[Footnote 1: HARRIS'S Voyages, II. p. 332.]

But there was treachery lurking in the camp, which, though for some time suspected, had been so vigilantly watched and guarded against, that the conspirators found no opportunity for carrying into effect their insidious purpose.

It seems that among the troops lately sent over, there was one soldier who had been in the Spanish service, and two others who were Roman Catholics and disclaimed allegiance to the British Government, who had enlisted as spies, and been bribed to excite a mutiny in the corps, or persuade those among whom they were stationed to desert the service.[1]

[Footnote 1: Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. IX. 739, p. 22.]

Their attempts, however, to gain over accomplices, were unavailing; for those with whom they tampered had the fealty to reject their overtures, and the honesty to make a discovery of their insidious machinations. Upon this the traitors were seized, convicted, and, on the beginning of October, 1738, sentenced to be whipt and drummed out of the regiment.[1]

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XX.]

Hardly had this secret plot been defeated, when an affray took place at Fort St. Andrews, in which an attempt was made to assassinate the General, who was there on a visit.

Some of the soldiers who came from Gibraltar had been granted six months provisions from the King's stores, in addition to their pay. When these rations were expended, about the middle of November, one of the murmurers had the presumption to go up to the General, who was standing at the door with Captain Mackay, and demanded of him a continuance of the supply. To this unceremonious and disrespectful requisition the General replied, that the terms of their enlistment had been complied with; that their pay was going on; that they had no special favor to expect, and certainly were not in the way to obtain any by such a rude manner of application. As the fellow became outrageously insolent, the Captain drew his sword, which the desperado snatched out of his hand, broke in two pieces, threw the hilt at him, and made off for the barrack, where, taking his gun, which was loaded, and crying out "One and all!" five others, with their guns, rushed out, and, at the distance of about ten yards, the ringleader shot at the General. The ball whizzed above his shoulder, and the powder burnt his face and scorched his clothes. Another flashed his piece twice, but the gun did not go off. The General and Captain were immediately surrounded by protectors; and the culprits were apprehended, tried at a Court-Martial, and, on the first week in October, received sentence of death. The letter which gives a circumstantial account of this affair, written from Frederica, and dated December 26th, adds, "Some of the officers are not very easy, and perhaps will not be till the mutineers are punished, in terrorem; which has been delayed by the General's forbearance[1]." I quote, with pleasure, this testimony to his lenity, given by one who must have intimately known all the aggravating circumstances, because some accounts state that he took summary vengeance.

[Footnote 1: Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. IX. p. 215.]

By the defeat of insidious plottings to induce the desertion of the frontier garrison, and the suppression of the insurgent mutiny, the spirit of insubordination was entirely quelled; and the people of the Colony were relieved from their apprehensions of an attack from the Spaniards, "as they had Oglethorpe among them, in whom they and the Indians had great confidence."



CHAPTER XII.

Oglethorpe visits Savannah—Troubles there—Causton, the store-keeper, displaced—Oglethorpe holds a conference with a deputation of Indians—Town-meeting called, and endeavors used to quiet discontents—Goes back to Frederica, but obliged to renew his visit to Savannah.

On the 8th of October, 1738, Oglethorpe set out from Frederica in an open boat, with two others attending it; and, after rowing two days and two nights, arrived at Savannah. "He was received, at the water-side, by the magistrates, and saluted by the cannon from the fort, and by the militia under arms; and the people spent the night in rejoicing, making bonfires,"[1] &c. But, notwithstanding this show of public joy, he had soon to learn particulars of the situation of the inhabitants, that rendered his visit unpleasant to himself, and not very welcome to some of those to whom it was made. Those who were duly sensible of his disinterested devotedness to the advancement and welfare of the settlement, were actuated, on this occasion, by a principle of real regard and gratitude; those who were apprehensive that their conduct in his absence might be investigated and disapproved, joined in the acclaim, that they might conciliate his favor; and those who had been discontented grumblers, did not care openly to exhibit indications of dissatisfaction.

[Footnote 1: Letter, dated Savannah, in Georgia, October 22,1738; published in the Gentleman's Magazine, for January, 1739, p. 22.]

On the day after his arrival he received information that the grand jury of Savannah had prepared a representation, "stating their grievances, hardships, and necessities," and complaining of the conduct of Mr. Thomas Causton, the first magistrate of the town, and keeper of the public store[1]. They alleged that he had expended much larger sums than the Trustees authorized, and thus brought the Colony in debt; that he had assumed powers not delegated to him, and had been partial and arbitrary in many of the measures which he had pursued[2].

[Footnote 1: This is inserted in the Narrative of the Colony of Georgia, by P. Tailfer, M.D., Hugh Williamson, M.A., and D. Douglas. Charlestown, S.C. 1741. It was signed September 12th, 1737.]

[Footnote 2: Letter last quoted, and Stephens's Journal, Vol. I. p. 305.]

