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'On arriving at Lilla Edet, we were taken before a magistrate, showed our passports and were dismissed, after refusing to compromise the affair for five dollars. This is the story and a very strange one it is. The King has ordered a process to be begun against the men. I can make no comment upon it. The reason for such treatment it is impossible to conceive.'
But on arriving at Gottenborg, I find my father called on the Governor, and found him justly very indignant, and he declared the Postmaster should go to prison for three years with hard labour, exclaiming at the same time, 'Nous ne sommes pas des Barbares, monsieur.'
Changing vessels of passage twice, my father arrived at Christiania.
'Xtiania fiord is deep and the town is situated at the head of it. Part of the passage of the fiord is very narrow among the small islands, and the water very deep. Though Christiania is but a poor town compared with other northern towns, yet its environs may boast of more beauty than perhaps any capital in the universe.'
My father finds the politeness of the inhabitants expensive, and says, 'in walking the streets of northern towns, you can wear out a good hat in three days.'
In return they received the greatest civility from two fellow-passengers who took them to call on Count Plater, the Stadt-Holder or Governor of Xtiania, who was an admiral in their navy and spoke excellent English; also on Count Rosen.
'Went to see the Storthing in the morning. Strangers were admitted to the Gallery on requesting a ticket from the Police!'
My father writes:
'The origin of this Constitution, (now such a thorn in the side of the King,) was in the reign of the Danish Prince Christian, who himself assembled a body of the people to consult on the affairs of State at the moment previous to Norway and Sweden falling under the power of France. The body thus met, constituted themselves into a perpetual assembly for the government of the country, and by their prudence and independence, it is now permanently established (1828) and never were a people more attached to their constitution.' Dining with Count Plater the Viceroy of Norway, at 3 P.M., he met forty people, all the Ministers of State and great officers in full dress with their 'orders' on; also three peasant Labour Candidates in the costume of their country, being Members of the Storthing. He also met Count Videll, a 'most fascinating person' who, being asked as to the purchase of a carriage, replied politely, 'I will give you one'; and he sent it, saying, 'It is nothing, I have plenty.' The valley of the Drammen he beheld from the mountain of their descent, 'charm and awe' by turns are the sensations of the travellers, and this led them on to Kongsberg, at one time famous for its silver mines, but the mines not being worked and the timber trade also decreasing, the population went with it and was then only 4000. The travellers went down the only silver mine then worked, in the dress of a miner, walked through a horizontal gallery a mile long till they came to the shaft, and descended two storeys but could not proceed, the fire being just lit below.
'This mine returns about 1250 sterling of silver per ann. Sixty miners are employed at 14 a year each! Bears, wolves and reindeer abound in this vicinity. There is plenty of iron, not worked, and gold has also been found in Kongsberg. From thence to Topam(?) we were surprised to find ourselves driven up to the door of a gentleman's place, out came Jack Butler, and the master of the house, pressing us to walk in; after excuses and proper hesitation we accepted, and found ourselves in a room with people at supper, ladies pretty ones too, who spoke English!
'The fact is that Topam, of which we had heard so much, is a gentleman's place; after dinner we were shown to our room (one only was vacant). Walrond had a bed and I slept in my cloak.'
Next day they engaged a well-organised chasse. My father pronounces Topam (?) the most beautiful thing he had ever seen. 'Mr. Benker of Berlin, their host, purchased it from the King of Sweden for 150,000. It is the only thing on this scale in Europe.'
The travellers now returned to Christiania, apparently to be received by the King. They intended dining with their old friend Count Plater, but the King commanded them to dine with him. After waiting some time they were ushered in by Baron Lamterberg, the head Chamberlain, and after a few minutes the King entered—(here follows the interview in Captain Yorke's own words):
'I apologised for being in plain clothes instead of uniform or court dress; he replied, "I do not want to see the dress but the man, I am glad to see you both." He then addressed his conversation in different topics, viz.: policy of Sweden, change of ministry in England, the navy, the country, and the mines of Sweden; all of which he enlarged much on.
'He remarked, speaking of England, "That she must have a strong government or things would not go right in a turn of affairs which he seemed to think must soon come. A strong government is absolutely necessary for England." He asked me if I thought that much order or signals could be attended to after a naval fight had once begun? I answered, "I thought it depended much on the weather, and which fleet had the weather gage. With a strong wind and the weather gage I thought a well-conducted fleet could keep in good order, as long as spars stood." We stayed with the King for an hour before dinner which was served at half-past five, after taking schnapps and anchovies, &c. (at which preparation the King did not appear, they being served at side tables). The company, about thirty generals, Colonels and Officers of State, were scattered about in different rooms; the King suddenly entered and took his seat; everyone did the same, nothing was said; he fell to work, a very good dinner. I sat opposite the King who never spoke, or even changed his countenance, or his knife and fork, which were of gold, and wiped them himself on bread.
'He ate of many dishes, and drank claret and Seltzer water. The plate was silver except what he had, the glass plain except his, and the knives and forks were wiped and given to us again. Dinner over, coffee was served and he talked to me, hoped to see me at Stockholm, bowed to the company and retired. The King is a perfect gentleman and man of the world, elegant in his manners and dress, the most intelligent countenance, and very upright, and good looking in feature.'
I have before noted that my father had really no evening dress or uniform and was sorely put to it what to do, when he remembered he had given his servant Jack Butler an old black coat, so he borrowed it for the occasion, Butler remarking 'that it looked as good as new, as he had blacked the seams with ink.' This was told to the Chamberlain, who repeated it to the King, who went into a paroxysm of laughter.
June 13.—We now come to the parting with Walrond, faithful friend and companion, and sad was the leave-taking. Both were sorry to part, my father with a long and dreary journey before him alone in a strange land. As before, he seems to have been most hospitably treated wherever he halted. Excellent rooms and good food were provided. Between this and Brejden (? Trondhjem) he passed by the wooden monument erected to Sinclair, who was there shot. The Norwegians say that silver bullets were cast on purpose to kill him. Here also they murdered forty Scots, prisoners, in cold blood. Between Brejden (?) and Langan Pass, the spot where the action was fought, 700 Scots fell. The pass is, even with a good road, very narrow, and the mountain above and below nearly perpendicular; at the foot runs the Langan, a rapid stream. The Norwegians held the heights, and with them a handful of men might defeat the enemy.
In crossing the summit and then the descent of the Dovrefeld Range, he suffered much fatigue both to the eye and limb, 'for never did my eye wander over so desolate a waste as the summit of these mountains, the peaks covered with snow, and spots of deep snow in the valleys.' Not a vestige of herbage or tree to be seen on the northern summit, nor for one Swedish mile of the descent; then begins the stunted birch, next the Scotch fir, and 'towards the end of the day our eyes were cheered by the sight of pines.'
'The inhabitants of the Post-houses are the cleanest people I have seen, and one is surprised by meeting clocks, carved, painted and gilded, and walls covered with inscriptions or rudely painted figures. All their utensils are well scrubbed, and as white as wood can be made. They wear plaid and recall in their delivery the people of the Scotch Highlands.'
Here comes another description of meals, the table at the latter being covered with 'glass, flowers and sweets,' Diner la Russe, now so completely our own fashion. 'A general welcome to the board is first given, and on rising from table we shake hands all round and the words, "much good may it do you" often accompanies this greeting.' This again reminds one of the German gesegnete Mahlzeit.
Captain Yorke continues his inquiries by visiting the Arsenal at Trondhjem which he finds in good order with stores and gunpowder in small quantities. Twenty gunboats are here laid up in houses built for the purpose, everything connected with them in good repair. They have a large lug sail with a mast that falls down. How quaint all these descriptions must appear to sailors of modern times!
'Besides the Arsenal, the King's Regalia was inspected with laudable curiosity. It distinctly belonged to Norway, but was made at Stockholm for the coronation of the present King in the old Church. A very gorgeous affair, the jewels (pearls) no diamonds, and the other stones in the crown chiefly amethysts. The Bernadotte family, on the whole, is not popular in Norway. Sport is always mingled with hospitality and entertainments; a vast quantity of eider duck is everywhere on the water, and to take a boat and go out on the Fiord with a gun, is one of the delights of this most delightful tour. It is curious to see the affection of the old ones for the brood, which they never will forsake and so fall an easy prey to the fowler.'
Trondhjem was left with much regret. The pictures, the old town with its hospitality, the fishing for trout and shooting of eider duck with the gorgeous scenery left an indelible impression, but night beginning to darken at twelve put the traveller in mind that time was passing with rapidity and that to effect the journey before him he must depart.
The next point of general interest is a visit to a family of Laplanders a mile up the mountains. Herick Anderson, the head or chief of his family, received the whole party, consisting of Captain Yorke, a friend (Mr. Charter), and their servants, with 'great delight.'
They were milking the deer, so the travellers could not have arrived at a more fortunate moment. Five hundred of these animals were enclosed in a circular space with birch trees cut down and made into a temporary fence, so giving a good opportunity for looking at the animal. It is about the height of our common fallow deer, but much stronger and larger in make, large necks and feet, large-boned legs, with immense antlers covered with flesh and skin, a dark mouse colour, coat thick, most even and beautiful to look at. The milk is rich beyond any ever tasted. They dined with the Laps on reindeer soup and bouillie, scalded milk and cheese—a characteristic meal. The scalded milk was delicious, but so rich they could hardly eat it.
They also had a fine sight of Lapland deer dogs, and bought one for 10s.; I suppose that quarantine was not invented then!
After a good deal of brandy drinking the travellers departed with some difficulty, for the Finns got so riotous that it was with force they got them from the horses' heads, holding on to the bridles to prevent their departure.
