'Words cannot convey an idea of the affability and kindness, the sweetness and amiability of this great family. I shall put by my pen just now and write the details of the day to-night, if not too sleepy. But it is not a Sunday passed as it ought to be, though we have been to church.

'Monday, 10.30 A.M.—I am waiting for a message from the Emperor, who yesterday told me that I was to go to Cronstadt with him this morning, and warning me at the same time that he would do all he could to tire me completely. We yesterday had a very hard day. At eleven o'clock we went to the Greek chapel in the Palace, the whole Court attending divine service. Of the ceremonial of the Greek Church I shall only say that its forms are in appearance more absurd than the Romish. The music and chanting was most sublime and beautiful, nothing could exceed the excellence of this performance. The chapel is small but highly decorated in the interior with paintings of rather a high finish and gold, in the style of Louis XIV, though the form of the chapel does not much vary from the same date, yet its proportions do, for it is three times as lofty as its area is broad, with a domed ceiling. After church a parade, here the Emperor and the King of Prussia played soldiers for an hour and a half. Suffice it to say, without relating all the marching and counter-marching of the troops, that the King of Prussia's regiment (for he is a colonel in the Russian Army) was drawn up, the King inspected the men and then put himself on the right of the line, the Emperor then went up to him and, taking him in his arms, kissed both his cheeks, then the King marched past the Emperor at the head of his regiment. The Empress was on the ground.

'Monday.—I dined with the Royal Family, 150 sat down; we did not go to Cronstadt to-day, I am not sorry, for it rained. The dinner was good for a Russian and not long. The service on the table all china from Berlin, given by Frederick the Great to Katharine.

'After dinner to the St. Peterburg Gate, about three miles off, where I found a horse ready for me to attend a review of the military cadets. It was a very interesting sight, 3000 boys in heavy marching order with eight guns, a small body of light horse, and a small body of Circassian Horse, forming a complete little army. Their marching and evolutions were most excellent, no troops can move better than these boys. The Emperor and his staff rode so as to cut the column off three times, then they passed in review three times before him, and were dismissed. As soon as they had time to disarm, the youths came rushing out in all directions. The Emperor dismounted and was at once surrounded by them. He lifted one, took another in his arms, passed two or three under his legs, and spoke with frankness and affection to all. The love and enthusiasm of these children for him is such as is found only in the breast of youth, but must grow in time; and what a power this one institution must give him. These boys are all of good family, and go from this training to the army as officers. After this, at nine, a ball at the Emperor's cottage.'

* * * * *

Lord Hardwicke remained in St. Petersburg for a fortnight, leaving that city on the 13th of July for Memel, in attendance on the King of Prussia, who was returning to Berlin by way of Silesia.

As long as he was in Russia at the Court of the Emperor Nicholas, he experienced (as the foregoing letters show) the most generous, nay lavish, hospitality. In this connection the following anecdote may be recorded. An allowance, consisting of one bottle of brandy and one of champagne, was placed on a tray in his room each morning. He rarely touched it, but when at the end of his visit the servant in waiting brought him a bill for the champagne, he sharply turned and said, 'Very well, I shall show this bill to the Emperor myself,' at which the servant turned deadly pale and replied, 'I beg you will do no such thing, or I shall certainly be sent to Siberia!'

* * * * *

MEMEL: July 18, 1842.

'This will be a short letter as the time passed since I wrote is small. We arrived here about noon to-day, having had a good passage and are all well. You will by this time feel that I am returning, and that my face is towards home. The King has pressed me to stay and go to the Rhine with him, but I have decided the point, and have declined his great kindness, thus I shall keep my word and hope to be at home again, at the time I stated.

'I believe I told you that the fte passed off well, our promenade amongst the lamps in the garden was stupid enough. I tried to stir the Maids of Honour up a little, but it was hard work even to make them laugh, and the people looked glum, being as it were a sort of contradiction to the illuminated garden. The last day was a day of repose. The next day being Saturday, the Imperial Family received us to take leave, and nothing could be more truly kind and affectionate in manner than they all were to me. I say to me, for I know not what was said to others, but I have no doubt they were so to all the Prussians. The Emperor and Empress both gave me special messages to the Queen. I then, when the audience was over, drove to visit the Grand Duke Michael at Orienbaum, about six miles from Peterhoff, an ancient palace, and a very fine one, I think. The Grand Duchess Helena, his wife, is a most charming lady and very lovely; she took me all over the house, and showed me how little by little she was making it comfortable.

'The Grand Duchess Marie did not see me, and I was very sorry for it. At twelve o'clock the King and Emperor came on board the Bogatir and we got under way immediately. At about one we passed Cronstadt; at half- past one we had passed the last ship of the fleet. I was standing on the paddle-box near the Emperor and King, when on a rocket being thrown up from the Bogatir, all the fleet, mounting 3500 pieces of cannon, discharged all the guns at once, and the Emperor at the same moment took the King in his arms and embraced him. This bit of stage effect took me by surprise and affected me exceedingly; there was something very imposing and touching in this coup de thtre and the King was much affected. After this the boat was manned for the Emperor to depart, and he stood some time on deck without speaking, the King and all of us standing near him. I saw he was much moved. At last he pressed the King in his arms and kissed him; after he embraced the Prussians. When he came to me, he held out his hand; I gave him mine and bowed, but he said, "No, no; you must do so," and taking me round the neck kissed me most affectionately.

'I assure you it was a very striking scene and I shall never forget it; he was no more the Emperor, but a warm-hearted man. He was most affected at parting with the King, and this had softened him towards all, and his heart was uppermost. I was glad to see him thus. I did not think before he was a man of feeling, but he has a warm and affectionate heart. I shall not easily forget this evening.

'Our voyage was too good a one to produce any anecdote worth relating. As I passed the bar I remembered that I was indebted to its broken waves for my present station. The King spoke to me of Royston's death; he was at Memel when it happened and remembered all the circumstances of it. He knew Mrs. Potter very well. We start to-morrow on our way to Silesia, our first day's journey is to Tilsit....

'CHARLES.'

* * * * *

ERDSMANSDORFF: July 27.

'I arrived here last night about six o'clock after a prosperous journey of four days and one night from Knigsberg, from which place my last letter is dated. The Queen is just arrived, the King is expected about four in the afternoon. From Memel to this place the whole country is flat and tame. Erdsmansdorff is situated at the foot of a large mountain that separates Silesia from Bohemia, called Riesengeberg, which means "Great Mountain"; the chief of the chain is opposite my windows, the highest in Germany, being 4983 feet above the level of the sea. The outline of this chain is undulating but not bold. The valley is lovely, and the King is building a house here; the grounds are partially laid out, we are living in a building which will form a part of the offices of the new house. My apartment is on the ground floor, and the King and Queen are above me. The people are an industrious race. Here is a colony of Tyrolese the King received and gave lands to; they were persecuted by the Catholics on the other side of the mountains, and he said, "Come here, and I will give you rest." So here they are 300, and have built themselves houses after the fashion of their country, which has much added to the beauty and picturesqueness of this land.

'I cannot say how well I am treated everywhere, you cannot conceive the civility and attention that I have received from all and everyone, poor and rich, a proof how much the King is loved; for the poor know me as the King's friend.

'I must now go back a little to Knigsberg and say something of the Palace of that place. It is a most ancient structure of enormous size, being built round a quadrangle with round towers at the corners. It is not beautiful, but ancient and large, towers above all other buildings, and stands on the edge of a hill that overlooks a great part of the town.

'The town of Knigsberg was once the capital of Prussia proper, and a long time the residence of the electors of Brandenburg. It is the third city in the Prussian dominions and contains 70,000 inhabitants. It is not fortified, but is going to be.

'After the battle of Jena, the Royal Family of Prussia took shelter in this town, the present King being then twelve years old. The Palace is now chiefly used for provincial offices, and a suite of apartments is kept furnished for the King. There are some very ancient archives kept here which must contain a fund of interest; I looked at several letters from our Sovereigns both of the Plantagenet and Tudor line to the Teutonic Grand Masters, thanking them for falcons sent from Prussia.

'As I told you, I was to go in search of an elk and kill one if I could. Accordingly I started at 3 P.M., accompanied by the master of the forest, to a forest about seven English miles from the town, and without making the story long, I had the good fortune to see, but not to kill, six of the enormous animals; only one passed within shot, and this was a female with her calf. I was desired to fire at the calf, and I missed. I will not make the excuse that I might for so doing; my only bag will distract Eliot when he hears it, a fox, on the death of which all present raised their hats. It made me laugh and think of the old proverb, "What's one man's meat...." I returned to Knigsberg at 9.30 and at 10 started for this place.