Upon an investigation of these allegations, Oglethorpe, as Governor-General of the Colony, deemed it expedient to displace him; to issue an order that the books, papers, and accounts, belonging to the stores, should be delivered to Thomas Jones, Esq., who had come over with the transports with the appointment of Advocate of the Regiment; and that security should be given by Causton, to answer the charges against him, by an assignment of his estate at Oakstead, and his improvements elsewhere. The office thus rendered vacant was supplied by the appointment of Colonel William Stephens, who had been sent over with the commission of Secretary for the affairs of the Trustees in the Province.[1]

[Footnote 1: This worthy gentleman wrote a Journal, which commences on his arrival at Charlestown, in the Mary-Ann, Captain Shubrick, October 20, 1737, and comes down to October 28,1741. It gives a minute account of every thing which occurred; and bears throughout the marks of correctness, of ingenuousness, and frankness in the narrative of transactions and events; and of integrity, strict justice, and unflinching fidelity in the discharge of his very responsible office. As exhibiting "the form and pressure of the times," it is of essential importance to the Historian of Georgia; and, happily, it was printed, making three octavo volumes. But the work is exceedingly rare, especially the third volume. A complete set is among the EBELING books in Harvard College Library.

He had been at Savannah before, for in p. 46, is this remark; "All which was evident to myself, as well from what I observed, when here formerly, as more especially now, since my arrival." And again, p. 54, mentioning Mr. Fallowfield, "a constable, whose temper I was better acquainted with, having lodged at his house during my former abode here."

After the departure of General Oglethorpe, he was President of the Council, and acting Governor from July 11, 1743, to April 8, 1757, when he was succeeded by Henry Parker, Esq.]

The great mismanagement of the trust-funds which had been sent for the support of the Colony, rendered it also necessary to retrench the ordinary issues, "that something might remain for the necessary support of life among the industrious part of the community, who were not to be blamed."

On the 11th, Tomo Chichi came to wait upon the General. He had been very ill; but the good old man was so rejoiced at the return of his respected friend, that he said it made him moult like the eagle.[1] He informed him that several Indian chiefs were at Yamacraw to pay their respects to him, and to assure him of their fidelity.

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXI.]

This embassy consisted of the Micos or chiefs of the Ocmulgees, the Chehaws, the Ouchasees, and the Parachacholas, with thirty of their warriors, and fifty-two attendants. As they walked up the hill, they were saluted by a battery of cannon, and then conducted to the town-hall by a corps of militia, where the General received them. They told him that the Spaniards had decoyed them to St. Augustine, on pretence that he was there; but they found that they were imposed upon, and therefore turned back with displeasure, though they were offered great presents to induce them to fall out with the English. These single-hearted foresters had now come to remove from the mind of their pledged friend all apprehension of their alienation, and to assure him that their warriors shall attend his call. They closed their conference with a pressing invitation to him to come up to their towns in the course of the summer; and, with his promise to do so, they took a respectful leave.

On the 17th the General called the inhabitants to assemble at the town-hall, and "there made a pathetic speech to them;"[1] which he began by thanking them for the measures which they had pursued for mutual help and the common good. He apprized them of the great exertions made by the Trustees to support, protect, and defend the Colony; but that their being obliged to maintain the garrisons, and lay in various stores till the arrival of the troops, and the dear price of provisions the last year, occasioned such an increased demand upon them, that they would not be able to continue further allowance, nor assume further responsibilities, unless a supply should be granted by parliament. This state of embarrassment he greatly regretted, inasmuch as those whom he addressed were suffering by the failure of their crops. He told them that, with surprise and great grief, he found that there was more due from the public store than there were goods and articles in it to pay; but that he had given orders that all persons should be paid as far as these effects would go. He said that he was fully aware of the privations already felt, and of the greater to which they were exposed; and, therefore, informed those who, on this account, or for any reason, supposed that they could better their condition by going out of the Province, that they had his full consent to do so. At the same time he requested such to come to his quarters, and acquaint him with their grievances, their wishes, and their purposes, and he would give them his best advice, and all the aid in his power. How many, or how far any, availed themselves of this overture, is not known; but the writer who has given an account of this address, adds, "It is remarkable that not one man chose to leave the Province, though they very well knew that they must endure great hardships before the next crop should come in, for there was very little money stirring, and very few had provisions sufficient to keep them till next year. However, they all seemed resolved rather to stay, than to leave the country now in its distress[2]."

[Footnote 1: STEPHENS'S Journal, I. p. 305.]

[Footnote 2: Letter from Savannah, October 22, 1738.]

To lessen the demands upon the Trustees, Oglethorpe made retrenchments in the public expenditures. He disbanded the troop of Rangers, who guarded the country on the land side, though they offered to serve without pay; but he deemed it improper that they should be on service without remuneration. The garrisons were relieved by the regiments; so that that expense ceased. He aimed to reconcile the disaffected, by his good offices; and to gain their affections by unexpected and unmerited liberalities. With very timely largesses he assisted the orphans, the widows, and the sick; and contributed towards the relief of the most destitute; but, adds the writer of the letter above quoted, "we are apprehensive such contributions cannot last long, unless assisted from England, for the expenses are too great for any single man to bear."