The Diet at Stockholm (November 1828) was opened with great pomp and ceremony. My father was present and went in the suite of Lord Bloomfield, our Minister at the Swedish Court. The ceremony began at 10 A.M., the King and Crown Prince going in state to the church where divine service was performed. From there a procession to the palace.
The nobles, Ministers of State, &c., with bands of music met them, the King and Crown Prince walking under a canopy with their crowns on their heads. Then followed Foreign Ministers with their suites, then twelve men in armour with large helmets (a bodyguard established by Charles XII), and more burghers, clergy, and peasants; guards on one side, artillery on the other, and on entering the square of the palace, the Horse Guards lined the way. The King took his seat on the throne at the upper end of the Riks Salon, the Crown Prince on his right a little below him; the Ministers of State at the foot of the throne, behind officers of the household, below in a semicircle the guards in armour. At each side on seats the members of the Diet, in a gallery on the left sat the Queen and Princess Royal with their ladies. In another gallery opposite the throne sat the Foreign Minister and strangers of distinction. The King then delivered his speech to the Crown Prince, who read it, silence being obtained by the chief minister striking his baton three times on the ground (which reminds one of a beadle in a Roman Catholic ceremony!).
The marshal of the ceremony also struck his baton three times on the ground—the signal for the speakers from the Diet to deliver their respective addresses, after which the whole procession left the Riks Salon as it came.
'Carl Johan did the King to admiration, though he looked weary and distressed.
'The Prince was more at his ease, he put one in mind of the pictures we see of our old Saxon Kings, the crown being made to that shape.'
On November 17 my father received a summons from the King at 7 P.M., and was most kindly received.
'He first conversed on Norway, and asked about the new road between Norway and Sweden. "You, I think, have been in Egypt," said he, "the Pasha is a most extraordinary man?" I replied, "One of the most extraordinary men in the world." "Egypt is well governed, is it not?" "Perhaps so, sire, to answer the Pasha's own ends, but horridly tyrannised over, and the people dreadfully oppressed." "But they are a barbarous people, and must be ruled with severity, are they not?" "True, sire, barbarous, yet his system of Government must militate against his own wishes; for example, he would fain contend with your manufactures in the market, yet he will not allow the manufacturer to work for himself, and do his best to get the best price, but will have the article made for his own sale, paying only so much a day for his labour." "Perhaps," said the King, "in Egypt the people are slaves, but in Europe, Kings are the only slaves. In England and Sweden, your King and I myself are the only slaves. Eh? is it not so?"
'"If your Majesty will use any other word than slave, I shall be happy to agree."
'"What word can I use?" he said. "It is true, I am the only slave in Sweden. Now, Captain Yorke, do you suppose that Egypt could be governed by a representative government?"
'My answer was immediate, "Impossible, sire."
'"There, Count Welterdick, do you hear that?" Turning to the courtiers and Lord Bloomfield, he ejaculated with considerable force, "There, there, you are right, sir—you are right!" During all this conversation the King seemed considerably excited. The Diet had just met and things had not gone there so as to please him. After a few more commonplace observations he said, "Good evening. The Queen wishes to see you below, go to her, and dine with me before you leave us."'
CHAPTER VI
GREEK INDEPENDENCE. 1829-1831
In letters written from Stockholm to his father and brother in the autumn of 1828, Captain Yorke expresses very urgently his desire to find himself again on active service. 'I see the Lord High Admiral is out,' he wrote to Sir Joseph in September of that year, 'and whoever comes in, pray try and get me to the Mediterranean if it is possible.' A month later his brother, the Rev. Henry Yorke, is reminded of the same wish. 'Since the Russians have blockaded the Dardanelles and old Melville has again taken up the cudgels, I do not know what to think, and I anxiously await a line from England. Employment is what I most wish, and now more than ever, for England will be at war ere long. I trust in God my friends will stir for me.'
Captain Yorke's anticipation of a war in which England should be involved was not fulfilled, but the chafing at a life of inaction by the ardent sailor which appears so clearly in his letters was soon relieved by his appointment to the command of the brig Alligator in November or December of 1828.
After some short service in home waters, during which he visited the Orkneys, Captain Yorke was ordered to take the Alligator to the Mediterranean station, where it doubtless occurred to the authorities that the energy and ability he had shown when in command of the Alacrity in Greek waters a few years earlier would be of service in the new circumstances which had arisen in that part of the world. The Greek War of Independence, which was in full progress when Captain Yorke was engaged in suppressing the piracy of which it was a chief cause in 1823-26, was now drawing to a close. In 1827 Great Britain, France, and Russia were all united in securing the independence of the country, which was recognised by a treaty between the three Powers in that year, and in January following Count Capo d'Istria was elected President of the new republic. There remained, however, the difficulty of extracting the same acknowledgment from the Sultan, and from his powerful and practically independent vassal, Mehemet Ali Pacha of Egypt, whose aid he had invoked, and whose son Ibrahim held much of the revolted country. But in 1828 the Allies at last came to an arrangement with Mehemet, and by a convention concluded by Sir Edward Codrington, that potentate agreed to evacuate the Morea and to deliver all captives. There then remained the difficult work of fixing boundaries, of taking over such parts of the country as were occupied by the Turkish and Egyptian forces, and of reconciling the inhabitants of those portions of the Hellenic territory which had not been allowed by the Powers to attain their independence to a continuance of the Turkish rule. Of these the island of Crete with its heroic Spakiotes, who had never acknowledged the Sultan as their sovereign, was perhaps the most troublesome and difficult. There remained also the incidental suppression of the piracy which still continued. This duty, as before, fell mainly to the share of Captain Yorke in the Alligator.
From a journal among the Hardwicke MSS. at the British Museum, I am able to trace my father in that service from September 1, 1830, onwards. He was then ordered to visit Volo, Salonica, and the neighbourhood, 'owing to the reports of piracies lately committed, and to express all manner of good will to all parties excepting such pirates, whom I am ordered to destroy should I fall in with them.' On his arrival at Napoli at the end of August he found the admirals of France and Russia and the Commissioners for settling the boundaries of the new republic. 'The work goes slowly on,' he records; 'Russia makes difficulties and throws obstacles in the way.' He reports that Capo d'Istria was generally unpopular, an opinion which was confirmed by his assassination only a year later. He found the islands of the Archipelago much dissatisfied with the result of their rebellion, many of them apparently preferring to remain under the Turk; others with a grievance because they had not been included in the transfer; all of them intensely jealous of each other. 'The islands are particularly dissatisfied,' he says. 'Their situation is much changed. Under the Turk the islander was freer and was rich and had great trade; now, ruined by the war, he has lost his ships and his commerce.' On September 3 he sails along the coast of Negropont, about to be evacuated by the Turks, and hears of piracies committed by them in leaving that country. 'It is not to be supposed,' he says, 'that these reckless ruffians would desist from insulting Greek boats and vessels when they fall in with them.' Going on to Volo, the Aga of that town assured him that no piracies had taken place recently in the district, and 'that a small boat might now go in safety to Constantinople,' but of this the captain evidently had his doubts. On the 6th he fell in with the Meteor, Captain Copeland, and anchored with her near Zituni, between Negropont and the coast of Thessaly. His impression of this part of the world is of interest.
'In this part of Thessaly,' he says, 'an English ship had never been before seen to anchor. I was greeted by the natives. The Greek population are armed, and the number of Turks in the surrounding district does not exceed fifteen. Opposite to us is the pass of Thermopylae, of which pass there is now no remains, the sea having receded and a considerable plain of alluvial soil now exists where the Pass must have been. The part of Thessaly opposite the Negropont is the ancient Myseria and the first scene of the memorable Argonautic Expedition. Volo was Iolcos, from which Jason embarked his band of adventurers. Pelion is seen from the gulf.'
While lying near Zituni, Captain Yorke received news of a pirate named Macri Georgio, who two days before had plundered a schooner, and was apparently at large in two boats with sixty armed ruffians in the Gulf of Salonica. He immediately set sail for Cape Palliouri, anchored his brig by lantern light just round that point on September 11, and at moonrise led an expedition of five boats with sixty men and three days' provisions in search of the pirate. There followed many interviews with the Agas of different districts, who gave him much conflicting evidence about the doings of Macri Georgio, but with no result, and the Alligator was finally brought to an anchor at Salonica, where he prosecuted further inquiries. Salonica, which to-day promises to become a bone of contention among some of the Powers of Europe, he found 'a clean town, containing about 70,000 inhabitants. The walls are in the Turkish style of fortification and without a ditch; the city stands on an inclined plain gently sloping to the sea, the sea wall is flanked by two towers at either end. The surrounding country is plain with mountains rising at the back.' He already noticed a great change in the attitude of the Turks, owing to the long struggle they had sustained with the Greeks and with Russia during the late war.
'As it is, the empire is weakened, and the Turks know not what to make of it. They say the Sultan is a Giaour. The Turks, too, seem to have lost all their former pride, the lower orders are afraid, and the upper classes are quite disaffected. The change has been most wonderful, nor is it quite possible to reconcile to oneself how it has been brought about. The Koran is no longer the law of the land, and therefore you can hardly say they are any longer Turks. In Salonica this day, an independent Greek was seen beating an armed Turk in the streets.'
From Salonica Captain Yorke, hearing of another clue, started in search of the elusive Macri Georgio, whom he thought he had at last located in the Peneus. So there is another expedition in the boats with sixty men and a twelve-miles pull to Platamona. At a village, Karitza, they hear of an atrocity of the pirates, who had burned a boat and killed all the crew, leaving one poor fellow only, dead on the beach with his right arm missing, as witness to the outrage. So the little force bivouacs on the beach, and at 4.30 next morning chase and fire on some men whom they see hauling a boat over a sandbank into the river Peneus, with others retreating into the forest. There followed another chase up the river with the lighter boats, which after rowing up stream as far as they would float found only the small boat seen the day before, abandoned and with no one in sight. In these expeditions the name of Lieutenant Hart is frequently mentioned by my father. When in later years Captain Yorke succeeded to the earldom of Hardwicke, he remembered this gentleman, found him a place as agent of his estates, and had in him a second right-hand for many years at Wimpole.