'I arrived at Marienberg at nine next morning, and stayed there an hour to see the Palace, and breakfast. The Palace is the most interesting building in Prussia, and is very fine of its kind. The King, with his love of architecture, has restored a great part of it, and will, by degrees, restore the whole to its original state. This was the seat of the Knights of the Teutonic order, they, in fact, were the founders of the Prussian kingdom, after fifty-three years' struggle. The oldest part of this Castle was built in 1276, the middle Castle in 1309. The rooms in the interior and the great hall are built in a singular way: the rooms are square, the hall is in three cubes. The ceiling of each room, which is arched, is supported by a single slender column of granite, in the centre hall by three columns in the same way.

'The King and Queen have arrived and dinner is over, they are both very happy and are gone to drive together quietly, and we shall not see them again this evening. He has been through part of Poland, where his reception has been most enthusiastic.'

* * * * *

ERDSMANSDORFF: 31st July.

'Here I have abode quietly with the King and Queen since I last wrote to you, and should have been quite content if I had only your company in addition, but although all ought to be charming to me, yet the want of employment or excitement after the first view of environs was over leads me to wish my stay shortened. I have, however, walked hard though not far and looked about the country for fear I could not go, as the dinner- hour at three cuts the day in twain. Life has been quite devoid of form or uniform for all, even the King has been what is called here en bourgeois. After dinner we usually drive to some hill or dale, some favourite haunt to take tea, returning late to supper and to bed. The Queen is a sweet woman, the very best of her sex, most plain, modest, and unaffected, but doing the Queen perfectly when necessary. Yesterday we had a full dress day at Fubach, the residence of the King's uncle, Prince William. His daughter, about to be married to the Prince Royal of Bavaria, was confirmed in the parish Church. A great exhibition. The church was crammed and the Princess at the altar underwent a two hours' catechising and examination, which she bore with great talent and conduct. To-day she receives the sacrament. She is a lovely girl of seventeen, and her future husband is the future King of Bavaria, a rou of 30. He was there, arrived the night before. There was a great gathering of the Prussian Royal Family, who live in this valley and neighbourhood....

'11 P.M.—I have just seen the King, and he has allowed me to go to- morrow morning, and meet him at Sans Souci on Saturday.'

* * * * *

BERLIN: 5 August.

'I arrived here yesterday at 6 P.M. by railroad from Dresden, having quitted that town at 6 A.M.; a very good railroad and well conducted. On my arrival I was greeted by your letter of the 27th; a very good cure for blue devils. The news you give me of all things at Wimpole is very satisfactory. The offices in size and appearance of the east wing corresponding with the library I was aware of, and I am of opinion that it will not be noticeable to any degree, and if it is, can be easily remedied when I build the conservatory. On the subject of chimneys we shall agree.

'To-morrow I go to Sans Souci, the King arrives for dinner, and apartments are prepared there for me. Now my object will be to get away from my kind and excellent friend, for I cannot find another word so proper, but I must at the same time consult his wishes.

'My journey from Erdsmansdorff to Dresden was very prosperous, though it rained all day. I found my horses ready and paid to the frontier of Saxony, and no one would take money from me. I stopped at the residence of General Bon-Natzmer for breakfast, he lives about sixteen miles from Erdsmansdorff, a very nice residence with pretty scenery, and his wife a perfect lady; they gave me an excellent English breakfast. I arrived in Dresden, having been twenty hours performing the journey.

'I saw all that was worth seeing in Dresden, and well worth the journey it was, if it had only been to look at the face of the Madonna di San Sisto, which I think surpasses anything I have seen in nature. It has left a deep remembrance on my mind, the copy here conveys only an idea of the original. It lives and breathes, the eyes look as if moving, and it is perfectly true that I was riveted to the spot with wonder at the performance of the beyond all famous master. If he had never painted any picture but this, he must have died the greatest painter that ever lived. After looking through this fine gallery I again returned to the Madonna, and feel now that I had not exaggerated to my own mind the wonder and power of this picture. The face of the child, too, carries all that the strongest imagination can picture of wisdom and childish innocence. I grieve to say this chef d'oeuvre is going to ruin. Your Father's copy is of great value, for it is excellent, nay wonderful, and will in fifty years be what the great picture now is, for much of the expression of the countenance is caused by the softness which time has given to the tone of the picture. The Gallery wants weeding and repairing, the pictures are going faster than they ought, and the effect of the Gallery is injured by a quantity of inferior pictures and copies. It now contains 2000 pictures, if it was reduced to 1500 it would be more valuable. The museum of History is well worth a visit, the quantity of beautiful and valuable things here collected are most interesting, a suit of gold and silver armour by Benvenuto Cellini would hold a high place in your estimation, a collection of various costumes within 150 years would amuse you.

'The great fair annually held here in August has just begun. I spent my two evenings in the booths, very idly, but very much to my amusement. I dined with our minister, Mr. Forbes and his sisters, Lady Adelaide and Lady Caroline, two ancient maids, old friends of mine twenty-four years ago.

'The King and Royal Family are at the fair taking part in the games of the people, shooting with the cross-bow at the bird on the top of a pole; large tents are pitched for their reception, and they spend the evening; the court ladies came the second evening. You would have enjoyed it much. The Germans are a more rational people in these matters than we are, the best society enjoy this fair, and sit out under tents taking their coffee and meals and enjoying the sight with their families and wives. All the musicians from Bohemia, Tyrol and various other districts of Germany were here playing on various instruments and singing the national ballads. Two or three women take harps like our Welsh harps, with the voices in parts, and sing together Tyrolese and Bohemian songs. Perfect order, and I did not see one person drunk. Whatever may be the secret faults of the Germans they are a decent and orderly people. The weather is very warm, the thermometer eighty-four in the shade. I dined with Westmorland and drove out with him in the evening, to-day I go to Sans Souci. I must be two days in London before I go to Wimpole.

'CHARLES.'

* * * * *

SANS SOUCI: 6th August.

'My hope of being with you as soon as the 15th is at an end. It is with feeling of the greatest sorrow that I feel I am compelled to make a sacrifice of a few days and arrive later. This evening we all went, that is the King and Queen, and Prince Charles of Prussia with his wife, to drink tea in one of the beautiful spots of this most lovely place. The King called me to his table. When we sat down he said, "Pray, when do you mean to leave me?" I said, "I intend to do the only painful thing I have done since I've been in Prussia, and that is to ask His Majesty's permission to take my leave on Monday." He said, "I will not ask you to do what is contrary to your duty, but I must beg you to stay with me a little longer. I must ask you to remain with me at least till after the 15th." This was said in so kind a manner, with the Queen looking me full in the face, that I at once said, "So much honour was done me by the desire expressed that I could not refuse."

'They both at once expressed most unfeigned pleasure, but it is a sacrifice. I now leave Berlin on the 16th, and shall be in London on the 21st, please God, without fail. You cannot conceive how affectionately I am treated by this great family. I never have received so much real attention from out of my own family in my life. I feel sure you will approve of what I have done, and think after all this kindness I was bound to make a sacrifice, if asked. The King said to me at supper this evening, "I cannot think what became of you one morning on board the steamer. I went three times to your cabin to look for you, and could not find you. I asked for you, and no one had seen you; and then the horrid idea came over me that you had fallen overboard or were ill." I mention this to show the sort of feeling he must have for me. I believe I was asleep on the sofa with a table before it, and he did not see me, being very nearsighted. I am most charmingly lodged here, the walls of my room are all marqueterie and they have put sofa and bed, &c., as the Chamberlain told me "like it is done at Windsor."'

It is clear from these letters that Lord Hardwicke's character and personality were much appreciated both by the King of Prussia and by the Emperor Nicholas. He was indeed so great a favourite with the latter that when the Emperor paid a visit to Queen Victoria in 1844 he was appointed to attend His Majesty, and took command of the Black Eagle steam yacht which carried the Czar from Woolwich to Rotterdam on his leaving this country. As a memento of this service and of his esteem, the Emperor presented Lord Hardwicke with a snuff-box of great value, bearing his Majesty's miniature mounted in brilliants.

In 1843 Lord Hardwicke had the honour of receiving Queen Victoria and the Prince Consort at Wimpole, upon the occasion of the Prince's visit to Cambridge to receive the degree of LL.D., and the following mention of the event occurs in one of the Queen's letters to the Queen of the Belgians:

'We returned on Saturday highly interested with our tour, though a little done up. The Royal party went by road from Paddington to Cambridge, and stayed at the Lodge at Trinity. On the following day Prince Albert was made LL.D. The party then went to Wimpole. At the ball which was given at Wimpole, there was a sofa covered with a piece of drapery given by Louis XIV. to the poet Prior and by him to Lord Oxford, the owner of Wimpole before its purchase by Lord Chancellor Hardwicke.'