The General pursued, with anxious scrutiny, his investigation into the management of business, and found the charges and accounts to be very perplexed, and the result evincing mismanagement and unfaithfulness. "He settled the officers, civil and military, among whom changes had taken place; filled vacancies; and took the most judicious measures that the whole municipal establishment should be properly organized. Then, calling them all to his lodgings, he gave it in charge that they should do their duties with care and vigilance. He exhorted them to use their best endeavors to preserve peace; especially at this time, when ill-disposed persons, taking advantage of people's uneasiness at those inevitable pressures under which they labored, and must necessarily for some time be subjected to, might craftily incite them to insurrection. Withal, he recommended earnestly to them to preserve unanimity among themselves, which would strengthen and support a due authority, and restrain the licentious into due obedience."[1]

[Footnote 1: STEPHENS'S Journal, I. 309.]

On Wednesday morning, October 25th, Oglethorpe set out for the south, leaving, as Col. Stephens remarks, "a gloomy prospect of what might ensue; and many sorrowful countenances were visible under the apprehensions of future want; which deplorable state the Colony has fallen into, through such means as few or none of the settlers had any imagination of, till the Trustees, in their late letters, awakened them out of their dream; and the General, when he came, laid the whole open, and apprized them that they were but little removed from a downright bankruptcy. Now was a time when it would be fully apparent, who were the most valuable among them, by showing a hearty endeavor to contribute, what in them lay, to appease the rising discontents, and wait with patience to see better things, which were not yet to be despaired of."[1]

[Footnote 1: STEPHENS'S Journal, I. 312.]

It appears that Mr. Causton discovered not only reluctance and perversity in explaining and authenticating his accounts; but, by disingenuous insinuations reflected on the conduct of Oglethorpe, "as if he very well knew that extraordinary occasions had created these great exceedings, which the Trustees approving of, he [Causton] was given up to be driven to utter ruin."[1] Mr. Jones deemed it necessary to write to the General to inform him of the reflections which had thus been cast upon his honor, and of the impediments which he himself met in the business assigned to him. Upon the receipt of this letter, Oglethorpe set out on a return to Savannah, where he arrived early in the morning of Saturday, November 11th, and, as the bell was ringing for attendance on prayers, he went and joined the orisons of the congregation. This was more grateful to his feelings than the military salute and parade of the preceding visit; and the devotional exercises in which he engaged soothed his vexed spirit, and the petition for pardon of offences against God produced a livelier disposition in his heart of lenity and forgiveness towards those who had offended against him. In the course of the day, he looked again into the concerns of the store, and despatched some other affairs of consequence. In the evening he sent for Mr. Causton, when, "in a very mild manner, and gentler terms than could be expected, upon such a provocation, he reprehended him for the freedom he had taken with his name, and advised him to use no delays or shifts in making up his accounts."

[Footnote 1: Ibid. p. 325.]

On Sunday he attended public worship; and after that took boat, and went back to the south.

In both these visits to Savannah, Oglethorpe discovered among the inhabitants indications of the prevalence of not only a dissatisfied, but of a factious spirit; more to be lamented than a failing harvest, or a stinted market.

It was extremely mortifying to him to perceive that his greatest exertions and most assiduous services were underrated; his devotedness to their welfare unacknowledged; and his sacrifices and exposures that he might establish them in security and peace, were not merely depreciated, but miscalled and dishonored. While he was zealously engaged in strengthening the Colony, by locating large accessions of brave and industrious settlers on the frontiers, and erecting forts, and supplying them with troops and ammunition, the people who were "sitting under their own vines and fig-trees, with none to molest or make them afraid," and who had been best and longest provided for, were insensible to the hardships and dangers to which others were exposed; and, cavilling at the circumstances in which they were placed, complained as if he must be personally accountable for certain restrictions in the plan of settlement, and subsequent financial and commercial affairs, to which the Trustees had deemed it proper to subject them; restrictions which might have been submitted to by them with as good a grace as they were by the Saltzburgers at Ebenezer and the Scots at Darien, "who murmured not, neither were unthankful." In fact, it was very apparent, that by their indolence and improvidence these dissatisfied ones had brought upon themselves the chief of the evils which they suffered. Their allegations, therefore, were unreasonable, and the disposition which dictated them criminally ungrateful. But Oglethorpe, instead of reproaching the discontented for their ingratitude, and the murmurers for their unkind imputations, stifled his own justifiable feelings of displeasure, in the hope that such forbearance would refute the injustice of theirs. Well might the poet exclaim:

"What magnanimity!—May ne'er again Unkind returns thy generous ardor chill, Nor causeless censure give thy bosom pain, Nor thankless hearts reward thy good with ill!

"But honoring gratitude its column raise, To bear inscriptions of deserved praise; And when through age the record is obscure, A nobler let posterity procure."



CHAPTER XIII.