On October 30, 1830, Captain Yorke had taken the Alligator to Karabusa, and as from that point onward his journal is of great interest, I print it in his own words. It shows, I think, the qualities of firmness and energy which have appeared so fully in all that he did, as well as diplomatic talents of a high order in circumstances of some difficulty. His orders were to take over Karabusa from the insurgents and hold it pending the settlement. There is a gap in the journal of some six months at the end of the year 1830, and on the 2nd of June 1831 he records leaving the Alligator for England. In nothing that he wrote does his love of the sea and of his profession appear so convincingly as in the touching words in which he records leaving his crew and his ship. These require no comment, and I set them out as he left them, together with some reflections on the home voyage which help to display his character, and some remarks upon the steamer in which he reached England, which have a peculiar interest in showing the difficulties of the early days of steam navigation.
'Oct. 13, 1830.—Arrived and moored to the shore at Karabusa (off Cape Busa in Crete). I am sent here to take possession of the fortress from the Greeks, and to hold it in the name of the Allies until I am ordered to surrender it to the Turks. It is an extraordinary rock very high and difficult of access on the western side. Its face to the sea is perpendicular. The Venetians fortified this height, and it is a perfect Gibraltar. A small garrison could defend it as long as the necessaries of life remained within. The anchorage is bad, the bottom being rocky; but it is a perfect harbour, being open to view only to the west and here a breakwater of rock runs across—on this breakwater the Cambria was lost. I communicate on my arrival with Mons. Le Ray of the brig Grenadier and Captain Maturkin of the brig Achilles, my colleagues for France and Russia.
'Oct. 15.—Arrived at Karabusa and desired to see me three Candiotes (Spakiote chiefs) professing to be a deputation from the Cretans requesting to know what we meant to do with Karabusa; speaking of their forlorn condition, of the Turks being about to break the armistice, and praying me to give protection to those who wished to fly to Karabusa. In reply I said that my power was limited, that I had my orders and they were, to receive the Island of Karabusa from the Greeks, and to hold it in the name of the Allies until I received orders to surrender it to the Turks. Voil tout! After this I said, "I now may speak my own private opinion and give my advice. That is that Candia belongs in toto to the Turks, and you had better submit." I used all the arguments I was master of to induce them so to do, and said that on their heads would rest the blood that might be spilt by deceiving the people, and inducing them to resist; that the Pacha of Egypt had made a proclamation, the most gracious. They said they had never seen it, but on producing a copy of it we found they were well acquainted therewith. Sent for the Russian and French captains to give their opinion and advice, which precisely tallied with mine. Mons. Le Ray was for requesting the Turk to extend his armistice, which expired to-day and give more time for the surrender of arms, but I differed with him on this point, for you "must be cruel to be kind," and in prolonging the time of their submission you prolong hope, the Greek will after such time is expired only ask for more.
'Three chiefs Chrisaphopulo and Anagnosti and another whose name I did not know are the same who made the attempt to retake the island sixteen days ago.
'They are pirates and were then in Crete and had much to do in Karabusa formerly; I expect that the proclamation of Mohammed Ali has been prevented reaching the ears of the Spakiotes by them.
'Oct. 16.—Arrived here a secretary of a Greek chief in Candia and tried by intrigue to gain what he thought would turn to his advantage, the opinion of the Russian captain as to our future intentions and proceedings here: he tried to persuade him to give them some ammunition &c. &c. He expressed his abhorrence and hatred of the English, saying that in Candia all said we had sold the island to the Turks and had undone them. He declared that the Greeks had not yet lost all hope of gaining Karabusa but when they had they would carry their women and children to Spakia.
'Yesterday received news from Canea the Egyptians have established a good police in the town and two councils have been established, one Greek and the other Turk. Also, a proclamation of Mustapha Pacha, most affectionate in its language, offering protection to those who surrendered and denouncing vengeance on those who still held their arms.
'Oct. 20.—During the night a brisk fire of musketry began, about half- past one; went to quarters, went on shore with marines. At daylight took seven prisoners of which Chrisaphopulo was one, two of the others were Candiote captains.
'I consider that as there were about 100 [Footnote: Proved afterwards to have been 800.] men on the opposite side that it was an excursion made by them during a dark and tempestuous night to reconnoitre. Chrisaphopulo came to the house of Apostolides and said I had come with ten men, on which the said Apostolides sends a corporal to inform the garrison; after which every stone they saw was a man. Query: if Chrisaphopulo had said I came with 100 what would he have done? To- morrow we mean to quarter the prisoners. I think that D'Aubigny has surrendered Karabusa and not his lieutenants.
'Chrisaphopulo presses me to receive petitions of the inhabitants. He when alone with me said the Candiotes would fain be in the service of the English. I think this will follow, that he will offer to give Karabusa to the English and assist them to defend it if I will protect their families.
'It is necessary that something should be done for the Greeks at Karabusa, also, that the President should do something for those Greek families who are about to leave Greece.
'Oct. 22.—Canaris interfered with the commandant of the garrison in the affair of Wednesday night. He came out here to-day and I met him, Captain Maturkin, and M. D'Aubigny. I said I had nothing to do with this affair, as the Greek flag was flying on the fortress, that what had passed was purely a Greek affair, but that should they wish me to assent to the examination of the prisoners I should be most happy. Canaris wished that I and Maturkin would not remain in the room; we consequently went away, after expressing a desire to have a report of the decision, as it must be a matter of great interest to me.
'They were allowed to depart with their arms. From all I have been able to make out it must have been an attack which was intended but which failed owing to their not getting over quick enough. They had 150 men on the other side. These seven got over in a row boat, passed my sentry on the beach running, a few minutes after the firing began from the fortress the Alligator was at quarters with her ports lit up, and a rocket was thrown from the ship. All this showed that there was no hope of a surprise, the others consequently went back.
'The next morning, thinking that their chiefs were slain or taken, they upbraided each other, quarrelled and fought; many were killed and wounded; among the former two captains, one of whom was a man that was tried at Malta for piracy but escaped. I told those that came over that if I caught them again here, they would be shot.
'Oct. 27.—Left the ship (on the information that the Pacha was about to march) in the gig with a great chief, for Kesamos; on my arrival was received by all the chiefs on the beach, and conducted with my companion (Simpson) to Castelli (a small fortress about a musket shot from the sea, the interior of which is a perfect ruin), where I was ushered into a room up a ladder and followed by the chiefs, and the armed population of the place, who quietly began plying me with questions not one of which I understood, until a Greek of Milo appeared who spoke a little English. Various were the questions asked: "Might they fire on the Turks"; "could I get for them more time"; "why do the Turks make war on us"; "might they hoist the English colours?" A great deal of excitement was visible among this canaille of a population and I was in considerable apprehension of consequences, particularly as there were present three or four of the captains whom I had ordered to be shot if they put foot in Karabusa. At length after much detention, terms were procured and I was permitted to depart saying that I would do my possible to stop the march of the Turks for a few days. I left Castelli as I had entered it under a salute of three guns. In five hours we reached Gonia, a monastery situated on the coast of the Gulf of Canea where we were most hospitably entertained, good fare and good beds; our party was very talkative on Greek affairs. There were among the party the Spakiote chiefs Vanilikeli and Chrisophopulos.
'The next morning we proceeded, and as it was raining heavily we were obliged to stop for two hours in a ruined house. Here in a few minutes little streams became torrents carrying before them trees and lands, in four hours we reach the Greek lines. The country we passed through was level and rich in oil and wine; yesterday the country was rugged and mountainous. When we advanced from the Greek lines across the neutral ground towards the Turkish lines, considerable anxiety was apparent in the Turkish advanced post; we were about twenty horsemen, the chiefs well mounted and armed to the teeth, and took post on a level rising ground, where we dismounted, and lit our pipes as a preliminary to conversation. The Turkish vedettes now advanced to about musket shot, when I mounted my horse and rode over to them, desiring to be taken to Mustapha Pacha; a young Greek chief named Leuhouthi accompanied me. We were soon joined by Hafir Aga, a stout good-natured Turk who, after giving us a good luncheon, accompanied us on our journey to Canea where in about three hours we arrived sending a courier to the camp. In one hour more found myself in the tent of Mustapha Pacha, and was addressed with "Asseyez-vous je vous prie" by Osman Bey. After having conversed on the affairs of Karabusa, at which the Turk complained bitterly of our policy in keeping his men from landing, I requested him to stay his march against the Greeks for a few days as my crew at Karabusa was weak and I feared his first movement would be a signal for a second attack; but, as I expected a reinforcement of French, he might then march as we should be efficient for the defence of Karabusa. I saw at once this would not do and next morning again tried my hook, but the fish would not bite; when on the point of marching, three Greeks were brought into the tent with the information that the Greeks had made a display of the three flags of England, France and Russia.