* * * * *

Lord Hardwicke rode out to meet her Majesty at Royston at the head of a large cavalcade which included the gentry and yeomanry of the county. After an inspection of that little town, the party started for Wimpole, and on arriving at the House in the Fields the Queen's escort of Scots Greys filed off at Lord Hardwicke's request, their places being taken by a troop of the Whittlesea Yeomanry Cavalry, the Lord-Lieutenant roundly declaring that 'the county cavalry was well able to guard her Majesty so long as she might stay in Cambridgeshire.' On the following day Lord Hardwicke gave a dinner in honour of her Majesty, followed by a ball, of which the Queen makes mention in her letter, to which three hundred guests were invited.

I may perhaps print here another reference by Queen Victoria to my father. Writing to Lord Melbourne in 1842 her Majesty said:

'Lord Hardwicke the Queen likes very much; he seems so straightforward. He took the greatest care of the Queen when on board ship. Was not his father drowned at Spithead or Portsmouth?'

Lord Hardwicke, as commander of the Black Eagle yacht, had taken her Majesty to Scotland.

He was in waiting during a visit of the King and Queen of the Belgians to Windsor, and wrote on that occasion to my mother:

'Our Court news is not filled with much interest; to-morrow the King and Queen of the Belgians go back to their own country, and yesterday at dinner the Queen of the Belgians told me her father (King Louis Philippe) was so fond of English cheese that he had sent to her to procure for him a "Single Gloster," I could not refrain from offering a Wimpole cheese that she graciously accepted and which I must now beg you to give.'

I find a reference to this little incident in the Queen's Letters, vol. ii, p. 28. In a letter to her Majesty during King Louis Philippe's visit in 1844, the Queen of the Belgians wrote:

'If by chance Lord Hardwicke was in waiting during my father's stay, you must kindly put my father in mind to thank him for the famous cheese, which arrived safely, and was found very good.'

Queen Victoria's conversation with my father upon this occasion I find related at length in a copy in my mother's handwriting of a letter he wrote to Sir Robert Peel. This letter is of so private a character as to preclude its publication, but I may say that it is clear that the Queen (though, as Lord Hardwicke says, 'in very good humour; I never saw her so gracious to all as she was during her stay at Wimpole') was still quite ready to state in very plain terms her objection to certain points of the policy of the Tory party, which, as she said, she could 'forgive but not forget.' All this Lord Hardwicke reported at length to the Prime Minister for his information and instruction.

Several letters from Sir Robert to my father at this period show him very anxious to learn from Lord Hardwicke the details of the proper arrangements for receiving the Queen at Drayton Manor. 'I have the prospect,' he wrote, 'not only of one but two royal visits, for I must arrange that Queen Adelaide should meet the Queen each with her several suites. If you have any device for making stone walls elastic,' he adds humorously, 'pray give it to me. Did Lord H. new furnish the rooms allotted to H.M.? How many apartments did H.M. require? Did he observe anything especially agreeable to the Queen's wishes, and did Lord H. attempt to keep any order among his mounted farmers, and if so how?'

Lord Hardwicke and his brother, Mr. Eliot Yorke, though both pledged to the maintenance of the Corn Laws, refused to oppose the government of Sir Robert Peel upon the rumours of the minister's intentions which became rife in the course of the year 1845, when the Irish Famine forced the question to the front. By that time the Anti-Corn Law League had done its work of educating the country, and under its great leaders, Cobden and Bright, had organised a strenuous campaign throughout the kingdom, collected large funds, and united the great body of employers and operatives in favour of Free Trade. There were counter organisations of farmers' societies, of which those in the eastern counties were, perhaps, the most active, and at a meeting of one of these, the Cambridge Agricultural Society, Lord Hardwicke and Mr. Yorke met with some criticism. A letter from Lord Hardwicke to the chairman, however, made his position perfectly clear:

'I believe the meeting is intended to follow others that have taken place in the agricultural districts of England, owing to certain reports of contemplated changes on the opening of Parliament affecting agriculture.

'I have endeavoured to learn what these are, and have failed; I have heard various opinions, but no facts, and I have no knowledge of the intentions of the Government. I therefore feel, were I to attend your meeting, that I could give no advice, neither could I combat or support any plans. I think it best to hear and know what is intended.'

Acting upon this determination, Lord Hardwicke waited for the announcement of the Government policy. At the opening of the session of 1846 Sir Robert Peel then made it clear, that as Lord John Russell had been unable to form a ministry, he himself intended to propose the abandonment of the Corn Laws, and to follow this up by the gradual removal of protective duties, not only upon agriculture, but also upon manufactures, and thus to place himself in opposition to the sentiment and principles of the party of which he was the leader. Lord Hardwicke, as might have been expected, was among those 'men of metal and large acred squires,' as Disraeli called them, 'the flower of that great party which had been so proud to follow one who had been so proud to lead them, whose loyalty was too severely tried by the conversion of their chief to the doctrines of Manchester,' and early in February he wrote to Sir Robert to resign his post as Lord-in-Waiting, on the ground that as he could not support the measures of the Government and act up to his own opinion, he thought it not respectful to her Majesty to oppose her minister and hold an office in her household. Some correspondence followed, which shows the regret of Sir Robert Peel at the loss of a friend and colleague, and testifies to the cordial personal relations between the minister and Lord Hardwicke. Here is one of the letters, two or three of which were earnest attempts to persuade Lord Hardwicke to reconsider his decision:

* * * * *

'MY DEAR HARDWICKE,

'If anything could tend to diminish the pain with which I contemplate separation from you in public life, it would be the kind terms with which you accompany your tender of resignation.

'I should indeed deeply regret it, if the termination of official relations were to cause any interruption of private friendship and regard.

'Most faithfully yours,

'My dear Hardwicke,

'ROBERT PEEL.'

* * * * *

So ended Lord Hardwicke's political connection with the great minister, and it is pleasant to me to know that the aspirations of Sir Robert's letter were fulfilled, and that their personal friendship continued unbroken until it was brought to a close by the tragic death of the statesman on Constitution Hill in 1850. At a time when that same great question of Free Trade or Protection is again dissolving many political alliances, it is, perhaps, worthy of mention that my father came to change his view of the policy which had led to his political severance with Sir Robert Peel. In a speech delivered at a meeting of the Western Cambridgeshire Agricultural Association in 1858, twelve years after his resignation, he said:

'The last agricultural meeting I had the pleasure of attending was in the golden days of protection, when we all thought we could not do without it. I am happy to find however, now that the legislature has thought fit to abolish those fiscal duties, that I formed a wrong opinion on the subject.'

Meanwhile, however, Lord Hardwicke's political severance from his old leader was complete and final, as appears very fully from letters from such uncompromising opponents of the minister as Lord George Bentinck, Mr. Disraeli, and Mr. John Wilson Croker, which I find among his papers. 'Pray come up and fire a double shotted broadside into these fellows,' wrote Lord George in 1848, in soliciting Lord Hardwicke's assistance for Lord Desart in the House of Lords on the debate on the Copper Duties, who as that ardent spirit complained was 'grossly insulted by Grey, Clanricarde and Granville.' A few months later, again, upon his resignation of the leadership of the irreconcilables in the House of Commons, Lord George wrote: 'I come to you, therefore, as a private and independent member of the House of Commons, with none but such as you who admire consistency "so poor to do me reverence."'

All of Mr. Disraeli's letters to my father are written in very cordial terms, and express much gratitude for the support which was so valuable at that period of his career. Lord Hardwicke is 'his dear and faithful friend'; 'I am shaken,' he says in October of 1848, 'to the core, and can neither offer nor receive consolation. But in coming to you I know that I come to a roof of sympathy, and to one who at all times and under all circumstances has extended to me the feelings of regard by which I have ever been deeply honoured and greatly touched.' Two years later he wrote: 'I am pained that you should have been so long in England without my having seen or heard from you, my first, my best, and most regarded supporter and friend.—DISRAELI.'

I may perhaps look forward a few years in order to quote another letter of Mr. Disraeli of December 30, 1851, which contains an interesting reference to Lord Palmerston, who had just been dismissed by Lord John Russell for having given a semi-official recognition to Louis Napoleon and the coup d'tat.

'If he had not committed himself in some degree by approbation of the "massacre of the boulevards" as it is styled, I hardly think Lord John would have dared to dismiss him. He said to a person the other day, "I was not dismissed, I was kicked out."'

Five days later, on January 4, 1852, Mr. Disraeli wrote:

'That my last letter should not mislead you, I just write this to say that I have authentic information that Palmerston's case is a good one; that the Government cannot face it; that Johnny has quite blundered the business, and that P., whatever they may say at Brooks's, is acharn.'

Mr. Disraeli was a true prophet. On February 27 following, the Whig Government fell, mainly owing to Lord Palmerston.