Oglethorpe goes to Charlestown, South Carolina, to open his Commission—Comes back to Savannah—Gives encouragement to the Planters—Returns to Frederica—Excursion to Coweta—Forms a Treaty with the Upper Creeks—Receives at Augusta a delegation of the Chickasaws and Cherokees, who complain of having been poisoned by the Traders—On his return to Savannah is informed of Spanish aggressions, and is authorized to make reprisals.

As Oglethorpe was appointed General and Commander in Chief of the military forces in South Carolina, as well as Georgia, he deemed it proper to pay a visit to Charlestown, in order to have this assigned rank duly notified to the Governor and people of the Province. He, therefore, set out for that metropolis on the 10th of March, 1739; arrived on the 15th, and, on the 3d of April, had his commission opened and read in the Assembly. In reference to the exercise of the authority which it conferred, some regulations in the military establishment were adopted. On the 11th he returned to Savannah. To encourage the industry of the planters, he proposed to those who would persevere in doing what they could in the culture of their lands, "a bounty of two shillings per bushel for all Indian corn, and one shilling per bushel for all potatoes, which they should raise over and above what the produce could be sold for after the next harvest[1]."

[Footnote 1: STEPHENS, I. 460.]

On the 18th he went to Frederica; but was obliged, in the summer, to renew his visit to Savannah; and, on the evening of the 10th of July, was received, under a discharge of cannon, by about forty of the freeholders under arms, which, he was pleased to say, was more than he expected. "His stay, being very likely to be short, many successively sought audience of him, whose affairs he despatched with his usual promptness."

"On the 17th he set off on his Indian expedition to Coweta: he proceeded up the river, in his cutter, with Lieutenant Dunbar, Ensign Leman, and Mr. Eyre, a cadet, besides attendants and servants. At the Uchee town, twenty-five miles above Ebenezer, he quitted water-conveyance, having appointed several of the Indian traders to wait his coming there, with a number of horses, as well for sumpter as riding, and also some rangers to assist."

On this journey, computed to be over three hundred miles, both he and his attendants met with many and great hardships and fatigue. They were obliged to traverse a continuous wilderness, where there was no road, and seldom any visible track; and their Indian guides led them often, unavoidably, through tangled thickets, and deep and broken ravines, and across swamps, or bogs, where the horses mired and plunged to the great danger of the riders. They had to pass large rivers on rafts, and cause the horses to wade and swim; and to ford others. During most of the way their resolute leader was under the necessity of sleeping in the open air, wrapped in his cloak or a blanket, and with his portmanteau for a pillow; or, if the night-weather was uncomfortable, or rainy, a covert was constructed of cypress boughs, spread over poles. For two hundred miles there was not a hut to be met with; nor a human face to be seen, unless by accident that of some Indian hunter traversing the woods. At length they arrived at Coweta, one of the principal towns of the Muscoghe, or Creek Indians, where the Chiefs of all the tribes were assembled, on the 11th of August. "Thus did this worthy man, to protect the settlement, which with so much pecuniary expense and devotedness of time, he had planted, now expose himself to the hazards and toils of a comfortless expedition, that would have proved unsurmountable to one of a less enterprising spirit and steady resolutions." Oglethorpe, and his suite, were received with great cordiality; and, after the necessary introduction to individuals, and a little refreshment and rest, a grand convention was formed. The assembly was arranged in due order, with the solemn introductory ceremonies prescribed for such occasions. A libation of the foskey,[1] or black-drink, followed; of which Oglethorpe was invited to partake with "the beloved men," and of which the chiefs and warriors quaffed more copious draughts. Speeches and discussions followed; terms of intercourse and stipulations of trade were agreed upon; and, after smoking the calumet, they unitedly declared that they remained firm in their pledged fealty to the King of Great Britain, and would adhere to all the engagements of amity and commerce heretofore entered into with Oglethorpe as the representative of the Trustees. They then renewed the former grants, in terms more explicit and full, confirming the session of territory on the sea-coast, with the islands, and now extending the southern boundary to the river Matteo, or St. John's. And Oglethorpe, on his part, covenanted that the English should not encroach upon, nor take up, other lands, nor intrude upon any reserved privileges of the Creeks; but would cause their rights to be respected, and the trade with them to be conducted upon fair and honorable principles. This important treaty was concluded on the 21st of August, 1739.

[Footnote 1: This is a decoction of the leaves of the YAUPON, prinus glaber, and is of an exciting, and if taken freely, an intoxicating effect. It is prepared with much formality, and is considered as a sacred beverage, used only by the Chiefs, the War Captains, and Priests ("beloved men") on special occasions, particularly on going to war and making treaties. For an account of its preparation and use, see LAWSON'S Carolina, p. 90; BERNARD ROMAN'S Natural History of Florida, p. 94; ADAIR'S History of the American Indians, p. 108; CATESBY'S Natural History of Carolina, II. 57; and BARTON'S Elements of Botany, part II. p. 16.]

