a private communication." Cortius.

[175] Though conscious of no guilt—Ex nulla conscientia de culpa. This phrase is explained by Cortius as equivalent to "Propter conscientam denulla culpa," or "inasmuch as I am conscious of no fault." "De culpa, he adds, is the same as culpae; so in the ii. Epist. to Caesar, c. 1: Neque de futuro quisquam satix callidus; and c. 9: de illis potissimum jactura fit."

[176] To make no formal defense—to offer you some explanation —Defensionem—parare; satisfactionem—proponere. "Parare," says Cortius, "is applied to a defense which might require some study and premeditation; proponere to such a statement as it was easy to make at once".

[177] On my word of honor—Me dius fidius, sc. juvet. So may the god of faith help me, as I speak truth. But who is the god of faith? Dius, say some, is the same as Deus (Plautus has Deus fidius, Asin i. 1, 18); and the god here meant is probably Jupiter (sub dio being equivalent to sub Jove); so that Dius fidius (fidius being an adjective from fides) will be the [Greek: Zeus pistios] of the Greeks. "Me dius fidius" will therefore be, "May Jupiter help me!" This is the mode of explication adopted by Gerlach, Bernouf, and Dietsch. Others, with Festus (sub voce Medius fidius) make fidius equivalent to filius, because the ancients, according to Festus, often used D for L, and dius fidius will then be the same as [Greek: Dios] or Jovis filius, or Hercules, and medius fidius will be the same as mehercules or mehercule. Varro de L. L. (v. 10, ed. Sprengel) mentions a certain Aelius who was of this opinion. Against this derivation there is the quantity of fidius, of which the first syllable is short: Quaerebam Nonas Sanco fidone referrem, Ov. Fast. vi. 213. But if we consider dius the same as deus, we may as well consider dius fidius to be the god Hercules as the god Jupiter, and may thus make medius fidius identical with mehercules, as it probably is. "Tertullian, de Idol. 20, says that medius fidius is a form of swearing by Hercules." Schiller's Lex. sub Fidius. This point will be made tolerably clear if we consider (with Varro, v. 10, and Ovid, loc. cit.) Dius Fidius to be the same with the Sabine Sancus, or Semo Sancus, and Semo Sancus to be the same with Hercules.

[178] You may receive as true—Veram licet cognoscas. Some editions, before that of Cortius, have quae—licet vera mecum recognoscas; which was adopted from a quotation of Servius ad Aen. iv. 204. But twenty of the best MSS., according to Certius, have veram licet cognoscas.

[179] Robbed of the fruit of my labor and exertion—Fructu laboris industriaeque meae privatus. "The honors which he sought he elegantly calls the fruit of his labor, because the one is obtained by the other." Cortius.

[180] Post of honor due to me—Statum dignitatis. The consulship.

[181] On my own security—Meis nominibus. "He uses the plural," says Herzogius, "because he had not borrowed once only, or from one person, but oftentimes, and from many." No other critic attempts to explain this point. For alienis nominibus, which follows, being in the plural, there is very good reason. My translation is in conformity with Bernouf's comment.

[182] Proscribed—Alienatum. "Repulsed from all hope of the consulship." Bernouf.

[183] Adopted a course—Spes—secutus sum. "Spem sequi is a phrase often used when the direction of the mind to any thing, action, or course of conduct, and the subsequent election and adoption of what appears advantageous, is signified." Cortius.

[184] Protection—Fidei.

[185] Intreating you, by your love for your own children, to defend her from injury—Eam ab injuria defendas, per liberos tuos rogatus. "Defend her from injury, being intreated [to do so] by [or for the sake of] your own children."

[186] XXXVI. In the neighborhood of Arretium—In agro Arretino. Havercamp, and many of the old editions, have Reatino; "but," says Cortius, "if Catiline went the direct road to Faesulae, as is rendered extremely probable by his pretense that he was going to Marseilles, and by the assertion of Cicero, made the day after his departure, that he was on his way to join Manlius, we must certainly read Arretino." Arretium (now Arezzo) lay in his road to Faesulae; Reate was many miles out of it.