CHAPTER VIII

GENOA. 1849

In spite of the many interests of his position as a great landowner and the distractions of politics at a time of great political unrest, Lord Hardwicke had never wavered in his love for his true profession of the sea. In his own words, 'in piping times of peace he was loth to take the bread out of his brother officers' mouths after he became a peer,' by applying for active employment in the navy. He had, nevertheless, always placed himself at the disposal of the Admiralty, where his wish to serve his country at sea was well known. To his family he made no secret of his ambition to resume his career in the service which had been interrupted by his succession to the peerage. I have often heard him say that his ideal of a happy death was to be killed by a round shot on his own quarter-deck.

This longing for active service was, perhaps, a little relieved, but was scarcely satisfied, by a short voyage he made in 1844 in command of the St. Vincent, line-of-battle ship of 120 guns. That vessel formed one of a small squadron which included also the Caledonia, Queen and Albion, and sailed under Admiral Bowles upon an experimental cruise of six weeks in order to determine the respective merits of those ships.

It was, perhaps, the menacing aspect of European affairs which followed the revolutions of 1848 which decided Lord Hardwicke again to seek active service. He had certainly become restless, and his craving to resume the profession which lay nearest his heart and once more to command a battleship was daily growing stronger. Most of his friends were opposed to that step; he had done so well and showed such aptitude for politics, had lived so energetic and useful a life in his own county of Cambridgeshire, that they felt so great a break in that life as was involved in service abroad was a mistake. Moreover, Lord Hardwicke had now a family of seven children, the eldest being only about twelve years of age. Many were the counsels heard by his friends to dissuade him from the step. His old friend John Wilson Croker was among those who sought most urgently to persuade him to abandon the idea, and the esteem and admiration in which he held Lord Hardwicke and his devotion to Lady Hardwicke and to 'Lady Betty' (who often sat on his knee) are plain in several letters of advice he wrote at this juncture. But all was unavailing; Lord Hardwicke applied to the Admiralty for a ship, and was given command of the Vengeance. Mr. Croker rather unwillingly acquiesced in this course in the following letter:

* * * * *

WEST MOLESEY: 9th Novr. '48.

'MY DEAR CHARLES,

'I cannot say that I like losing you from home at so important a crisis, and I fear the good ship Wimpole will have cause to regret the absence of the padrone, and all the world will say that this is proving the love of the profession with a Vengeance. But seriously,... if dear Lady Hardwicke not only does not object, but becomes the accomplice and partner of your exile, no one else has anything to object, not even political friends, as you can leave a proxy. It may also be an advantage to all the children, for it will perfect the young ones and indeed all in the languages, and the two elder young ladies will have opportunities of seeing what all the world desires to see. Whatever you do, and wherever you go, you will be followed by the affectionate solicitude of your old constant and most attached friend,

'J. W. CROKER.'

* * * * *

Lord Hardwicke sailed early in 1849 to join the Mediterranean Fleet under Sir William Parker who was in command at that station. Lady Hardwicke and her family were installed at Malta, where a hotel in the Strada Forni was engaged for them.

In order to understand the insurrection at Genoa in April 1849, in the quelling of which H.M.S. Vengeance and its captain, the Earl of Hardwicke, took so notable a part, it is necessary to take a short retrospect of the history of Italy.

At the end of the Napoleonic Wars the opinion of Prince Metternich that Italy is only a geographical expression was true enough. This cynical minister of the Austrian Empire was the embodiment of the reaction which set in after the fall of Napoleon.

Europe, worn out by the struggles first of the Revolution and then of its conquering offspring, had one idea only—the reorganisation of the different States and the suppression of all revolutionary movements. The Powers therefore stood aloof from all interference in Italy and Austria had a free hand.

By the Treaty of Paris in 1814, Savoy, Genoa and Nice were assigned to Piedmont. This was not popular in Genoa which, hitherto a Republic, was now handed over to Victor Emmanuel I, a reactionary of the most extreme type. The old privileges of the Church and nobility were restored to them. The Jesuits were allowed to overrun the country and were given the control of education, and in the army all those who had served under Napoleon were degraded. In fact the ancien rgime was restored with interest to all those who had lost their privileges since 1793. The hatred of France on the part of the reigning sovereigns of Italy was a great strength to Austria. It was to the latter country that they looked for their ideal of government. Such was the position when, in 1821, a rising took place in Piedmont for reform and a constitution, and for the expulsion of the Austrians. It was not aimed at the King, on the contrary the insurrectionaries professed the greatest loyalty. Victor Emmanuel I, though a lover of his people, was not a lover of their liberties, and the hopes of the Reformers lay in the Prince of Carignano, a nephew of Victor Emmanuel, who afterwards ascended the throne as King Charles Albert. This prince, though in sympathy with reform, refused to go against the wishes of the King, who abdicated, appointing the Prince of Carignano Regent. The constitution of Spain was granted 'pending the orders of the new King.' This monarch, Carlo Felice, Duke of Genoa and brother of Victor Emmanuel I, lost no time in repudiating the constitution, which was also opposed by the Russian and Austrian Governments.

Santarossa, who had been appointed Minister of War by the Regent, and who was at the head of the insurrection, issued a proclamation in which he expressed the views of the promoters of the movement. 'A Piedmontese King in the midst of the Austrians, our inevitable enemies, is a King in prison. Nothing of what he may say can or ought to be accepted as coming from him. We will prove to him that we are his children.' Liberty and freedom from Austrian influence was the cry, not disloyalty to the ruling House of Piedmont. The rising of 1821 was not supported in Lombardy, and was finally put down by the Austrian power.

Carlo Felice, the new King, suppressed all movement for reform and maintained all the old prerogatives of class and caste. He, however, proclaimed the Prince of Carignano his heir and successor, and the latter succeeded to the throne as Charles Albert in 1831.

In every part of Italy there was revolt against medival government and Austrian supremacy. In Naples after 1815 the Bourbon King had been restored. Here the same demand for a constitution was put forward as in Piedmont and accepted insincerely by the King. An Austrian force of 43,000 men soon relieved his conscience of any concession, and the constitution was withdrawn.

Sicily, which under English influences during the Napoleonic War had acquired a certain amount of constitutional freedom, was on the restoration of the Bourbons thrown back, so far as government was concerned, into the Middle Ages; with the same result as in the other Kingdoms of Italy, insurrection, finally suppressed by Austrian power. The same movement occurred in all the different States of Italy and in all the basis of revolt was the same—a desire for unity, demand for a constitution, and hatred of the Austrian power made more odious by the severity of Metternich.

The forces of insurrection were stirred not only by the revolutionary instigations of Mazzini, but also by the contributions of literary men, the most notable of whom were Gioberti, Cesare Balbo, and D'Azeglio. Gioberti aimed at unity, independence and liberty; the first two to be obtained by a confederation of the various States under the Presidency of the Pope, the last by internal reforms in each State. The ambitions of Balbo were for a Kingdom of Italy. A confederation of States was to him, as to Gioberti, the only practical solution. D'Azeglio, who preached peaceful methods instead of violence, interviewed the King in 1845, and received the following reply: 'Let these gentlemen know that they must keep quiet at present, there is nothing to be done, but tell them that when the time comes, my life, the life of my children, my army, my treasury, my all, will be spent in the Italian cause.' From this time the King of Piedmont was regarded as the leader of the Italian movement.

King Charles Albert, now a convert to liberalism, said: 'I intend to make a form of government in which my people shall have all the liberty that is compatible with the preservation of the basis of the Monarchy.'

In 1848, the King's hand was forced by the revolution in Vienna and the five days' insurrection in Milan to declare war on Austria. At Milan the liberal committees prohibited the use of tobacco which was a monopoly of the Austrian Government. This led to a fracas which was the immediate cause of the insurrection, and the Austrians were driven out of Milan. Simultaneously with the movement in Lombardy there was a rising in Venice, the Austrians were driven out and a Republic was proclaimed. This proclamation was a great mistake, as it created distrust between Venice and Piedmont. The war with Austria was carried on with the utmost inefficiency by Charles Albert; he wasted every opportunity and gave himself up to fasting and prayer, and defeated, he had to submit to the terms of Radetzky to obtain an armistice which stipulated for the evacuation of Lombardy, the Duchies and Venetia.

The Piedmontese Constitution was proclaimed March 1848. It established two Chambers, gave a veto to the King, the prerogative of making peace or war, and to the Chambers the control of expenditure.

The armistice ended March 12, 1849, and hostilities were renewed, and the Italians were completely defeated at Novara. Charles Albert, who had struggled bravely but incompetently, abdicated in favour of his son Victor Emmanuel II. The new King signed the Treaty of Peace on March 26, 1849.