Oglethorpe ingratiated himself highly with the Creeks on this occasion, by his having undertaken so long and difficult a journey to become acquainted with them, and secure their favor; trusting himself with so few attendants in a fearless reliance on their good faith; by the readiness with which he accommodated himself to their mode of living; and the magnanimity of his deportment while among them.

The chief business being finished to mutual satisfaction, the General, with his attendants, set out on their return; and, after enduring the like hardships, exposures, and fatigue, arrived, on the 5th of September, at Fort Augusta, an outpost on the Savannah, where he had placed a garrison on his first expedition to Georgia; and under the protection of which, a little settlement was now formed, inhabited mostly by Indian traders. There he was waited on by the chiefs of the Chickasaws, and the chiefs of the Cherokees;[1] the last of whom came with a heavy complaint that his people had been poisoned by the rum which had been brought to them by the traders. At this they expressed high resentment, and even threatened revenge. As this was an affair of quite an alarming nature, the General made strict inquiry into it; and ascertained that some unlicensed traders had, the preceding summer, carried up the small pox, which is fatal to the Indians; and that several of their warriors, as well as others, had fallen victims to the distemper. It was with some difficulty that he convinced the Indians that this was the real cause of the calamity. At the same time he assured them that such were the precautions and strict examination used, before any applicant for leave to trade could obtain it, that they need not apprehend any danger from such as came to them with a license. With this explanation and assurance they went away satisfied.

[Footnote 1: By some early writers of Carolina these chiefs are called "Caciques." Whether this be the same as Mico, I know not; but the title, though often used so, does not seem to be appropriate. Where justly applied, it is the title of the legislative chief, in distinction from the war chief.]

On the 13th of September, while yet at this place, an express arrived from Savannah to acquaint him that a sloop from Rhode Island had brought the intelligence, that the Governor of that Colony had, by orders from Great Britain, issued commissions for fitting out privateers against the Spaniards. This was not a little surprising to him. He could not conceive how a distant Colony should have any such orders, before they were sent to him who was most in danger of being attacked, in case of any rupture with Spain. However, he deemed it expedient to hasten his return, in order to obtain more direct information. On the 22d he reached Savannah, where he received and published his Majesty's orders for reprisals. In consequence of these, a stout privateer of fourteen guns, was immediately fitted out by Captain Davies, who had suffered by having had a ship and cargo, to the value of forty thousand pieces of eight, captured and most unjustly condemned by the Spaniards; and, therefore, felt that he had a right to avail himself of the present opportunity for obtaining redress.[1]

[Footnote 1: London Magazine, for 1757, page 592.]

For several years, the British trade to America, particularly that to the West Indies, had suffered great interruption and annoyance from the Spanish guarda-costas, which, under various pretences, seized the merchant ships, and carried them into their ports, where they were confiscated. This piratical practice had increased to such a degree that scarcely any vessels were safe in those seas; for the Spaniards pretended that wherever they found logwood, cocoa, or pieces of eight on board, the capture was legal. Now, the first two of those commodities were the growth and produce of the English islands, and the last was the current specie of all that part of the world; so that there was hardly a ship homeward bound but had one or other of these on hoard.

These depredations were also aggravated by circumstances of great inhumanity and cruelty; the sailors being confined in loathsome prisons, at the Havana, and at Cadiz; or forced to work with irons on their legs; with no sustenance but salt fish, almost putrid, and beds full of vermin, so that many died of their hard captivity[1].

[Footnote 1: History of the Colonies planted by the English on the Continent of North America, by JOHN MARSHALL. 8vo. Philadelphia, 1824. Chap. X.]

The increasing complaints of the merchants, and the loud clamors of the nation, at length forced the British minister to abandon his pacific system; and war was declared against Spain on the 23d of October, 1739. A squadron, commanded by Admiral Vernon was detached for the West Indies, with instructions to act upon the defensive; and General Oglethorpe was ordered to annoy the settlements in Florida.[1]

[Footnote 1: Historical Review of the Transactions of Europe, from the commencement of the War with Spain, in 1739, to the Insurrection in Scotland, in 1745, by SAMUEL BOYSE. 8vo.. Dublin, 1748. Vol. I. p. 27.]

It now became necessary for Oglethorpe to take the most prompt and effective measures for the protection of the Colony; and, as his settlement had, from the beginning, been opposed by the Spaniards at St. Augustine, and would now have to encounter their resentful assaults, he must put into requisition all his military force, and see to their adequate equipment. He immediately took measures for raising a troop of thirty rangers, to prevent the Spanish horse and Indians at St. Augustine from making incursions into the Province; and likewise to intercept the runaway negroes of Carolina, on their way through the country to join the Spaniards. At the same time he summoned four hundred Creeks, and six hundred Cherokee Indians to march down to the southern borders. He then viewed the arms of the militia, to ascertain that they were all in good order, and gave directions that powder, balls, and flints, should be issued out of the magazine, for supplying each member with a proper quantity. But aware that all this would be too inconsiderable for effectual resistance, he perceived it to be expedient to seek the protection of the West India fleet, and to apply to the Assembly of South Carolina for cooeperation in a cause, in the event of which their own safety was involved. Accordingly he immediately sent up to Charlestown to desire assistance, and to consult measures with the commanders of the men of war then on the station, in order immediately to block up St. Augustine before the Spaniards could receive supplies and reinforcements from Cuba; which, if properly executed, the place would, in all probability, be soon reduced.[1] This application was laid before the General Assembly, and, on the 8th of November, a Committee was appointed to take the same into consideration. Their Report was discussed in both Houses of Assembly; but no decision was obtained.