'I immediately said that the Pacha could not with propriety march against those flags until I had in person visited the position and had ascertained how the case stood. The Pacha gave me a horse and throwing his own cloak over my shoulders (for it rained hard) I started off with my Greek friend and a few Turkish guards whom I requested might return, as I wished to go alone, my mission being perfectly pacific. In about eight hours I reached Cambus (? Kampos), a prodigiously strong position in the mountains, and on approaching afar off I beheld the three Greek flags flying on the pinnacle of the highest mountain in sight. The pass to the position of Cambus is most narrow and difficult, and then at the summit it is a plateau of fine soil with large trees and gardens. It is a most beautiful spot and well worth fighting for. I was soon ushered into an assembly of the chiefs who were Spakiotes, and Mons. Resire was there also. This Mons. Resire was originally a physician of Canea; born in Crete and having received a good education and speaking European languages, he was considered by the President of Greece as a fit man to govern Crete. He now wishes to keep up the shadow of that power which he once had, and has established a council, at Milopotamos in Crete, of which he is president, for the government of the Greeks and arrangement of the future plans of operation. In quietly conversing with Resire I found by his own confession that the object was to gain time, and he beseeched me to use my endeavours for that purpose. To be sure comments may be made of the conduct of the allies towards the Candiote Greeks this year, for the sale of property does not expire until February and the enemy has been permitted to march against the Greeks; their olives are ripe and they wish time to gather their crop and reap the advantages of it, for though the Greeks love liberty they love money better. As matters were I had used my endeavours for that purpose and without success. I now spoke publicly, and the captains and troops were assembled in a large room. I desired the flags of the three nations to be immediately surrendered to me. There was now a long silence, during which time the captains eyed one another, apparently to read in the countenance of each what was to be done. At length the headmost and best speaker (his words coming out like drops of water from an exhausted supply) "You may send and take away that of your nation, but the others we will not give up." I replied I had made a demand and required an answer; after much consideration they gave one in the negative. I on this made a verbal protest against the colours of the allies being hoisted in opposition to the Governor and departed. On my journey over the mountains, it rained hard, and enveloped as I was in the cloak or mantle of the Pacha, I feared I should be taken for a Turk and shot at, or that my neck would be broken in the difficult passes of the mountains; but in this case the excellent animal I rode served me most faithfully and never made a blunder. Oh Maria [Footnote: His stepsister.]! and ye lovers of horseflesh, how you would have praised and petted this animal had you ridden him; pitch dark on my return, nearly perpendicular flights of stone and not a false step! Excellent beast, your master the Pacha knows your value. I got back about 10 P.M. wet through nearly—the Pacha's cloak served me well though. The tent of Osman Bey received me and we found some excellent rum to season my sherbet with. The next day about one o'clock we started on horse-back to attack the strong position of Gambus, two regiments of regulars, 1000 each, had gone on in the morning. My object in going with the Turks was a mixed one, curiosity and hope of doing some good in preventing bloodshed. But there was no need for any personage of that humane disposition, the Greeks themselves were so full of humanity that they decamped bag, baggage, and colours a quarter of an hour before the leading Albanians entered the place of Cambus. I shall only remark that it stood on the top of a mountain; only to be reached by the most narrow and difficult passes, and had the Greeks intended to fight at all, they never could have had a better opportunity.
'The day after I left Canea in a small boat I had hired to take me to Karabusa. It was a fine calm morning, but when we had gone about two miles along shore a very heavy gale came on, our sails were blown away and with great difficulty we reached Cape Spada, rowing for two hours within fifty yards of the shore, and could not reach it. We lay in a level with a rocky headland this night with but little to eat. The next day we tried to get round Cape Spada but could not; the wind then shifted to the northward and blew a hard gale. We were now wrecked among the breakers at the bottom of the bay of Gonia. Thank God I reached the dry land and was well taken care of at the monastery. There I found Chrisophopulos and Vanilikeli, who escorted me to Castelli and from thence to Karabusa.
'December 12.—At Canea. Find the Greeks here well contented with the Turks. No taxes or impositions get laid on, in fact at present the Greeks are better off than the Turks. The Spakiotes have not all submitted. Three Spakiotes taken prisoners with their arms are made Primates of their respective villages and members of the Council.
'December 13.—Left the ship in the cutter, in company with Signor Capogropo and Mons. Corporal. Landed at Celivez, a surf on the beach, all got wet, it was sauve qui peut and we left our cloaks behind us, which to people on the point of bivouacking for the night was not really pleasant. But Signor Capogropo, though eighty-two years of age, seemed to make so light of the matter that it was out of the question to complain. Here we found horses sent for us to the camp, where I arrived about ten o'clock having passed through a rich and beautiful country to the village which, like all in Candia, gives a good idea of the ravages of civil war. Here I found the Pacha and Osman Bey had established their head-quarters. I was treated like a Pacha, boys attended to wait on me with pipes, coffee, a barber, &c. I made my toilet in the morning attended by seven or eight servants. Nothing can be better than the manner in which these chiefs are conducting affairs in this country.
'June 2, 1831.—Left Malta for England, left my ship in Malta harbour in the hands of new officers. Poor Alligator, I did not know I had so much of the love of ships, no not ships, I knew that, but of men, in me. I could have kissed every man jack of them to death—and have cried over every blue jacket on parting, and my dear Mids, they I believed were surprised; they did not think I cared so much about them till I took leave of them.
'My loss is great. God's Will be done. God only knows whether I shall return to my ship again, but I think I have love enough for her to make it no difficult task on my part.
'Nine o'clock at night, blowing strong from the N.W. course in the dirtiest steamboat I ever was in, nevertheless she wears a pendant.
'June 23.—Foul wind—cold dark day—making little progress, that is 100 miles a day. What a change in seamen's distances, 100 miles a day, right in the wind's eye, and call that doing ill. What would Benbow say if one could tell him that? I will tell you, "You lubberly dog, you lie."
'Nevertheless I go fast towards home or—God knows what! What part in the play am I to act, I wish my mind was made up on this cursed Reform question. It will be carried, but I should like to do what I think right and honourable towards myself, that is act and vote as I really think. We must become republican England as well as republican France (damn France, she is the root of all evil and the branch of no good). It matters little how; whether by Reform which will produce national bankruptcy, or by a starving population which will produce rebellion and civil war. Reform certainly means No taxes and cheap bread. Have been reading Moore's Byron. Poor Byron, quite what I believe him to be in many things and more than I believe him to be in others. I saw him at Missolonghi.
'June 6.—This day six years I was made a Post Captain, had my poor father lived to-day he would have completed his sixty-third year. Strong winds and contrary—directly in our teeth. Nevertheless we make good more than four miles per hour. Yesterday hove to under the lee of Gibraltar all day. I finished Byron's Memoirs by T. Moore. Many sentences in his latter letters from Missolonghi which he word for word said to me when I saw him there. Our passengers are a gentleman in the government of Corfu and a young officer of the Britannia said to be dying of a consumption—eats like the devil—very obstinate—will do as he pleases, seems determined to do what is quite right—send the doctor to the devil. Learn that a horse power in steaming is 32,000 lbs.
'June 9.—Fell in with the St. Vincent bearing the Flag of E.A. Sir H. Hotham on his way to relieve Sir P. Malcolm. Received letters from my uncles, &c. &c. Melancholy enough and politically disagreeable. Shall rejoin my dear Alligator again. Nothing can be more kind than the conduct of the Admiralty. Allow ship to come home if I please, &c. &c.
'Steam boilers leak. Put fires out, lose seven hours—obliged to empty boilers—the Devil and all! At least the men here are devils incarnate— two of them entered the boilers and drove rivets with the thermometer 160 in there.
'Sir H. Hotham wrote me a kind note in answer to my request to allow Hart to bring the ship home after me.
'June 20.—At sea hove to off the coast of Portugal in the steam packet. Sailed from Gibraltar (the 2nd time having put back once in consequence of the coals being bad Welsh). On the 15th called at Cadiz. On the 16th went on shore, Consul B—y pompous, &c. Daughters, music, painting, &c. William the Conqueror, &c. &c. Last night the Jew groaned heavily in his sleep, woke him—he was dreaming of being robbed of his money.
'June 23.—Put into Vigo Bay for coals and left it in the evening of the 24th. Beautiful Bay, fresh day; St. John's market a beautiful sight, if fine women constituted that. The steamboat all day crowded with strangers. Heard that Don Pedros had left Brazil and been received in London.
'June 30.—Arrived in sight of Falmouth and anchored in 30 fm. having burnt the guts and bulwarks to bring her thus far. Went to town the next day by mail.'
CHAPTER VII
COURT DUTIES AND POLITICS. 1831-1847
On the voyage home from the Mediterranean in the steamship Meteor, which is described in the journal I have quoted in the last chapter, my father received the sad news of the death of Sir Joseph Sydney Yorke, an event to which he makes no allusion in the journal. Admiral Sir Henry Hotham, who had just been appointed to the command of the Mediterranean station, and had sailed in the St. Vincent from Portsmouth, was the bearer of a last letter written by Sir Joseph to his son on the 3rd of April 1831. The St. Vincent met the Meteor at sea, and Sir Henry, in handing the letter to Captain Yorke, had also to announce Sir Joseph's death, which occurred only two days after he had finished the letter. This letter was found among my father's papers, and I set it out at length; it is quite typical of others which display the affection which existed between father and son, and it shows very convincingly the success which attended Captain Yorke's career in the Mediterranean. The circumstances of the accident in which Sir Joseph lost his life appear, so far as they can be known, in a note to Sir Joseph's letter written by my brother John, the late Earl of Hardwicke. [Footnote: He died from influenza, March 1909.] From this it will be seen that Sir Joseph was returning from a visit to the St. Vincent, which he had made in order to hand his letter to Sir Henry Hotham, when he met his death. It appears also from the annotation by my father that Sir Henry sailed without hearing of the accident, and only learned of Sir Joseph's death by subsequently reading a notice of it in Galignani's Messenger.
* * * * *
14 NEW BURLINGTON STREET, LONDON:
April 2, 1831.