The war though disastrous was remarkable. For the first time an Italian army had fought under the Italian flag with the distinct purpose of establishing Italian unity.

The Venetian Assembly resolved that fusion with Piedmont was desirable. The Assembly at Milan came to a similar resolution.

Nowhere was the armistice, signed by Victor Emmanuel after the battle of Novara, more unpopular than at Genoa. A deputation from the city waited on the King immediately after Novara, urging the continuation of the war. On March 27 a rumour that the Austrians were in the neighbourhood and intended to enter the city lit the fires of revolt which, fanned by the municipality and the clergy, broke out into open insurrection on the 29th. Arms were distributed and a Committee of Defence was formed composed of Constantino Rata, David Morchio, and Avezzana. It was stated that the movement was not republican in its nature, but sprang from a feeling of indignation with the King for having concluded what the Genoese thought a disgraceful peace with Austria.

The foregoing pages dealing with the history of Italy were necessary in order to show the position of affairs in that country at the time when the episode took place of which the following is the narrative. Three of Lord Hardwicke's letters remain giving an account of his action at Genoa. Simple, straightforward, clear, they give not only an admirable picture of the events of those exciting days, but also show the character of the man who, having to act on his own initiative, cast all feeling of self-interest aside and did what he conceived was his duty, with, as will be seen, the happiest results to the city of Genoa. This heroic action—because an act undertaken in a good cause without fear of consequences and at great personal risk is heroic—gained nothing for Lord Hardwicke in his profession; indeed it militated against his promotion in the service to which he was devoted; and though his application for active service in the Baltic during the Crimean War was refused on technical grounds, his action at Genoa was sedulously used by certain parties against him. All the more honour to the man who could risk so much for a great cause. He saved lives, he preserved from destruction Genoa with its palaces and treasures, and he did indirectly help forward the unity of Italy. In these days of quick communication, independence of action is almost impossible. The nervous man at home may spoil the bold man at sea; but it was not formerly so, and it has been by the initiative and on the responsibility of the man on the spot, that most of the great deeds have been done by our fellow-countrymen. If Nelson had not had a blind eye at Copenhagen the history of our country might have been different. If Lord Hardwicke had been in closer communication with Sir William Parker, Genoa might have been destroyed.

Lord Hardwicke had no sooner joined his ship in the Mediterranean than difficulties arose in Italy, and it fell to the duty of the fleet to protect the interests of Her Majesty's subjects living in the different ports. In February 1849, owing to the unrest in Tuscany and the Roman States, he was ordered to proceed in the Vengeance to Leghorn.

The following were his instructions from Admiral Sir William Parker:

* * * * *

'The Grand Duke of Tuscany having quitted Sienna for the Port of San Stefano, and a Provisional Government established itself at Florence,

'The Roman States having also declared themselves a Republic and apprehensions being likewise entertained that some change of Government is contemplated in the Kingdom of Sardinia—it is desirable that British subjects and their property in those quarters should be duly protected.

'It is therefore my direction that your Lordship proceeds in H.M. ship Vengeance under your command, to Leghorn where you may expect to find the Bellerophon, and will learn from Captain Baynes the state of affairs in that vicinity, and the latest intelligence from Genoa.

'If you find that fears are entertained of any disturbance threatening the safety of the persons or property of Her Majesty's subjects at Leghorn, you may prolong the stay of the Vengeance there for a few days, to give them additional confidence and security, unless you have reason to apprehend that commotions are also expected at Genoa, in which case, you should lose no time, weather permitting, in repairing off that Port, where you may place the Vengeance within the Mole provided you deem her presence necessary for the protection of the English and that the position is secure for Her Majesty's ship.

'You will apprise his Excellency Mr. Abercromby, H.M. Minister at Turin, of your arrival off Genoa, and the nature of your orders, acquainting his Excellency that it is not desirable you should remain longer than may be absolutely necessary for affording due protection to British subjects. And you will throughout carefully abstain from any interference with the political affairs of the Kingdom of Sardinia or any other foreign Power.

'Her Majesty's Consul, Mr. Yeates Brown, will, of course, visit your Lordship on your arrival.

'If you consider the Mole at Genoa an objectionable position for Her Majesty's ship you will make the best arrangement in your power for the safety of the English, and then repair to Leghorn or the port of Spezzia, as I hope it may be in my power shortly to send a steamer to Genoa.

'If you find the services of the Vengeance are not required at Leghorn or Genoa, you are to rejoin my flag at this anchorage, unless any increase of the smallpox in the Bellerophon should render it desirable for the latter to proceed to Malta to land the patients, in which case you will relieve Captain Baynes in the duties at Leghorn and direct him to join my flag as he passes to the southward.

'Your Lordship is to keep me informed of your proceedings and of the passing events in your vicinity, by any opportunities that offer during your absence, sending the state and condition of the Vengeance monthly, and on returning to the south you will supply any of the ships which may remain at Leghorn with such provisions as you can spare.

'(Signed) W. PARKER.'

NAPLES: 14th Feb. 1849.

* * * * *

Later in February the following letter was addressed to Lord Hardwicke giving him further instructions and remarking on the general unrest in Tuscany and the Roman States.

* * * * *

Private.

'HIBERNIA,' NAPLES: 28th Feb. 1849.

'MY DEAR LORD HARDWICKE,

'The Bulldog will join you after delivering the provisions which she takes for the Bellerophon, and I hope will find Piedmont in a quieter state than is rumoured here, and that your fever patients are recovered.

'You are to keep Commander Key if you think the presence of the steamer necessary, and then send him back to Naples, touching on his route at Leghorn.

'The Grand Duke of Tuscany has, I fear, made a fatal mistake in quitting his dominions. He is now quartered in a very indifferent inn at Mole and rests his hopes on being restored by the combined Catholic Powers after they shall have reseated the Pope at Rome, but there are as yet no signs of a military movement.

'The Romans threaten daggers if the Austrians, Neapolitans or Spaniards enter their States, and if overpowered mean to burn the Quirinal, &c., I have not, however, much opinion of their prowess.

'I hope King Ferdinand has at last had the prudence to moderate his terms of adjustment with the Sicilians, at least so far as to afford a chance of their acceptance. Admiral Biuder and myself will proceed in 2 or 3 days to convey the ultimatum; I fear they will still be obstinate, but if it is rejected the armistice will be denounced by the Neapolitan General, and the Sicilians must trust to their own resources.

The Prince Regent is expected at Mette to get a new Main-Yard. Sir Charles Napier was at Gibraltar with his squadron on the 8th, and had been joined by the Rodney and Vanguard.

'Believe me, dear Lord Hardwicke,

'Very truly yours,

'W. PARKER.'

* * * * *

A memorandum of the same date from Sir W. Parker informed Lord Hardwicke that H.M. steam-sloop Bulldog was to co-operate with his Lordship in the event of any disturbances in Piedmont.

* * * * *

Memo.

'HIBERNIA' AT NAPLES: 28th Feb. 1849.

'Having ordered Commander Key of H.M. steam-sloop Bulldog to proceed to Leghorn with a supply of provisions for the Bellerophon, he is directed, after he shall have delivered them, to join your Lordship for the purpose of rendering any protection or refuge that may be desirable, to British subjects in the event of disturbances occurring in Piedmont.

'You will therefore take Commander Key under your orders and employ the Bulldog accordingly as long as her presence appears necessary, sending her back to Naples whenever you think her services can be dispensed with, directing Commander Key to call at Leghorn on his route, for the purpose of conveying any communications which his Excellency Sir George Hamilton, H.M. Minister at Florence, or Captain Baynes, the Senior Naval Officer may have to forward.

'W. PARKER, Vice-Admiral.'

* * * * *

On March 4, 1849, Sir W. Parker tells Lord Hardwicke to remain at Genoa or at Spezzia.

* * * * *

Private.

H.M.S. 'HIBERNIA,' NAPLES:

4th March 1849.

'MY DEAR LORD HARDWICKE,

'Accept my thanks for your two acceptable letters of this 24 and 28 ult. I wish I could send you an answer more deserving of them but we are now getting under weigh for Palermo with the Queen, Powerful, and Terrible in C., carrying the King's ultimatum of the terms of adjustment with the Neapolitans, on which we have obtained some favourable and necessary modifications altho' I doubt whether the Sicilians will accept them. I think however that they ought to do so and I shall do my best to induce them.

'I think it will be better that you should remain at Genoa or Spezzia for the present, resorting to either place at your discretion.

'My family left me three days ago by the Antelope for Malta or they would unite in every kind wish with, my dear Lord Hardwicke,

'Yours very faithfully,

'W. PARKER.'

* * * * *

On March 12, 1849, the armistice with Austria ended, and the following proclamation clearly shows with what eager hope the Genoese welcomed war.

* * * * *

'GENOESE!