[Footnote 1: See his letter in the History of the Rise and Progress of Georgia, HARRIS'S Voyages, II. p. 338, dated 21st of September, 1739.]

Having taken these preparatory measures, he returned to Frederica to make all the arrangements which the exigences of the case required, in the equipment of his own forces, and by calling upon his Indian allies; waiting, with impatience, however, the result of his application to the sister Colony.

Towards the middle of November a party of Spaniards landed in the night time upon Amelia island, and skulked in the thicket till morning, when two Highlanders, unarmed, went into the woods for fuel; upon whom the Spaniards fired, first five and then ten shot; which was heard by Francis Brooks, who commanded the scout-boat upon the coast. He immediately made a signal to the Fort, which was then garrisoned by a detachment of General Oglethorpe's regiment. Upon this a party instantly went out, but they arrived too late, for they found their comrades dead, and that the assassins had taken to their boat, and put out to sea. The bodies of the soldiers were not only rent with shot, but most barbarously mangled and hacked. The periodical publication from which this account is taken, has the following remarks:[1] "Whence it was apparent that the Spaniards had first, out of cowardice, shot them, and then, out of cruelty, cut and slashed them with their swords. If they had not been most scandalous poltroons, they would have taken the two unarmed men prisoners, without making any noise; and then they might have lurked in the wood till they had found an opportunity of getting a better booty, or at least of making more prisoners. And, if they had not been most barbarously cruel, they would have been satisfied with simply killing these unresisting men, (which might have been without such a volley of shot,) and not have so mangled their bodies after they were slain. From such cowardly and cruel foes no mercy can be expected; and every one sent against them must despair if he finds himself in danger of being overpowered, and wrought up to desperation and revenge when he finds himself any thing near upon an equal footing."

[Footnote 1: Annals of Europe, for 1739, p. 410.]

Upon being informed of this outrage, Oglethorpe fitted out and manned a gun boat, and pursued them by water and land, above a hundred miles; but they escaped. By way of reprisal, however, he passed the St. John's into Florida; drove in the guards of Spanish horse that were posted on that river; and advanced as far as a place called the Canallas; at the same time sending Captain Dunbar with a party to find out the situation and force of the fort at Picolata, near the river, upon what were then called "the lakes of Florida," eighty miles from the mouth of the river. They attacked the garrison, but were repulsed, having no artillery. They accomplished, however, the intentions of Oglethorpe, as they reconnoitred both that place and another fort called St. Francis.

In January he returned to Frederica, where he met with Captain Warren,[1] who had lately arrived with the Squirrel man of war. When their consultation was concluded, Captain Warren went and cruised off the Bay of St. Augustine, while Oglethorpe, with a detachment of troops on board of the boats, and some artillery, went up the Lakes of Florida, rowing by day, and sailing by night, so that he attacked the two forts Picolata and St. Francis, took both the same day, and made the soldiers in the garrisons prisoners of war.

[Footnote 1: Afterwards Sir PETER WARREN, an excellent naval officer.]

Captain Hugh Mackay, in a letter to Colonel Cecil, dated Frederica, 24th of January, 1740, says, "The General escaped very narrowly being killed by a cannon ball at Fort St. Francis, or, as the Spaniards called it, 'San Francisco de Papa.'"



CHAPTER XIV.

Oglethorpe addresses a letter to Lieutenant-Governor Bull, suggesting an expedition against St. Angustine—Follows this, by application in person—Promised assistance, and cooeperation—Returns to Frederica—Collects his forces—Passes over to Florida—Takes several Spanish forts—Is joined by the Carolinean troops—The enemy receive supplies—Oglethorpe changes the siege into a blockade—Takes possession of Anastasia Island—Colonel Palmer and his men surprised and cut to pieces—Spanish cruelties—English fleet quit the station—Siege raised, and Oglethorpe returns to Frederica.

By the information which Oglethorpe was able to obtain from the prisoners, which confirmed the accounts received from other sources, he learned that the garrison at St. Augustine was in want of provisions; and that, the half-galleys having been sent to the Havana for troops and supplies, the river and sea-board were destitute of defence. Such being the case, he conceived that a fitting opportunity now offered for the reduction of the place, taking the enemy by surprise, before the reinforcements arrived; and thereby dispossessing the Spaniards of Florida. He, therefore, sent an express to Lieutenant-Governor Bull, urging an immediate compliance with his application for assistance. The consideration was accordingly renewed in the Assembly on the 4th of February. At length Oglethorpe, impatient of delays occasioned by their continued demurring about the feasibility of the project, presented himself before them, that they might be made acquainted more fully with his intentions, and with every thing relative to their being carried into execution. After many conferences, a scheme of action was agreed upon, and an Act of Assembly passed, April 5th, 1740, for the raising of a regiment of four hundred men, to be commanded by Colonel Vanderdussen; a troop of rangers;[1] presents for the Indians; and supply of provisions for three months.[2] They also furnished a large schooner, with ten carriage and sixteen swivel guns, in which they put fifty men under the command of Captain Tyrrell.