'MY DEAREST CHARLES,
'Your last note to me enclosing your long recital of occurrences in Candia, addressed to your brother Henry, was duly received about a month ago, and has made us all equally happy and highly interested in your fortunate and successful mission. I proceeded to the Admiralty as you desired, and looked over the whole of the correspondence there, and I was much struck with the encomiums passed on you by my friend Sir Philip Malcolm, and of the coincidence, of the Admiralty minute and all the observations made by that chief, on your conduct. It runs thus, "acquaint Sir P. M. that their Lordships entirely concur with him in the opinion he has formed of the conduct of Capt. Yorke during his service at Karabusa." I see by the United Service Journal, that you sailed for Smyrna on the 8th of January, two days after your letter to me, and that you were at that port on the 18th, of course this acknowledgement of your correspondence will go by the Admiralty bag, but I doubt whether I shall save the packet. It will however be conveyed by your new Chief, Sir Henry Hotham, who is very desirous to render you all attention, for in a note I had from him, about a Middy I asked him to take with him in the St. Vincent, he says, "had I been able I would have fulfilled your wishes with much pleasure in this instance, as I shall have the pleasure in doing in regard to the captain of the Alligator, and if you have anything to send to him I will take the charge of it with pleasure." Thus you see, my dear Charles, that Sir Henry Hotham will be as much interested about you as any of his predecessors if you desire it, which I am sure you will.
'You may indeed say, or rather exclaim, What changes! The chances now are that our order in the State (to make use of Lord Grey's words about his own order), instead of being Lords of the Admiralty will be hewers of wood and drawers of water, that is, if the Reform Bill passes in its present shape. For it cannot be denied that it must give a preponderating bias to that class, namely the 10 householder, which are by far the most numerous, active, and republican class, who by living in towns, can be collected for any political purpose at a moment's notice; who are shopkeepers, citizens, manufacturers, possessing great intelligence and spirit, and whose business it will be to have the chief government, and bring down the interests of the funds. This will, of course, straiten most severely all those who at present derive any income therefrom, and as the small sums into which the said funds are divided, are spread over a widely extended population of humble but respectable persons, it will totally ruin a great many. However, there seems to be an opinion that the Bill will be greatly modified. For the sweeping away of sixty boroughs (amongst which Reigate goes at once) and taking one member from four more, is a measure of such violent disruption, as to create a resistance that may be fatal to the public peace of the country. Persons are much excited all over the land, particularly the class of householders I have already mentioned.
'With regard to foreign affairs, it appears still problematical whether France will take part in defending by force of arms revolutionary movements and doctrines in other countries than her own. You will of course know pretty readily, how these matters are to go in the Italian States, or those of the Church.
'With respect to my family in domestic matters, we continue to remain without change, or much appearance thereof. Your brother Grantham, however, is rather an exception to this rule, for he has been so very ill of a rheumatic fever, that a great change has taken place in his appearance. He is however considered convalescent, but up to yesterday remained quite helpless. Eliot went yesterday to see him for the first time, and comes up to-day to dinner from Hampton Court Palace where Lady Montgomery, as you have heard, has apartments and where your brother and Emily his spouse have been residing for the last six or seven weeks. I have been also very much indisposed for the last three months, but have according to my own practice abstained from medical advice, and am now fast convalescing. It was a cough and of asthmatic tendency which bothered me, off and on, for some time, and which I got at Xmas attending the grand jury at Winchester on the Special Commission. But my own opinion is rather that at sixty-three age brings about such changes in one's bodily organs, as renders these attacks necessary in order to hasten on the great events of life, namely, Old Age and Death.
'Lord Hardwicke is wonderfully well, your Uncle Charles but so so, Lady H. and Mrs. Charles Yorke and all their tribe very well. Lady Clanricarde better than usual, not very strong, Henry fit for a monk in point of appearance. Eliot, for him very well, Grantham I have described, and last and least A. Y. [Footnote: Agneta Yorke, his only daughter, afterwards Lady Agneta Bevan.] who is very well indeed, except when hot rooms and late hours come on, and then she is but so so.
'We always look out with very serious desire to hear from you, every post, as you are an interesting object and rather a lion to be looked at. But I am thankful to know you are well and busy, business generally makes you well. I am going down for two or three days to Sydney Lodge on some business—and I shall send this to Sir H. Hotham to take care of and forward. The whole of us here and elsewhere unite in every good wish. For myself I can only say that you may rely on my regard and affection and believe me always dear Charles, your affectionate Father and sincere friend,
'J. S. YORKE.'
Finished April 3, 1831.
'This was my dear father's last letter. He lost his life on the 5th, visiting the St. Vincent at Spithead, which ship had Lord Hotham's flag bound for the Mediterranean. This letter was given to me at sea by Sir H. Hotham on my way home, having read in Galignani my Father's death.
'(Signed) H.'
* * * * *
The following note by my late brother gives all that is known of the accident:
* * * * *
'I have no record of the accident that caused Sir Joseph Yorke's death, but I know he was in his small sailing yacht coming over from Portsmouth with Captain Bradby and Captain Young and one or two men of the crew, when the boat was struck by a heavy squall in a thunderstorm somewhere off the Hamble river, and they are all supposed to have been struck by lightning. Sir Joseph's body was found floating, the boat was picked up derelict in the West Channel. No one was left to tell the tale; the tablet in Hamble church, which is the only record I know of it, merely states he was drowned by the upsetting of a boat. I believe he had a blue line going down his body, and the fact of his being found floating gives the impression that he was killed by lightning, as I suppose all the other occupants shared the same fate.
'HARDWICKE'
SYDNEY LODGE, HAMBLE:
October 14, 1908.
* * * * *
I may perhaps add that on the day Sir Joseph Yorke was drowned, Miss Manningham, the sister of Mrs. Charles Yorke, was at one of the Ancient Music concerts in the Hanover Square Rooms, and during the performance fainted and was carried out. On coming to herself and being questioned as to the cause, she said she had seen before her the dripping form of a man whose body was covered with a naval cloak, and although she could not see his face, she knew it to be the body of Sir Joseph Yorke. There were of course neither telegraph nor daily posts in those days, and the news of his death only reached the family some two days later, when it was found that the day and hour corresponded with the vision Miss Manningham had seen.
From certain remarks in his letters from Sweden it appears that Captain Yorke had long the intention of entering politics so soon as there was any interruption of his active service at sea, and shortly after his arrival in England in 1831, he carried out this intention by offering himself as candidate for Reigate, for which borough he duly took his seat. In October of the same year, however, a vacancy occurred in the representation of Cambridgeshire upon the resignation of one of the sitting members, Lord F. G. Osborne. Captain Yorke at once decided to offer himself as the representative of a county with which his family had been long and closely associated. His opponent was Mr. R. G. Townley, who was the Ministerial candidate and had the support of Lord John Russell on his committee and at the hustings.
The politics of those strenuous times of the Reform Bill are well known, and need no more than a passing reference here. The election began on October 27, only a little more than a fortnight after the Ministerial bill had been rejected by the House of Lords. It is needless to say that Captain Yorke stood in the Tory interest. In his address and speeches he expressed himself in favour of a moderate scheme of reform which would abolish such constituencies as were proved to be saleable and corrupt, and as ready to support a proper extension of the franchise. But he refused altogether to sacrifice the agricultural interest to that of the manufacturer, and took his stand upon the necessity of affording protection to the farmer by the maintenance of the existing Corn Laws. Lord John Russell declared that he and his party had no objection to Captain Yorke as a man, but exhorted his hearers to bear in mind that this was no personal contest, but one which would decide the question of Reform or no Reform. There were the usual hearty proceedings which we associate with the elections of that period at the hustings on Parker's Piece, Cambridge; Captain Yorke was escorted by a body of freeholders on horseback, and there was the customary cheerful fighting to celebrate the conclusion of the poll. This resulted in the captain's defeat.
He was not long excluded from Parliament. Upon the passage of the great Reform Bill in the following year he was again nominated, and taking his stand upon his old principles, and declaring himself resolutely opposed to the poisonous and revolutionary ideas which France was promulgating in Europe, he was returned by a large majority and took his seat in the first reformed Parliament, where he represented his county until called to the House of Lords by the death of his uncle.
Meanwhile, Captain Yorke had been most happily married on October 18, 1833, at Ravensworth Castle, Durham, to the Hon. Susan Liddell, daughter of the first Lord Ravensworth, and sister to the Countess of Mulgrave, Viscountess Barrington, Lady Williamson, Mrs. Trotter, and the Hon. Georgiana Liddell, afterwards Lady Bloomfield.
By the death of the third Earl of Hardwicke on November 18, 1834, Captain Yorke succeeded to that earldom, to which he had long been heir- presumptive. As already mentioned, the third earl's elder son, Viscount Royston, had been lost in a storm in the Baltic in 1808, and two younger sons had died in infancy. Captain Yorke therefore succeeded to the estates in Cambridgeshire and to the historic mansion of Wimpole. These came into the possession of his family by purchase, the Lord Chancellor having acquired them from Edward Lord Harley, afterwards Earl of Oxford, for 100,000. I print here a letter describing Wimpole in 1781, written by the Countess of St. Germans to her aunt Lady Beauchamp, [Footnote: Wife of Sir William Beauchamp of Langley Park, Norfolk, sister of Mrs. Charles Yorke.] as illustrating life at a country house at that period.