'Our brothers, who for seven months, have been groaning under the Austrians, are waiting for us: Italy for many centuries has been called the "Servant of the Stranger": banishment to the words! Perhaps the country will desire great and terrible sacrifices from us; let us prepare ourselves. Let us assist our brave Army which is about to renew the wonders of her courage: remember that this is the second trial and that it ought to be the last. Conquer or die.

'And now, Genoese, my work is finished, I am preparing to depart in a short time; presenting myself to the King and parliament, I can tell them with safety without being contradicted: Genoa is tranquil.

'DOMENICO BUFFA,

'Minister of Agriculture, &c. &c., for the City of Genoa.'

GENOA: 14th March 1849.

* * * * *

The renewal of hostilities was quickly followed by the crushing defeat of Piedmont at the battle of Novara. On the abdication of Charles Albert and the succession of Victor Emmanuel to the throne, the new King signed the Treaty of Peace on March 26, 1849. The terms of this treaty were considered disgraceful by the Genoese and were the immediate cause of the rebellion in that city.

From this point Lord Hardwicke's letters tell the tale.

* * * * *

GENOA: April 12, 1849.

'MY BELOVED S.,

'I may quote the old ditty of "Now the rage of battle endeth" and find time to sit down and collect my thoughts, to write to you my dearest wife. I shall always consider myself most fortunate in having been the means of ending this serious conflict, saving from ruin a beautiful city and its inhabitants from all the calamities of civil war. Whatever may be said or thought hereafter of this affair I shall invariably feel that it is the best act of my life.

'April 11.—The forces of the King of Sardinia did on Wednesday make a public entry into the town and presently took possession of it to the satisfaction of the citizens, who now look (as they feel) that a load of terror has been taken from them, and that the tyranny that hung over them is removed. There are, no doubt, some honest and dreamy minds that feel and imagine that Italy is still to groan under the yoke of the oppressor, but ere long that dream will dissipate when the true position of Genoese affairs is known, and that the city was on the point of being reduced to a heap of ruin because a few blackguards had deceived the Genoese that they might profit by the confusion and misery of its inhabitants.

'I have many anecdotes to tell, and you may easily imagine that in such a state of things, a fierce attack being made on the town by shot, shell and troops, I passing from side to side, sometimes standing in batteries under fire and firing, sometimes on horseback to find the General, landing at night &c., could not do this without some risk. Moreover the Vengeance being in the Mole was directly between the batteries engaged, and all the shot passed over or fell round her. Then shell burst over her and tore up her decks, musketry was at times bestowed on us sufficiently to make me order the sentries on board and the officers of the watch under cover; but no one was hurt, and it is all over, so you will have your fear and your anxiety immediately put under, by the joy for the safety of all.

'(We never know here when to have letters ready, for conveyances start out every moment. I find I can send you a line, so I shall, but no, on second thoughts I believe I'd better wait for the regular packet, ten to one the person going to Malta will only take the regular packet.) I believe I'd better write you a little narrative of myself and the old ship—"Britannia's Pride and France's Terror."

'For some time past (as you will have learnt from my previous correspondence) matters in the city had been drawing towards that point on which decisive measures are forced on both parties. What was believed by some good citizens in Genoa to be buffonata, was in reality working up the public mind to revolutionary feelings against all law and authority. A national or civic guard existed in the town under the new Constitution of Sardinia (for they had a constitution and free institutions) composed of the citizens of all grades and numbering about 8000 men.

'The municipal council with the Syndic or Mayor at their head, together with the General of the Civic Guard carried on the Government of the town, and put themselves at the head of a movement, which had for its pretence the support of the King in a war against Austria, and a preparation of the City of Genoa for defence against the common foe.

'After the defeat of the King of Novara by the Austrians and the conclusion of an armistice, the articles of a Treaty became known which the Genoese thought disgraceful. There was now the sacred pretence for keeping up and augmenting a spirit of disaffection towards the Government, and a demand was made by the municipality on General Asarta (who commanded for the King here with a garrison of about 5000 men) to give up the forts and defences of Genoa to the Civic Guard, and serve out arms to the people; this was said to be for the purpose of resisting all who joined in the aforesaid Treaty, and to defend the city against the Austrians. General Asarta appears throughout the whole of this affair to have conducted himself with great weakness. He gave up Bigota and Specola, the two most important forts, to the National Guard and distributed to the people 1400 muskets.

'This was about the state of affairs when I began to interest myself in the state of Genoa. Seeing the populace in large numbers armed and giving up their work, the National Guard assuming an air of more importance, and constant drumming and parading and reviewing going on, I saw clearly what all this was fast coming to. And on calling on La Palavacini I seriously spoke of the prospects of Genoa, she laughed and called it Buffonata; but as you will see in the sequel the laugh of the lady was shortly changed, as were all smiling faces in Genoa.

'On the morning after, I paid a visit to my friend the old Admiral (who is a Genoese), and on enquiring "What news have you to-day?" he answered with a gloomy look that it was bad; that the acts of the General were great faults, and he feared much that having once dealt with the insurrectionists on terms of equality, they would acquire confidence, &c. On the following morning the British Consul came on board to me and begged me in the name of General Asarta and the Intendente Generale, or Civil Governor of the Dukedom of Genoa, to come at once to the ducal palace to consult with them on the state of affairs. (By the bye I have omitted to mention that the day previously the National Guard had seized the Civil Governor and General Fenetti, the second in Command, in the streets and cast them into prison, but a few hours after, released the Civil Governor.)

'I am of opinion that the advice of a foreigner is always offensive even if asked for, and not likely to be taken; I therefore determined to give no advice, but to go to them, and state, that I held them responsible for the security and peace of the town.

'Before, however, going I determined to see the old Admiral (whom I had a good opinion of, but I found I was in error). I told him what I thought of advice by a foreigner on such occasions and that my English ideas were decided in such a case, to defend all the property of the Crown to the last, and make no further concessions.

'He said, "Go for God's sake." I went and gave no advice, but formally stated to the King's officer that I held them responsible; they begged me to put down in writing what I said, which I did.

'That very afternoon General Asarta fled from the ducal palace to the military arsenal, and withdrew his troops from the outposts and concentrated his fire in and around the arsenal, leaving his wife and three daughters in the hands of the Municipality.

'On the following morning I went on shore, and on landing at the dockyard I met the old Admiral, he was very low in spirits and informed me that he had information that an attack was intended (immediately) on the dockyard for the purpose of getting hold of the shot and cannon and instruments of war. I expressed a hope that he had made all necessary arrangements for defence of the dockyard, and that he was prepared to defend it to the last. He answered that he was ready and would do his duty, he was then dressed en bourgeois. After leaving the dockyard I went to visit General Asarta at the military arsenal. I found him with 2000 men in and about the building, and two howitzers mounted on a terrace which overlooks the street leading to the dockyard.

'He told me that he had thought it better to concentrate his forces, and that as the arsenal contained a large quantity of arms, he had made it his headquarters, that concession had gone to its limit, and that he was determined if attacked to defend his position, but that he would do nothing to provoke an attack.

'I, considering the present position of affairs, commended the course he proposed, more particularly as General La Marmora with 20,000 men was advancing on the City; and that he with his advanced guard was not more than twenty-four hours' march from Genoa.

'From this time matters took a more serious and determined course. The Genoese had by degrees screwed themselves up to do something, but they did not know what. The mob, now armed, soon began to feel that they must either work or plunder, and as they had arms in their hands, with the municipality and the General of the Guards committed to revolt against the authority of the Crown, they were easily worked on to begin the affair. Whilst reading the newspapers at the public room, I was roused from my ease by the generale being beat through the streets. I took my way to the dockyard, where, on arriving, I found a fieldpiece brought up against the gate. At this moment the gates were opened and the mob rushed in, a few muskets were fired, I have since found by people looking out of the windows, and the pillage of arms and shot began. I met the Admiral, still out of uniform. I was ashamed to look at him; I put my hands before my face and passed him without speaking.

'I went on board the ship and from her deck witnessed the attack of the National Guards and mob on General Asarta's headquarters. Their easy victory over the Admiral stimulated them to act against the General; a fire of musketry and cannon was opened from both sides and was maintained for nearly an hour, when the city party retreated leaving the guns in the hands of the General and twenty-one men dead—how many women was never known.

'The General lost two killed and three women. Among the killed was a colonel of one of his own regiments. The city was now fairly up, the tocsin was rung, everybody took up arms, barricades were thrown up everywhere, and troops bivouacked in the streets. Sentinels, both male and female, stood at the barricades, and priests in their proper garments shouldered the musket. This evening a barbarous murder of a Colonel of Carbineers was committed by the armed populace; he after the attack on the arsenal put on a plain coat, and walked out to see his wife who was alone at his home in the town. He was recognised by the people, they led him to a church where twenty-one bodies of the slain were laid out, they ordered him to count the bodies audibly. He did so. They then said, "We want twenty-two and you shall be the twenty-second." With that he was pierced with bayonets and shot at. From this mode of treatment he was an hour and a half before death released his sufferings. His wife was hunted from house to house till she found shelter on board the Vengeance.