[187] In an extremely deplorable condition—Multo maxime miserabile. Multe is added to superlatives, like longe. So c. 52, multo pulcherrimam eam nos haberemus. Cortius gives several other instances.

[188] Notwithstanding the two decrees of the senate—Duobus senati decretis. I have translated it "the two decrees," with Rose. One of the two was that respecting the rewards mentioned in c. 30; the other was that spoken of in c. 36., allowing the followers of Catiline to lay down their arms before a certain day.

[189] XXXVII. Endeavor to exalt the factious—Malos extollunt. They strive to elevate into office those who resemble themselves.

[190] Poverty does not easily suffer loss—Egestas facile habetur sine damna He that has nothing, has nothing to lose. Petron. Sat., c. 119: Inops audacia tuta est.

[191] Had become disaffected—Praeceps abierat. Had grown demoralized, sunk in corruption, and ready to join in any plots against the state. So Sallust says of Sempronia, praeceps abierat, c. 25.

[192] In the first place—Primum omnium. "These words refer, not to _item_ and _postremo in the same sentence, but to _deinde_ at the commencement of the next." _Bernouf_.

[193] Civil rights had been curtailed—Jus libertatis imminutum erat. "Sylla, by one of his laws, had rendered the children of proscribed persons incapable of holding any public office; a law unjust, indeed, but which, having been established and acted upon for more than twenty years, could not be rescinded without inconvenience to the government. Cicero, accordingly, opposed the attempts which were made, in his consulship, to remove this restriction, as he himself states in his Oration against Piso, c. 2." Bernouf. See Vell. Patere., ii., 28; Plutarch, Vit. Syll.; Quintil., xi. 1, where a fragment of Cicero's speech, De Proscriptorum Liberis, is preserved. This law of Sylla was at length abrogated by Julius Caesar, Suet. J. Caes. 41; Plutarch Vit. Caes.; Dio Cass., xli. 18.

[194] This was an evil—to the extent to which it now prevailed—Id adeo malum multos post annos in civitatem reverterat. "Adeo, says Cortius, "in particula elegantissima" Allen makes it equivalent to eo usque.

[195] XXXVIII. The powers of the tribunes—had been fully restored —Tribunicia potestas restituta. Before the time of Sylla, the power of the tribunes had grown immoderate, but Sylla diminished and almost annihilated it, by taking from them the privileges of holding any other magistracy after the tribunate, of publicly addressing the people, of proposing laws, and of listening to appeals. But in the consulship of Cotta, A.U.C. 679, the first of these privileges had been restored; and in that of Pompey and Crassus, A.U.C. 683, the tribunes were reinstated in all their former powers.

[196] Having obtained that high office—Summam potestatem nacti. Cortius thinks these words spurious.

[197] XXXIX. Free from harm—Innoxii. In a passive sense.

[198] Overawing others—with threats of impeachment—Caeteros judiciis terrere. "Accusationibus et judiciorum periculis." Bernouf.

[199] His father ordered to be put to death—Parens necari jussit. "His father put him to death, not by order of the consuls, but by his own private authority; nor was he the only one who, at the same period, exercised similar power." Dion. Cass., lib. xxxvii. The father observed on the occasion, that, "he had begotten him, not for Catiline against his country, but for his country against Catiline". Val. Max., v.8. The Roman laws allowed fathers absolute control over the lives of their children.

[200] XL. Certain deputies of the Allobroges—Legatos Allobrogum. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says that there were then at Rome two deputies from this Gallic nation, sent to complain of oppression on the part of the Roman governors.