* * * * *
'MY DEAR AUNT (writes Lady St. Germans from 'Wimple' October 1781), We came to this place last Monday about half-past three o'clock; just time enough for dinner and found all the good family in perfect health. Lady Bell Polwarth is now here, also my brothers. P. Y. had been here before, Charles came yesterday on purpose to meet Mama, and goes away again to- morrow. He is not at all the worse for his journey but looks remarkably well. Here is likewise an unhappy victim of a clergyman on a visit. His name is Rouse and he is minister of some place near Wrest. This is the society here at present, and now I shall tell you of our journey, and how I like the place. Mama had desired my brother Phil as he passed through Hertford to order four horses to come to Tytten after six o'clock and four more to be ready at the Inn to change, but knowing the forgetfulness of the young gentleman, Mama and I were in a peck of troubles lest he should forget the horses, and then we could not have gone. However, they did come, and at eleven o'clock after various directions and orders given we packed off and got to Hertford safely. Changed horses without alighting and proceeded to Buntingford, where we changed again. As we passed by Hammells we saw the new Lodges which are built at the entrance of the Park, and look very pretty; at present they are only brick, but are to be painted white. When we entered Cambridgeshire, I confess I was not struck with the beauties of the country, but thought it very ugly, disagreeable, and uninteresting. However, when we approached the environs of Wimple, I was in some measure repaid by the delightful appearance of the Park and country round it, for the ugliness of that we had passed through. I assure you I was very much pleased with the beauty of the grounds and the grandeur of the house itself. Most part of it is furnished in the old style, as for example, Mama's and my apartment are brown wainscots, and the bed- curtains and hangings are crimson damask laced with gold most dreadfully tarnished. The rooms below stairs are excellent, and very handsomely furnished. Lady Grey, the Marchioness, has just fitted up some new apartments, that are beautiful, particularly the new dining-room which is very elegant indeed. Her Ladyship was so kind as to take us yesterday morning to see the new park building, which is very pretty. It commands a very fine and extensive prospect and is seen at a great distance. I have not yet seen the ruined tower which I can behold from my window. Everything here is quite new to me, as though I had never seen it before, for you know it is at least seven years ago since my brother drove us over at full gallop, all the way from Hammells. The State Bed, which you may remember stood below stairs, is now moved upwards into one of the new rooms. The paper with which the walls are covered is common and white to match the bed, and there are two dressing-rooms belonging to it. In short, I like the place exceedingly. Lady Grey is very kind to me, and I am much obliged to her for permitting me to come. One thing here, however, is disagreeable to me as I have never been used to it, and that is, the sitting so long after breakfast and dinner. We breakfast at ten o'clock and sit till twelve. Then if the weather is fine, which it is not to-day, we take a walk, if not, retire to our own apartments. From half-past two till four is spent in dressing. From four till past six at dinner. Then coffee, afterwards working, looking at prints, talking and preaching till ten. Then I go to bed, and supper is announced. Everybody is in bed at eleven; before breakfast Mama and I have some little time, as we get up at eight. I always take a walk in the garden before breakfast. Before that time everyone but Lady Grey and my Lord go into the Library, which is a noble apartment.
'My brother has come home delighted with having found in Ireland a hard name to puzzle everybody to death with. This was the name of a young lady at Limerick, not more than 6 foot 4 inches without her shoes. What do you think of Miss Helena Macgillokilycuddy? This name is always in his mouth, but I believe he has added four syllables to the real word. As to Charles, he was charmed and captivated with another young lady at Limerick, a Miss Fitzgerald, whom he danced with and thought the most amiable of the company. In short, they are much pleased with their journey, and are ready to break a lance with anyone in favour of the Irish. I must not forget to tell you that they ran away from Dublin with two new coats, without ever paying for them. I have no news to send you.'
* * * * *
Lady Grey mentioned in this letter married the second Lord Hardwicke, who had no son.
There is an interesting allusion to Wimpole and its associations in one of Lord Melbourne's published letters to Queen Victoria. After giving Her Majesty some particulars of the place, and mentioning incidentally that he was 'very partial to Lord Hardwicke,' Lord Melbourne says:
'The cultured but indolent Lord Harley, afterwards Earl of Oxford, had married Lady Henrietta Cavendish Holles, who brought him 500,000, most of which he dissipated. Their only child Margaret, "the noble, lovely little Peggy" of Prior, married William Bentinck, second Duke of Portland. Lady Oxford sold to the nation the Harleian Collection of Manuscripts, now in the British Museum (to hold which the gallery at Wimpole was built). There is much history and more poetry connected with it. Prior mentions it repeatedly, and always calls the first Lady Harley, daughter of the Duke of Newcastle, "Belphebe." If Hardwicke should have a daughter he should christen her "Belphebe." The Lady Belphebe Yorke would not sound ill.'
Thus Lord Melbourne to Queen Victoria. I may perhaps add that my father had three daughters, but it did not occur to him to give either of them that name. Prior died at Wimpole in 1721, and his portrait was hung in the library, and on the table are framed the following lines by the poet:
'Fame counting thy books, my dear Harley, shall tell No man had so many who knew them so well.'
At Wimpole accordingly my father, after an active life at sea which had continued with scarce an interruption for sixteen years, settled to the quieter life of a country gentleman; he was a good agriculturist, identifying himself with all the interests of the land, and resolutely opposing any changes which he considered detrimental to the prosperity of the country. I should add that he became a successful breeder of shorthorns, and that he was President of the Royal Agricultural Society in 1845, when the show was held at Derby.
In 1834 he was appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Cambridgeshire. Sir Robert Peel recommended his name to King William, as he explained in a letter to Lord Hardwicke, as an exception to the rule 'which disinclines the minister to continue a member of the same family in succession in the office of Lord-Lieutenant of a county ... a rule by which in ordinary cases I should wish to abide, but not for the purpose of depriving me of the real satisfaction of making an exception in the case of the present vacancy in the county of Cambridgeshire, and naming you to His Majesty, which I have done this day for the appointment of Lord-Lieutenant.' Upon the return of Sir Robert Peel to power in 1841, Lord Hardwicke's great influence and loyal principles were recognised by his appointment as Lord-in-Waiting to Her Majesty Queen Victoria.
It was in that capacity that my father was appointed to attend King Frederick William IV of Prussia, the elder brother of the Emperor William I, upon his visit to England in the early months of 1842. An interesting letter from Mr. John Wilson Croker to my father shows that Lord Hardwicke took pains to inform himself as to the character and tastes of his Prussian Majesty before entering upon his period of waiting. Mr. Croker was staying with Sir Robert Peel, where the minister was entertaining the Duke of Cambridge:
'I have as I promised you' he writes, 'turned the conversation on the subject of the K. of Prussia, and as the Duke of Cambridge happens to be here, we have heard a good deal on the subject of H.M. The sum is that H.M. is a good and enlightened man, well read in books and well versed in current literature and affairs; a Christian in heart and rather fond of theology, so much so, that he has read twice over, they said, Gladstone's book on the Church.
'I am not surprised at the "twice over," if H.M. really wished to understand the author. I found that one reading left me as much in the dark as I was at the first, and I only doubt whether a second perusal would have made me any wiser.'
As illustrating the King's religious feeling I may mention that among His Majesty's experiences with Lord Hardwicke was a visit they made together to Newgate, where they were present in the chapel at a service Elizabeth Fry was holding for the prisoners. The King knelt and was deeply affected, and my father always described the scene as 'deeply touching' and said that he left the prison with an ideal memory of that great and holy woman.
The King of Prussia became much attached to Lord Hardwicke during this visit to England, and made him promise a return visit to Prussia. This took place in June of the same year, when my father went to Berlin and accompanied the King on a visit he made to the Czar Nicholas at St. Petersburg. My father wrote a series of letters to my mother while upon this journey, describing much that he saw and did, and as these give many interesting particulars of the Czar and his Court, and describe some of the old towns in North Germany in a way which may tempt many a wanderer to visit some of them even to-day, I here print some extracts from them.
The first of these is dated June 20, 1842, from Hamburg, where my father was detained by a short illness, during which he had the help of Mr. Schetky, the marine painter to Queen Victoria, whose acquaintance he had made years before at the Naval College at Portsmouth. It gives some interesting particulars of the great fire which raged in that city on May 4, 1842, and two days following, and destroyed 2000 dwelling-houses as well as many churches and public buildings.
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'I send you some little sketches of parts of the dilapidated town showing the ruins of the great church of Saint Peter. The history of the fire is told in a few words; no one knows how it began, the want of order, power, and a commanding head was the cause of the great devastation ... the mob said "in a free town we can do what we like." They pumped spirits from the engines instead of water by mistake, and thus a scene of devastation and plunder was begun which ceased only from the exhaustion of the people and a shift of the wind.
'Then came in some troops from Prussia and Denmark, and order was restored. The number of lives lost is not known, but not above two hundred it is believed.
'As you well know, Hamburg is a free town and a republic of itself, governed by the Burgomaster and a senate. It is one of the three remaining Hanse towns.... The loss suffered here is to be now stated, it is fairly computed at 12,000,000 pounds sterling; of this 8,000,000 falls on individuals and foreign and British insurance offices; 4,000,000 on the city of Hamburg. The foreign insurance offices have paid very well; the Hamburg, that is the individual who had such an office, is ruined and can pay nothing; the city of Hamburg will borrow 4,000,000, and raise the interest by a tax on the houses of the city throughout. The cause of this is that Hamburg allowed no foreign insurance to be made for a house, but the whole city is an insurance office against the destruction of a house by fire. What the house contains as furniture, &c., the city has nothing to do with. So each individual will receive for his house destroyed by fire its value from the city, but he will be taxed to pay the interests of the money. This may not be quite clear, it requires rather more words to make it so. I hope to find a letter from you in Berlin.—Yours,
'CHARLES.'
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The next letter was written from Berlin.
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'I arrived here this morning at four o'clock from Hamburg to Boitzenburg, where we slept.
'I went down to the King (at Sans Souci) by railroad; he was at dinner, I got some brought to me by his old servant. The King soon came out of his dining-room to me and gave me a most hearty welcome, and took me into the garden, where all the court ladies and gentlemen were gathered; presented me to the Queen, both asked after and about you and were very kind. I can hardly say how much interest I felt in being for a few moments at Sans Souci again; it is a most beautiful place. It is wonderful to think of its creation, but there will be speedy decay and dissolution, if it is not ere long repaired. The Palace is small, and not worthy the name of a Palace, but beautiful. I am not expected to remain long I think, from what I gather.