'There have been, of course, a number of similar and even more revolting crimes committed, but I shall not speak of this more. General La Marmora has shot all his men that have taken the lead in plunder or rapine, and imprisoned the remainder, and I hope and believe that nothing of this sort now goes on.

'In this state of affairs I next morning went to visit General Asarta, having previously called at the ducal palace to see his wife and children. I got access to them, but found her carefully guarded, and, in fact, a hostage in the hands of the mob for the conduct of her husband. It was a painful interview, the manner of her guards towards her was in my presence respectful, but cold and severe; she and her children have escaped all personal injury but have been plundered of all they possess.

'I was met at the gate of the arsenal by Captain Cortener, an artillery man that I knew, in tears; from him I learnt the disgraceful surrender of the troops, and that the General with 5000 men was to evacuate the town in 24 hours. I found the General had lost his head, he hardly knew me, and so I rendered him the last service in Genoa, that of sending a carriage to take him the first stage to Turin, leaving his wife and three daughters in the hands of General Avezzana, the head of the revolt.

'Every preparation was now made by the Municipality and National Guards for the defence of the place against the King's Forces, approaching under the command of a young and energetic General. I amused myself with visiting all their posts, and observed that in the affairs of war, there were very few among them who knew anything about it.

'Great importance was given to barricades—the word seemed to be ominous of security—they reconstructed them now, building them of the fine paving stones of the Place, with sand filled between the stones. They had embrasures in them in which they mounted one or two heavy pieces of ordnance; but all this time they were neglecting the forts and walls of the town—their real defence; and I saw what would happen, and it did happen, viz. that the town wall was carried easily by escalade.

'The man now holding the military command was one General Avezzana, a Piedmontese, of low origin I should think; he was an adventurer, had been concerned in former revolutionary affairs in Italy, and had about twenty years ago gone to America, where he married a Miss Plowden, an Irish emigrant in New York. He seems, between the two avocations of a military and a commercial life, to have made some money. Last year when Italy and France began this revolutionary concord, he, loving troubled waters, came over to Genoa and by some means got the King of Sardinia to give him the appointment of General of the Guardia Civica of Genoa, a force of nearly 10,000 men of all arms, having cavalry and artillery included in the force. This force included the noble, the shop-keeper, and the small trader, and even people having no stake in the town beyond the occupation of a lodging. It was under the orders, constitutionally, of the Crown in the first place, and then of the Mayor, or Syndic, and his council.

'Genoa now stood alone with its own Government and its own army, at war with its legitimate Monarch the King of Sardinia. They hoisted the Sardinian flag nevertheless, but without the Royal Arms in the centre.

'In addition to this force there were in the town persons who had been by degrees arriving for a long time past, people who form the Guardia Mobile of Italy, and have gone from town to town exciting discontent, about 2000 in number of all nations, under officers French and Poles. In addition, about 30,000 muskets with ammunition in abundance had fallen into the hands of the Genoese on the taking of the arsenal, so that women and boys were armed. This was the state of things early on the morning of the 3rd of April; during the 2nd, a Provisional Government had been formed for the Duchy of Genoa and the Genoese flag paraded through the streets. This Government consisted of Albertini, a scoundrel and a blackguard, Reta, and Avezzana.

'I contemplated the state of things with deep interest. On the afternoon of the 3rd, as I was walking slowly from post to post towards the Porta della Lanterna I heard the crack of a musket, followed by eight or nine in rapid succession; there was great stir in the streets immediately and the generale was beat, and the tocsin began to sound. I passed on rapidly towards the Porta della Lanterna from which point the firing had now become rapid, and meeting a man who had received a musket ball flesh wound, I asked him the news; he said that La Marmora's bersaglieri or light troops, had got over the wall.

'I now turned back towards the town and was much questioned at the first barricade by the people; when I told them that General La Marmora had got into the suburb, there was a universal flight from the barricade, which made me laugh exceedingly, and did not give me a very high opinion of the valour of the Genoese insurrectionary troops, but it was only the first panic, and they recovered from it.

'At this moment a gun was fired from the head of the old Mole, and as its direction was towards the Vengeance, I went on board.

'Now to give you an idea of the powers I had as a spectator of the coming conflict, I must tell you that the Mole of Genoa is semicircular, all the land rises in hills and terraces from the water, and the ship lay in that part of the semicircle next the Porta della Lanterna, and not above 300 to 400 yards from the whole field of battle. You will see what a good view I had of all the affair, and that all the shot from the opposing batteries passed over, or round the ship.

'On arriving on board, I saw that the light troops of General La Marmora were carefully and slowly descending from the heights, and driving in the outposts of the citizens; it was very pretty to see the way in which these men conducted the proceedings. First of all, they are very picturesque troops, having on their heads a hat which has a long flowing feather (which is a gamecock's tail dyed green); figure to yourself the rifle men in the Freischutz, and you have the men before you. Singly and silently did these men advance, peeping over every wall, making every bank a cover, and killing or wounding at almost every shot; while the citizens were crouching in confused groups, and as a man of the group fell from the unseen shot, the rest ran away, fired on from ten to twelve points, and thus dispersed. On all this I looked as upon a map. The consequence of all this was, that in about three hours 120 light troops, the general, La Marmora in person, which was all of his army that had arrived, took possession of the suburb of Genoa up to the first barricade of the town; but behind, and cut off, was the fortress of the gate, the key of Genoa, which the National Guards still held.

'About this time as the troops of La Marmora were seen on the heights, the town battery on the Mole had opened its fire, but no reply could be made to it; as yet La Marmora had no guns over the wall.

'About 1 o'clock P.M. three cheers and a shot from a gun showed that he had mounted his first piece of ordnance on the height above the gate. During the night the fire was kept up between this one gun and the guns on the town mole head.

'I must now pause to let you know that many refugees were on board, and as the fight thickened, I had no doubt that the morrow would fill the ship with folks of all nations and both sexes.

'During the night a portion of La Marmora's advanced guard had arrived, and a battalion of light troops as well as one of infantry had got over the wall. He now made his attack on the gate, which was soon taken; some few escaped to the seaside and hid themselves in the rocks, but the greater part were killed. He also pressed forward along the road towards the city's first strong position, but his men got on but slowly, for the houses and points that afforded cover were well contested, and he lost many men.

'However, now he had got possession of the batteries of the Lanterna, mounting 19 guns, 68- and 32-pounders, with which he began to thunder away about 1 o'clock on the town. Before dark La Marmora had possession of all between the Lanterna and the Doria Palace, but here his difficulties increased; the fighting was severe during the whole of this day, and for the last five hours General La Marmora did not advance a foot. At about two o'clock in the afternoon General La Marmora sent an aide-de-camp to me, to beg to see me.

'I was on shore at the time looking at how the rebels got on at their advanced post, but as soon as I was informed I went to him. He was out on horseback at his attacking point, so asking for a horse, I mounted and rode towards his post of attack. I met him returning. We were very well fired on with round shot on our return, but as he and I rode together two shots struck on each side of us, which led me to remark to him that they fired well; he told me that that battery was commanded by a deserter from their artillery.

'In this ride back with him I got at all his intentions with regard to the city.

'He told me he had 25,000 men coming up, that there was no mode of warfare that he would not visit on the city, shot, shell, night attack, and I added, "What say you to pillage," he replied, "I cannot guarantee the contrary."

'After dismounting at his headquarters, a room in the gateway, he begged me to look out for the Sardinian fleet expected, and to deliver to the Admiral two letters.

'I then, after visiting his batteries, went on board. Whilst standing in the battery of the Lanterna his men, after begging me to bob under the parapet and then trying to pull me down, were surprised to hear that on board ship, bobbing was tabooed to me, and therefore we were not accustomed to do so, but, as I told them, I had not the least objection to their doing so. Both sides fired very well and with great rapidity, and at this time La Marmora had thirty guns and mortars bearing on the town, to which the town was replying with about forty, so there was a very respectable cannonade carried on.

'At about 6 P.M. he took the Doria Palace, the fire from his artillery forcing the city people to leave it. He now established his advanced posts for the night in the Doria Palace. This day had put more than 120 refugees on board the ship, but she was not so comfortable as we expected. I was full; and for three nights never pulled off my clothes, indeed I could not find a square foot to rest on, in either cabin.