[201] As Brutus was then absent from Borne—Nam tum Brutus ab Roma, aberat. From this remark, say Zanchius and Omnibonus, it is evident that Brutus was not privy to the conspiracy. "What sort of woman Sempronia was, has been told in c. 25. Some have thought that she was the wife of Decimus Brutus; but since Sallust speaks of her as being in the decay of her beauty at the time of the conspiracy, and since Brutus, as may be seen in Caesar (B. G. vii., sub fin.), was then very young, it is probable that she had only an illicit connection with him, but had gained such an ascendency over his affections, by her arts of seduction, as to induce him to make her his mistress, and to allow her to reside in his house." Beauzee. I have, however, followed those who think that Brutus was the husband of Sempronia. Sallust (c. 24), speaking of the woman, of whom Sempronia was one, says that Catiline credebat posse—viros earum vel adjungere sibi, vel interficere. The truth, on such a point, is of little importance.

[202] XLI. To be expected from victory—In spe victoriae.

[203] Certain rewards—Certa praemia. "Offered by the senate to those who should give information of the conspiracy. See c. 30." Kuhnhardt.

[204] Quintus Fabius Sanga—"A descendent of that Fabius who, for having subdued the Allobroges, was surnamed Allobrogicus." Bernouf. Whole states often chose patrons as well as individuals.

[205] XLII. There were commotions—Motus erat. "Motus is also used by Cicero and Livy in the singular number for seditiones and tumultus. No change is therefore to be made in the text." Gerlach. "Motus bellicos intelligit, tumultus; ut Flor., iii. 13." Cortius.

[206] Having brought several to trial—Complures—caussa cognita. "Caussum cognoscere is the legal phrase for examining as to the authors and causes of any crime." Dietsch.

[207] Caius Muraena in Further Gaul—In Ulteriore Gallia C. Muraena. All the editions, previous to that of Cortius, have in citeriore Gallia. "But C. Muraena," says the critic, "commanded in Gallia Transalpina, or Ulterior Gaul, as appears from Cic. pro Muraena, c. 41. To attribute such an error to a lapse or memory in Sallust, would be absurd. I have, therefore, confidently altered citeriore into ulteriore." The praise of having first discovered the error, however, is due, not to Cortius, but to Felicius Durantinus, a friend of Rivius, in whose note on the passage his discovery is recorded.

[208] XLIII. The excellent consul—Optimo consuli. With the exception of the slight commendation bestowed on his speech, luculentam atque utilem reipublicae, c. 31, this is the only epithet of praise that Sallust bestows on the consul throughout his narrative. That it could be regarded only as frigid eulogy, is apparent from a passage in one of Cicero's letters to Atticus (xii. 21), in which he speaks of the same epithet having been applied to him by Brutus: "Brutus thinks that he pays me a great compliment when he calls me an excellent consul (optimum consulem); but what enemy could speak more coldly of me?"

[209] Twelve places of the city, convenient for their purpose— Duodecim—opportuna loca. Plutarch, in his Life of Cicero, says a hundred places. Few narratives lose by repetition.

[210] In order that, during the consequent tumult—Quo tumultu. "It is best," says Dietsch, "to take quo as the particula finalis (to the end that), and tumultu as the ablative of the instrument".

[211] Delay—Dies prolatando. By putting off from day to day.

[212] XLIV. Soon to visit their country—Semet eo brevi venturum. "It is plain that the adverb relates to what precedes (ad cives); and that Cassius expresses an intention to set out for Gaul." Dietsch.

[213] Remember that you are a man—Memineris te virum. Remember that you are a man, and ought to act as one. Cicero, in repeating this letter from memory (Orat. in Cat., iii. 5), gives the phrase, Cura ut vir sis.

[214] XLV. The praetors—Praetoribus urbanis, the praetors of the city.

[215] The Milvian Bridge—Ponte Mulvio. Now Ponte Molle.

[216] Of the object with which they were sent—Rem—cujus gratia mittebantur.

[217] From each side of the bridge—_Utrinque_. "Utrinque," observes Cortius, "glossae MSS. exponunt _ex utraque parte pontis," and there is little doubt that the exposition is correct. No translator, however, before myself, has availed himself of it.