[Footnote 1: As the Rangers could not be procured, the Assembly afterwards voted an addition of two hundred men.]

[Footnote 2: The term of service, and, of course, the amount of supply, were afterwards extended to four months.]

With this encouragement, and the promise of cooeperation by Commodore Vincent Price, who commanded the small fleet on that station, the place of rendezvous was appointed at the mouth of St. John's river. The General then published his manifesto,[1] and immediately hastened back to Georgia to prepare his forces for the Expedition.

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXII.]

On the beginning of April he went to the Uchee town to engage runners to his Indian allies to inform them of his intended assault of St. Augustine; to bespeak their assistance, and request their chiefs and warriors to join his forces at Frederica, whither he immediately repaired. There he completed the equipment of his forces; selected the field-pieces and their carriages, balls and powder; and attended to the military accoutrements, stores and provisions.

On the 9th of May he passed over to Florida with four hundred selected men of his regiment, and a considerable party of Indians, headed by Molochi, son of Prim the late chief of the Creeks; Raven, war-chief of the Cherokees; and Toonahowi, nephew of Tomo Chichi. On the evening of the 10th, part of the Carolina forces arrived.



As the first thing to be done was to take the forts that kept open the communication of the Spaniards with the country, and thus cut off their supplies, the General, impatient of losing time, invested the small fort called Francis de Pupa, seventeen miles north of St. Augustine, commanded by a sergeant and twelve men, who surrendered without a contest. Thence he proceeded to Fort Diego, situated on the plains, twenty-five miles from St. Augustine, defended by eleven guns, and fifty regulars, besides Indians and negroes. In his sortie upon this, he made use of a little stratagem, as well as force; which was by appointing three or four drums to beat, at the same time, in different places in the woods, and a few men now and then to appear suddenly, and withdraw out of sight again. At this, the enemy in the fort were so confounded, with the apprehension that they were surrounded by a great number of troops, that they made only a feint of opposition; and, being summoned to surrender, did so, on condition of being treated as prisoners of war, and, (what they principally insisted on) not to be delivered into the hands of the Indians, from whom they were conscious that they had incurred the most condign reprisals for former aggressions.[1] The other articles were that they should deliver up the guns and stores, which consisted of nine swivel and two carriage guns, with the powder and shot, &c.; that they should have liberty to keep their baggage; that Seignior Diego Spinosa, to whom the fort belonged, it having been built at his expense, and on his land, should hold his plantation and slaves, and such other effects as were not already plundered in the field; and, finally, that no deserters or runaways from Charlestown should have the benefit of this capitulation. Here he left a garrison of sixty men, under the command of Lieutenant Dunbar, to secure the retreat of the army, in case of accidents, and to preserve a safe communication with the settlements in Georgia. He then returned to the place of rendezvous, where he was joined on the 19th of May by Captain M'Intosh, with a company of Highlanders, and Colonel Vanderdussen, with the rest of the Carolina troops, but without any horse, pioneers, or negroes.

[Footnote 1: Stephens, II. 389.]

By this time six Spanish half-galleys, with a number of long brass nine pounders, manned with two hundred regulars, and attended by two sloops loaded with ammunition and provisions, had entered the harbor of St. Augustine, so that the forces in the town and castle were very nearly equal in numbers to the land forces brought against them, and their artillery much superior.

Notwithstanding all the reinforcement which Oglethorpe had received, it was judged impracticable to take the place by assault from the land side, unless an attack could be made at the same time by the boats of the men of war, and other small craft, on the sea side, on which the town had no intrenchments; and to begin a regular siege on the land side was impossible, as he had neither force enough for investing the place, nor any pioneers for breaking the ground, and carrying on the approaches. For this reason it was concerted between him and the sea commanders, that as soon as they arrived off the bar of the north channel, he should march up with his whole force, consisting of about two thousand men, to St. Augustine, and give notice by a signal agreed on, that he was ready to begin the attack by land; which should be answered by a counter signal from the fleet of their readiness to attack it by sea. Accordingly the General marched, and arrived near the intrenchments of St. Augustine, June 4th, at night, having in his way taken Fort Moosa, about three miles from St. Augustine, which the garrison had abandoned upon his approach. He ordered the gates of the fort to be burnt, and three breaches to be made in the walls.