'As I was staring about the town yesterday evening after my return from Sans Souci, I was tapped on the shoulder and informed that the King desired that I would come to sup with him at nine, so as it was half past eight, off I went to dress. By the by I did not tell you that after our dinner at Sans Souci the whole Court moved up to Berlin by railroad, thus I was at the Palace at nine. The supper was served at six small tables, without any covering, the plate and glasses standing on the mahogany. At one table sat the King and Queen, the Princess of Prussia and the Duke of Brunswick; the rest of the party and his household were at the other tables. A seat of honour was kept for me by the great lady of the Court, but I had already found myself seated by a maid of honour whose sweet smiles had attracted me and I did not think it worth while to move. You need not be alarmed, for the stock of beauty here is small. The King and Queen both crossed to speak with me before and after supper, and on taking leave for the night the King kindly shook me by the hand. The King is gone, he visits some of his provincial towns on his way, and takes no one with him but one Aide-de-camp and no escort. I go tomorrow in my own carriage, thank God; a route is given me, a number painted on the carriage, and all paid, so I go like the devil without anything to pay. I shall be at Dantzic before the King.
'The road from Hamburg to Berlin lies through a portion of the Danish territory and the territory of the grand Duke of Mecklenburg Schwerin and the Prussian, the whole way the country is cultivated, the Danish territory of Holstein is sandy and little done with it. That of M. Schwerin is of a better quality, though what we should call moderate soil but very fairly cultivated. I never saw better farming in my life, or a country more cared for, the crops looked well and not a weed to be seen, the road-side planted, and every tree that was young staked and tied, the side of the roads mowed and trimmed, and stone gutter on each side of a fairly macadamized road. I felt humbled after my boasting thoughts of England, as this pattern they have no doubt followed, but the Prince of Mecklenburg Schwerin deserves well of his people for his superior copy. The people are well clothed, and I have not been asked for a farthing since I came to this country.
'Then in Prussia on crossing the frontier the authorities were most civil, cast an eye at the carriage, made a bow, and would not look at an article; the regulations of Prussia are in all departments most excellent, and a painstaking discipline exists everywhere, which makes the position of the traveller quite charming. Here only one side of the road is macadamized, the other half is the soil, but the road is very wide, so down hill you take the soil, very safe. All through Prussia, as far as I have been, the farming is very good, the land very clean, but the soil very, very poor; it is a great desert in fact, made habitable by the perseverance and industry of the people; round this town it is wonderful to see what can be done by the hand of man. This town stands in a desert of driving sand, but the town has created a soil round it which is now pushing the desert back every year, and it is now in the centre of a large circle of fine green fields and corn lands; of course the produce is not great but the labour is small, and the improvement progressing. The accommodation is very fair even to an Englishman. The innkeepers are a very respectable class, and though I have not seen a bed that is larger than a child's crib without curtains, yet they are clean, soft, and well made with lots of pillows for the head.
'Up to this time I have seen nothing but what I may call the outside of Berlin, my impression is that on the whole it is a very fine city. The public buildings are numerous. The architecture is fine, with more of the florid ornament than the style permits; much statuary and grouping of figures in marble and bronze. Streets wide, buildings low and large; but more of this bye and bye.
'My friend Schetky has been very useful to me in killing much "ennui" and comforting me when sick. He is an extraordinary fellow, sixty-three, with the spirits and fun of a boy, and the appetite of a horse. He is bent on going to Dantzig, so puts himself into the mail-post or public conveyance. He thinks he can make a picture [Footnote: Now at Sydney Lodge.] of the King's embarkation; I hope he may succeed, for he is a worthy soul.
'I have passed my morning in the museum of statues and pictures. The museum was founded in 1830 from designs by Schinkel; it is pure Greek Doric (I don't like it), a double column faade, up a great flight of steps; before the entrance stands a basin of polished red granite twenty-two feet in diameter, one block; it was a boulder that lay thirty miles from Berlin called the Markgrafenstein, it lay at a place called Frstenwald.
'The collection of the museum consists of vases and bronzes, sculpture and pictures. My view was so very cursory, and without a catalogue, that I must not say much about it. It is very large and the statues are mostly antique, and I should say fine. The pictures are numerous and many very fine, but on the whole the collection I should say was not first rate, indeed if it were it would be the finest in the world from its number.
'There is a very curious collection of very old church pictures by very ancient masters of the art, but the Italian school of its best day is, I think, small, as well as the Dutch. But I must not be supposed to give judgment on the gallery, I must have a long day at it on my return, and another some day with you, my love.
'I find that I am not even to pay for a potato on my journey, my beds, breakfasts, dinners, horses are everywhere ordered. And apartments were ready for me at Sans Souci, had I arrived sooner, and this morning I was ordered to the Palace for to-day and to-night, but I begged off, the Hof-Marshall not thinking my rooms here good enough; surely this is enough honour. But it is given to the Queen's servant, to an Englishman, and not to myself, so I do not take it all. I dine with Westmorland to- day at five.
'Your devoted,
'CHARLES.'
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KONITZ: June 25, 1842.
'I have arrived at the end of my second day's journey towards Dantzig, where I meet the King, who went by another road for the purpose of paying a visit to the frontier town of Posen, where he was to be entertained by the inhabitants. As I told you, I had a route given me and thus far am I advanced, post horses standing ready at each station, the authorities waiting on me and showing me every attention that a Pacha might require. I must say more could not be done to make all most agreeable to me, I have come 100 miles in twelve hours on the most excellent road without a jolt, very good accommodation and eating.'
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DANTZIG: June 26.
'I am safe and sound at the ancient Port of Dantzig, the corn exporting place, the terror of English farmers. I found that I was quartered on arrival at the English Consul's, where I have an excellent apartment and was most kindly received by him and his family, the lady being a Prussian, and from what I have seen of her a most excellent and charming person.
'My journey to-day has been less agreeable than the two previous ones from heavy rain all day, country passed through of the same general character, the land improving in quality as we approach Dantzig. Between Konitz and (?) Pral Rittelm we cross a small stream called the Pral, full of salmon and fine trout. I thought of my absent fishing tackle, but it is better I had it not, as I should have got wet to a certainty, but I mark him for some other day.
'The country is a Catholic country, wooden images of the crucified Saviour on the road-sides, and the greater part of cottages here built of timber log, and the people in an inferior condition.
'As soon as I had dined with the Consul I took my way to the shore of the Vistula. The sight of its banks was to me most interesting, covered with sheaves of wheat covering acres of ground, while the river is covered with rafts of timber and large boats built for the voyage down, but being broken up for fire wood as soon as the cargo of wheat is landed. Here the grain remains till sold to the merchant, when it is carried to the granaries in the town, or rather to an island in the middle of the town called Speicher Insel. On this island there is no other building but granaries. The corn contained is 500,000 or 600,000 qrs. of wheat. On a fine day on the shore of the river are to be seen the figures of two hundred men and women, Poles, working the wheat by turning it over and over with shovels till it is dry, as the voyage down the river is sometimes five or six weeks, and the corn heats and grows; thus it requires much turning on its arrival.
'The Poles who come down with it, are the most savage and uncouth looking people I ever saw, excepting Finns and Esquimaux; indeed, they are very like them. But their character here is that they are a most inoffensive race, suffer much fatigue and privation, and gain but little by their voyage. They are in the hands of Jewish supercargoes, one of which nation is to be seen in every regiment and in every boat. These poor people, after the cargo is sold, walk home again 600 or 700 miles. Price of wheat on the shore 55s. per qr. That won't hurt us. The King is expected tomorrow late in the evening. Good-night.
'Monday night, ten o'clock.—The day is past and I have returned for the night. The King arrived at six o'clock, I waited on him directly he was in the room; he had me to dine with him, and seated me next him at table. The Prince Menschikoff, the head of the Russian Navy, was there; he has come to take the King to Russia with two steam ships.
'I visited to-day the lions of Dantzig—the Exchange, the Cathedral, and the Armoury. The Exchange is a most curious building of great antiquity, and the hall is certainly the most curious and grotesque room in the world. The walls are covered with large pictures and wooden statues painted in colour. It is a Gothic edifice built in 1379, and the roof of the hall is supported by four slender pillars. The most singular picture on the wall is a representation of the church under the form of a ship sailing to heaven full of monks, who are throwing out ropes and hooks to haul on board a few miserable sinners, who but for this timely assistance would be drowned.
'In front of the building is a fine fountain ornamented with a bronze figure of Neptune drawn by sea-horses. The whole effect of the hall is most curious and beautiful. Near this building is the Town Hall, in which is the room in which the old Senate, now the Corporation, sit. Its beauty is difficult to describe, the ceiling is richly carved in wood, in each compartment is a fine and brilliant picture by some old master.
'The church, of which I send a sketch, is one of the most curious in Europe; the Lutherans have preserved it exactly as it was; rich to a degree in painting, sculpture, and brass, though not of the highest order, yet, to the eye, rich in effect. The two great objects in it are a picture by Van Eyck, and a crucified Saviour in wood as large as life. It is called the "Marien Kirche," and was begun in 1343 by the grand master of the Teutonic Knights. The architect was Ulric Ritter of Strasburg. The vaulted roof is supported by twenty-six slender brick pillars, ninety-eight feet from the pavement; around the interior are fifty chapels, originally founded by the chief citizens for their families. The great ornament is the picture by John Van Eyck known as the Dantzig picture. It was painted for the Pope, and while on its way to Rome was taken by pirates. It was retaken by a Dantzig vessel and deposited in the cathedral, where it remained till 1807, when the French took the town and it was carried to Paris. On its return after the war, the King of Prussia wished to retain it in Berlin, and offered the town 40,000 dollars as a compensation, but they would not part with their picture. I think it a wonderful picture, it is as fresh as the day it was painted, and the colour bestowed on it is amazing; but, like all this class of pictures, to me it is only wonderful.