'I really, my dear, must leave out all the interesting details of my arrangements and difficulties with your sex, the state of things such as this beggars description! I was anxious to give shelter to all, and in the afternoon, before I saw the General, it began to grow rather warm in Genoa. I called at the house of my Genoese lady friends, and such as had not already fled I induced to take shelter on board. At one lady's house the fair owner was in such a state of indecision I could bring her to no resolution, as a shell passed or fell near her house she would wring her hands and cry out, "What shall I do? My beautiful furniture! My beautiful house!" but she never said one word about her husband who was in a fort above the town, which fort I knew must soon be attacked, or her infant child who was with her. At last on my telling her I must go, as I had much to do, she came and was taken on board; but I must leave this part of the play to be told viva voce.

'At about half-past eight this evening, having served the poor frightened refugees with the best fare I could give them, finding that La Marmora's fire was very serious against the city, and that to-morrow it would be twice as severe, seeing the wretched state of the poor Genoese women on board, and the more dreadful state in prospect for them in the town, I took the resolution of, at all hazards to myself and without consulting anyone, to try and stop this state of things; I ordered my gig to be manned.

'I must here, my love, break off my narrative till next post; the steamer will wait no longer and my dispatches must go on board.

'Adieu, my love.

'I am, ever your devoted

'CHARLES.'

* * * * *

GENOA: April 20, 1849.

'MY BELOVED S.,

'I have no sooner dispatched my letter to you this afternoon than I again take up my pen to carry on the narrative of the recent events here.

'I left off at the point where I determined to interfere and start for the shore in my boat. It was fortunately a fine night, a few low light clouds floated in the atmosphere, the roar of artillery, so close that the ship shook at every discharge, the roaring hiss of the shot, the beautiful bright fuse of the bomb-shell, as it formed its parabola in the air, sometimes obscured as it passed through a cloud and again emerged, gave an active and anxious feeling to my mind. I could not but feel that I had a great and a good work in hand, I was soon on shore, the only gate in the city that was guaranteed to be open I pulled for; it was directly under the fire of the Boys' Home, two round shots struck the ground as I landed passing close over our heads. Desiring my coxswain to pull the boat back among the shipping and out of the line of fire, I walked to the gate and beat against it with the butt end of my sword; it was opened by one of the few officers of the Civic Guard who now wore his uniform. Saying a few civil words to him I passed on up the street to the ducal palace. This city was at this moment worth contemplating.

'Usually crowded with both sexes in rapid motion and gay laughing conversation, it now was like the city of the dead, its silence only disturbed by the explosion of the shells or a wall struck by shot, and the occasional reports of musketry in quick succession.

'I had to pass three barricades before reaching the Palace, the two first were deserted, on passing the third a bayonet was presented to my breast. On looking up I found the other end was in the hands of a pretty delicate woman. I pushed the weapon aside and giving her a military salute, passed on. I got easy access to the Municipal Body.

'It is not easy to give in writing a perfect idea of this night's scenes. You must carry in your head the state of Genoa; the people who formed the municipality were persons who had only read of war, they had never seen its terrors before; they were fathers and husbands, men of property, all within the city walls; they were the heads of the revolts in the first instance, about soon to become the followers or slaves of the armed rebel, or die.

'The present state of things favoured my plan. I was received by four of the good people who sat quietly waiting for others, and about twenty people, among whom was the Bishop of Genoa, were soon in the room. I opened my mission to them and drew as strong a picture as I was able, obliged to speak French, of the position, and then asked them if they agreed to my view of that part of this case. They concurred in all I said.

'It was to the effect that the military power was outside and inside. That the one inside was most to be feared, and that no question existed at this moment to warrant a resistance which would destroy the city, give the wives and children to rapine, and their homes to pillage, without a chance of success on their side.

'I next put before them their duty, which was at once to set a good example; to rally the respectable people, and people of property in the town, and separate themselves from foreigners and niggards; next, to surrender the city to the King's general, and not to sit to see it destroyed without a struggle to save themselves from ruin and disgrace. To all this they gave a ready assent; but how to act was the question.

'I said, "If you have confidence in me let us act together," and moving to the table I took up a pen and began to write on a sheet of paper, when lo! a visitor made his appearance that aided me much in my intentions. A shell knocked off the top of the chimney and perforated the wall, exploding in the chimney of the ante-room to the one we were in. The effect was great, but I coolly said, "Oh pooh, only a shell—let us go on," and the fear and excitement which had for a moment prevailed subsided, my words and manner restoring confidence and stopping observations. La Marmora's messenger did me good service, for on finishing my draft of a treaty it was generally approved of; but they added an additional clause giving an amnesty to all for recent offences. This clause I objected to, but being in haste to see what General La Marmora would say to me, I deferred all discussion till my return.

'I got quickly down to my boat and pulled across the mole to the Porta della Lanterna, and found no interruption from the sea to the works above, till I came to the gate; here of course I had to wait till all the forms were gone through which state of war required. I found the General had gone to St. Pierre de la Regina, two miles off for the night; no wonder, for nineteen 68- and 32-pounders were firing from the lantern battery, and a fire of ten or twelve guns returning the salute from the town on this point alone.

'Away I trudged, and, after some lost time, found the General in his bed. He had been up like me three nights, this was my third, and was ill with fatigue and anxiety. I prefaced all I had to offer by an apology for putting myself forward in such a case. I made my proposals for the surrender of the city. He was most frank and manly in his answer. He said he thought all I said and offered was most fair, and if I would add a clause for the disarming of the population he would sign. This was a great step; I saw the man liked me and that I could deal with him. I saw too that he was a gentleman, a soldier and a humane man. I now determined in my own mind that the city should surrender, and I hoped on my own terms. So I went to work with a good will. I was soon back again with the municipality, and sat in their room till four in the morning fighting in debate clause by clause of my articles.

'By this time the lawyers had come, Avezzana the general had arrived, and it was hard work. I got all the clauses passed even to the disarming of the people, but the great tug was a general amnesty which they demanded. On this point I was determined.

'Imagine my debating this with the proscribed whose case was life and banishment, or death!

'First fury and anger and threats were used against me; then supplication and tears. I was firm. I said I could never ask of any one that which I myself would not grant; that I thought the city of Genoa highly criminal; that some punishment must be and ought to be inflicted on it; but that I would be fair and merciful in what I did, and that I would find out from the General La Marmora what his most lenient views were in regard to the leaders of the revolt. At five I was at the landing place of the Porta della Lanterna, when as soon as I landed, the Piedmontese sentry fired right at me at about three yards' distance, and ran as fast as he could, the ball passed quite close to my right. I came up with him, and took his musket from him, shaking it I found it had just been discharged. I taxed him with firing at me, he owned it saying his regiment had arrived in the night and he was just put on as sentry. He heard he was surrounded with enemies so he fired at the first man he saw. I frightened him by pretending to drag him before the General, but laughing let him go. The fact was, as he stated, he was in a devil of a funk, and so thinking to make short work did not challenge before firing. I was surprised at finding a sentry on this spot, he had been put there since I was last there.

'I found La Marmora at the Lanterna; he now drew up a paper in accordance with mine, giving life and property to all, with a promise to intercede with the King to-morrow; the punishment of the leaders to as few as possible; with this I again returned to the ducal palace.

'Before leaving him he proposed to cease his fire on the city till my return. I told him in reply I did not ask him to do so, however as soon as I left him his fire ceased. This was most humane on his part, for it was full an hour and a half before I got the town batteries to cease their fire. La Marmora, however, began a fierce attack with musketry, &c., on the advance post of the town.

'This my last visit to the Municipality was the most painful of all, for I had to sit apart and allow them to fight among themselves. I stated that what I had laid before them was the ultimatum, that I could and would ask no more, and that if they did not agree to this I should take my leave; that the fire would be resumed with increased vigour and that the destruction of the city and blood of its inhabitants must lie at their door.

'They then proposed to me, finding I was inexorable, to go in a body to the General if I would go with them. I consented and took them over in the barge. On my way I informed them that I would not help them in their appeal to General La Marmora with regard to entire amnesty, but that I would join them in gaining time; on which it was agreed to press for 48 hours of cessation of arms, and that a deputation from the city might go to the King at Turin.

'On going into the presence of the General I drew aside and sat on a bed, whilst the deputation urged their claims, and as in Italy everybody is eager and full of gesticulation, the noise and confusion was tremendous. I had not seen this for we were treating under fire and all were silent, those who had the best nerves were the speakers. If you want to make peace treat under fire; for me it will become a maxim. However after about two hours' wrangle, the General came up to me and said, "Are you not 'accord' with me? that you do not speak," so much had I gained of his mind that he would not act without me. In short I may now say, the 48 hours were granted. The deputation went to Turin, they got 48 hours more, and the city was surrendered on my treaty, the King granting an amnesty to all but twelve persons named, and they had been allowed to escape.