[218] XLVI. The box with the letters—Scrinium cum literis. Litterae may be rendered either letter or letters. There is no mention made previously of more letters than that of Lentulus to Catiline, c. 44. But as it is not likely that the deputies carried a box to convey only one letter, I have followed other translators by putting the word in the plural. The oath of the conspirators, too, which was a written document, was probably in the box.

[219] XLVII. His letter—Litteris. His own letter to Catiline, c. 44. So praeter litteras a little below.

[220] What object he had had in view, etc.—Quid, aut qua de causa, consilli habuisset. What design he had entertained, and from what motive he had entertained it.

[221] To prevaricate.—Fingere alia. "To pretend other things than what had reference to the conspiracy." Bernouf.

[222] On the security of the public faith—Fide publica. "Cicero pledged to him the public faith, with the consent of the senate; or engaged, in the name of the republic, that his life should be spared, if he would but speak the truth." Bernouf.

[223] That Cinna and Sylla had ruled already—Cinnam atque Syllam antea. "Had ruled," or something similar, must be supplied. Cinna had been the means of recalling Marius from Africa, in conjunction with whom he domineered over the city, and made it a scene of bloodshed and desolation.

[224] Their seals—Signa sua. "Leurs cachets, leurs sceaux." Bernouf. The Romans tied their letters round with a string, the knot of which they covered with wax, and impressed with a seal. To open the letter it was necessary to cut the string: "nos linum incidimus." Cic. Or. in Cat. iii. 5. See also C. Nep. Panc. 4, and Adam's Roman Antiquities. The seal of Lentulus had on it a likeness of one of his ancestors; see Cicero, loc. cit.

[225] In private custody—In liberis custodiis. Literally, in "free custody," but "private custody" conveys a better notion of the arrangement to the mind of the English reader. It was called free because the persons in custody were not confined in prison. Plutarch calls it [Greek: adeomon phylakin] as also Dion., cap. lviii. 3. See Tacit. Ann. vi. 8. It was adopted in the case of persons of rank and consideration.

[226] XLVIII. If the public faith were pledged to him—Si fides publica data, esset. See c. 47.

[227] And to facilitate the escape of those in custody—Et illi facilius e periculo eriperentur.

[228] A man of such power—Tanta vis hominis. So great power of the man.

[229] Liberty of speaking—Potestatem. "Potestatem loquendi." Cyprianus Popma. As it did not appear that he spoke the truth, the pledge which the senate had given him, on condition that he spoke the truth, went for nothing; he was not allowed to continue his evidence, and was sent to prison.

[230] As was his custom—More suo. Plutarch, in his Life of Crassus, relates that frequently when Pompey, Caesar, and Cicero, had refused to undertake the defense of certain persons, as being unworthy of their support, Crassus would plead in their behalf; and that he thus gained great popularity among the common people.

[231] XLIX. Piso, as having been attacked by him, when he was on, etc.—Piso oppugnatus in judicio repetundarum propter cujusdam Transpadani supplicium injustum. Such is the reading and punctuation of Cortius. Some editions insert pecuniarum before repetundarum, and some a comma after it. I have interpreted the passage in conformity with the explanation of Kritzius, which seems to me the most judicious that has been offered. Oppugnatus, says he, is equivalent to gravitur vexatus, or violently assailed; and Piso was thus assailed by Caesar on account of his unjust execution of the Gaul; the words in judicio repetundarum merely mark the time when Caesar's attack was made. While he was on his trial for one thing, he was attacked by Caesar for another. Gerlach, observing that the words in judicio are wanting in one MS., would emit them, and make oppugnatus govern pecuniarum repetundarum, as if it were accusatus; a change which would certainly not improve the passage. The Galli Transpadani seem to have been much attached to Caesar; see Cic. Ep. ad Att., v. 2; ad Fam. xvi. 12.

[232] Comparatively a youth—Adolescentalo. Caesar was then in the thirty-third, or, as some say, the thirty-seventh year of his age. See the note on this word, c. 3.