'The Crucifix is fine, and the story goes that the artist crucified his servant that he might make a good article.
'Fahrenheit, who invented the thermometer, was born here. The great street of the town is the most beautiful I ever saw, the houses with the gables to the street no two alike, richly ornamented with elaborate cornices and carving of figures and flowers. Flights of steps from the door, some projecting more than others into the street, some with stone rail, some iron, some brass. Most curious, antique, and beautiful. It is a fine and interesting old town. So much for Dantzig.'
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At the Entrance of the Gulf of Finland, on board the Emperor of Russia's Steam Frigate Bogatir:
* * * * *
June 30, 1842.
'Since I despatched my letter from Dantzig I have made progress thus far towards my ultimate and extreme point, and to-morrow evening I expect to be safe under the roof of the Emperor of all the Russias. I closed my letter to you on the 27th, and I shall resume the thread of my story from that time. At nine o'clock on the 28th the King reviewed the Garrison of Dantzig, a small army of about 2000 men, consisting of two regiments of infantry, one of cavalry, and eight guns. I accompanied him on horseback; the turn-out was very good indeed, the men small but healthy and active, and moved very well, in all points extremely well equipped. Afterwards His Majesty drove about the town and visited everything, not only the public buildings that I have described to you, but also wherever a bit of old carving, or old wardrobe, or the faade of a house that was curious was to be found, there he paid a visit. He gave a great dinner at two o'clock to 100 of his chief people and officers. During the repast a regiment of infantry sang national songs in parts most beautifully, the choruses, with 800 or 1000 voices, very fine. We embarked at seven in a small steam boat which took us down the Vistula and aboard the frigate. Throughout the day I have been struck with the position of this Monarch and his people.
'No guards, no escorts, not even a guard of honour or police, all affection and order. He walked about amongst thousands of his people, like a father among his loving children. He was remarkably well received everywhere and it made him very happy. He is very familiar with his officers, and talks to his servants with kindness and good humour, frequently making them laugh and laughing in return. In short, I am much struck with the difference of forms in the constitutional and despotic country, and with the pomp of the former and familiarity and freedom of the latter. In parting with his officers he pressed many of them with warmth and affection to his heart.
'The two Russian steam ships that convey us to St. Petersburg are very fine vessels, the one we are on board of is the smallest of the two, being about 1000 tons and 200 horse power, the other 1800 tons with 600 horse power. This vessel, the Bogatir, is superbly fitted and quite equal in all points to any I have seen in England.
'July 1 (Friday, 5 P.M.).—I was obliged to leave this scrawl of mine yesterday, for really what with the engine, the eating and the talking, I could do little in the way of writing; moreover, I have had no bed, though a very good cabin, but have slept three nights in my clothes on the sofa. Well here I am well lodged with a suite of apartments in the Palace of Peterhoff with the Emperor and the Court. It has been a day of great interest, and ought to have been one of excitement, but I find that nothing of this sort excites me; so much the better, I can profit more, though I do not enjoy so much.
'This morning at four o'clock I was on deck and we passed a division of the Russian Fleet under sail, one three-decker and eight two-deckers of 80 and 74 guns, four frigates, two corvettes, and three or four brigs; the line-of-battle ships formed the line of battle on the larboard tack and bore up with us, but the wind being light they did not keep long in company. At equal distance were placed, for the purpose of communication by signal, vessels of war, frigates, and brigs, who gave the Emperor early information of our approach. Of course we were everywhere received with a cannonade from every vessel.
'On approaching Cronstadt the Emperor, Empress, and all the Court came out to meet us in a steam yacht; there was also on board the Prince of the Netherlands and his Princess. At Cronstadt another division of the Fleet was at anchor, nine sail of the line and six or seven frigates. Of the Fleet I shall speak another time.
'After passing the batteries at Cronstadt we anchored, and the Emperor pushed off in a boat from his yacht and fetched the King, his suite went on board in another boat. The meeting between the King and the Imperial family was most affectionate, and after the hurry and excitement of this event had subsided, I was presented by the King to the Emperor.
'You cannot conceive anything more frank, noble, open, and kind, than the bearing of this great man, he put me at once at my ease, and talked to me both in French and English, on such commonplace matters as best suited the occasion.
'He then presented me to the Empress, her manner was most kind and gentle, but her beauty is gone, and she looks very thin. Luncheon was served on deck, the Imperial family and the King at one table, as they sat down the Emperor called out "Lord Hardwicke these are my daughters, they speak English." I of course went off to the two most lovely women, Olga and Alexandrina, most charming in every way, their beauty is surpassed by their sweetness of manner and address. An old lady of the court took me under her protection during luncheon, but I have not yet found out who she is. After luncheon the yacht which had anchored got under way and stood over from the roads of Cronstadt to Peterhoff, accompanied by six sail of small ships. The Emperor came up to me and pointing to them he said, "These are my boys," explaining that they were the pupils for the navy under his own eye. They live on board these six vessels during summer and are always at work. Two little boys were on deck in uniform, and I said, "And these are yours, are they not?" The Empress was standing by and the Emperor replied in English, "Yes, they are our own fabrique, are they not, Madame Nicolas?" placing his large hand all over her face, she rejoined in Russian, "How you do talk." This made me laugh, and the Emperor and Empress did so in a manner that showed the joke was a good one. On landing, I, in company with the Prussians, paid visits to the hereditary Grand Duke, to the Prince of Prussia, to the Grand Duke Michael and his Duchess, a most charming person, and two or three officers of state. I should tell you that on the reception of the King there is a Guard of Honour before the Palace of about 200 men, not more on the ground. I was struck with the manner of the Emperor; he ordered what words of command should be given, and as they broke into sections to march before the King, the Emperor placed himself on the left of one of the companies, and marching with them, saluted the King, and then fell out. The whole manner of this man is most remarkable, and quite unlike anybody I ever saw.
'He is one of the finest and best-looking men in the world, and his bearing corresponds. At four o'clock we went to dine, the Imperial family dine at the Palace of the Grand Duchess Helena close by, and the Court dined here in the Palace. I sat between Count Menschikoff, whom I like very much (he is, as I told you, the head of the Navy) and a little Court lady from Moscow, who might fascinate easily a heart that was free. Dinner is over and I sit down to write this to you. As to myself I am quite well, and shall profit all I can by this trip, but I shall be heartily tired of it, I assure you; it is no joke. I would not be tied to one of these Courts for all the world could give, it is such a continued business of eating and dressing.
'I shall say nothing of Peterhoff or St. Petersburg, which I have not seen. I see before me in all directions from the windows frames of wood of enormous dimensions and various shapes for lighting up the gardens of the Palace on the night of the Fte, although there is no night, so it must be going through the forms of illumination only. However, we shall see when it takes place, no doubt it will be most magnificent.
'All about me is most strange, a mixture of East and West, such as can be nowhere else seen: savage and civilised life is here blended together, blackies and turbans and laced footmen all wait at table together.'
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PETERHOFF: July 2, 1842.
'I find myself most completely provided for here. I have a sitting-room, bedroom, and servant's room with all comforts....
'I must now give you some description of this place, but shall wait till to-morrow that I may profit by my ride with the young ladies, who will show me all the gardens.
'The Palace of Peterhoff with a front to the main building of 510 feet, is situated on the top of a terrace which runs to a certain distance along the left or north bank of the mouth of the Neva opposite Cronstadt. The terrace overlooks the wide expanse of the Neva to Cronstadt and St. Petersburg and far towards the sea; the distance from the terrace to the sea is about half a mile. This part is planted with trees of various kinds, fir, elm, ash, common kinds, and having attained no great size, about the size of thirty years' growth in a tolerable soil in England—these are cut into avenues or vistas at right angles to one another, in which are statues, fountains, and canals, and this at once gives you the character of the place. I neither rode nor wrote yesterday evening, but fell asleep till I was called to dress at half- past eight. By the bye, I have dressed six times to-day. I must leave my description of Peterhoff to be continued till another time, as I wish to relate to you what has passed here since nine o'clock P.M. till this time. Your letter was delivered to me yesterday evening by one of the Emperor's aide-de-camps in the middle of a game of romps such as I've not enjoyed since I was a boy. At nine o'clock I was in the receptions room of the Palace according to orders, all the Court were assembled, but no strangers; the company might amount to about sixty, the Emperor, Empress, the three Grand Duchesses, their daughters, the Czarewitch, the Prince of the Netherlands, and many others, with the King of Prussia. After some little formality the doors of a large apartment were thrown open, in which was no furniture but a few chairs. In the room adjoining was a full band. The Empress said to me, "You must come with us and not play cards, we are going to play some innocent games." All formality was now at an end, the Imperial family joined with the Court and the game began. It was the game with a rope, which I daresay you have seen. All take hold of it and one is in the middle, the one in the middle must strike the hand of anyone holding the rope, who then takes his place in the middle. I think you must have seen this game, a very innocent one, and makes fun. After this had gone on for some time, the Emperor takes hold of the cord, pushed it and the company into a corner of the room, and the game became more vivacious, and a general romp ensued, some fell, some rushed into the Emperor's arms, who stood like a colossus at the end of the room with open arms to receive those who sought shelter there. This could be seen nowhere else. We then supped at round tables, the ladies sending for the gentlemen they chose to make the party. After supper the Imperial family retired. It was a most delightful evening. |
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