As soon as it was proper to begin the attack, he made the signal agreed on, but had no countersign from the men of war. This was to his utter surprise and disappointment. The reason which was afterwards assigned, was, that the fleet had ascertained that their promised cooperation had been rendered impracticable; as the galleys had been drawn up abreast in the channel between the castle and the island, so that any boats which they should send in must have been exposed to the cannon and musketry of the galleys, as well as the batteries of the castle; and, as no ships of force could get in to protect them, they must have been defeated, if not wholly destroyed; and that it was impossible to make an attack by sea, while the galleys were in that position. It being presumptuous to make an attack without the aid of the fleet, the General was under the necessity of marching back to Fort Diego, where he had left all his provisions, camp furniture, and tools; because he had neither horses nor carriages for taking them along with him by land, nor had then any place for landing them near St. Augustine, had he sent them by water.[1]

[Footnote 1: London Magazine, Vol. XXVII. p. 22.]

Disappointed in the project of taking the place by storm, he changed his plan of operations, and resolved, with the assistance of the ships of war, which were lying at anchor off the bar, to turn the siege into a blockade, and to shut up every channel by which provisions could be conveyed to the garrison. For this purpose, he stationed Colonel Palmer, with his company, at Fort Moosa, to scour the woods, and intercept all supplies from the country, and "enjoined it upon him, for greater safety, to encamp every night in a different place, and, by all means to avoid coming into action." He also charged him, if he should perceive any superior party sallying forth from St. Augustine, to make a quick retreat towards Fort Diego, where it was certain the enemy would not follow him, for fear of having their retreat cut off by a detachment from the army. He sent Colonel Vanderdussen, with his regiment, to take possession of Point Quartell, at a creek which makes the mouth of the harbor opposite Anastasia; and this he did "because they would be safe there, being divided from St. Augustine, and covered from any sally that would be made by the garrison."[1]

[Footnote 1: History of the British Settlements in North America. Lond. 1773, 4to, page 163.]

As there was a battery on Anastasia, which defended the entry to St. Augustine, the Commodore suggested that, if a body of troops should be sent to land upon that island, under favor of the men of war, and dispossess it, he would then send the small vessels into the harbor, which was too shallow to admit the ships. Upon this, the General marched to the coast, and embarked in the boats of the men of war, with a party of two hundred men, and most of the Indians. Captain Warren, with two hundred seamen, attached themselves to this expedition.

Perceiving that the Spaniards were advantageously posted behind the sand-hills, covered by the battery upon the island, and the fire from the half-galleys which lay in shoal water where the men of war could not come, he ordered the heavy boats to remain and seem as though they intended to land near them, while he, with Captain Warren and the pinnaces, rowed, with all the speed they could, to the southward about two miles. The Spaniards behind the sand-hills strove to prevent their landing, but before they could come up in any order, the boats had got so near to the shore that the General and Captain Warren, with the seamen and Indians, leaped into the water breast high, landed, and took possession of the sand-hills. The Spaniards retreated in the utmost confusion to the battery; but were pursued so vigorously, that they were driven into the water, and took shelter in the half-galleys.[1]

[Footnote 1: London Magazine, Vol. XXVII. p. 22.]

All hands were now set to work to erect the batteries, whence a cannonade was made upon the town. This, however, was to little effect; partly from the distance, and partly from the condition of some of the field pieces which were employed. The enemy returned a brisk fire from the castle and from the half-galleys in the harbor. The latter, chiefly annoying the camp, it was agreed to attack them; but though Commodore Price had proposed that measure to Colonel Vanderdussen first, he altered his opinion and would not consent to it.

"Thirty-six pieces of cannon, together with planks for batteries, and all other necessaries, with four hundred pioneers were to have come from Carolina; but only twelve pieces of cannon arrived. Of course, for want of planks for batteries, they were obliged to fire upon the ground, the consequence of which was, that their carriages were soon broken, and could not be repaired."[1]

[Footnote 1: History of British Settlements in North America, p. 165.]

The Spaniards, on the other hand, had surprised and cut to pieces the detachment under Colonel Palmer. Of this disastrous event, the particulars are given by one who could say,—"Quos ego miserrimus vidi, et quorum pars magna fui." [Which I had the misfortune to see, and greatly to share.] I refer to a letter from Ensign Hugh Mackay to his brother in Scotland, dated at Fort St. Andrews, on Cumberland Island, August 10th, 1740.

After some introductory remarks, he gives the following account of the action:

"On the 9th of June the General sent out a flying party of militia, Indians, and thirteen soldiers, in all making one hundred and thirty-seven men, under the command of Colonel Palmer, a Carolina gentleman, an old Indian warrior, of great personal resolution, but little conduct. Under him I commanded the party, and had orders to march from St. Diego, the head-quarters, to Moosa, three miles from St. Augustine, a small fort which the Spaniards had held, but was demolished a few days before; there to show ourselves to the Spaniards, and thereafter to keep moving from one place to another to divert their attention, while the General took another route, and intended to come to Moosa in five days. The orders were just, and might with safety be executed, had a regular officer commanded; but poor Colonel Palmer, whose misfortune it was to have a very mean opinion of his enemies, would by no means be prevailed upon to leave the old fort, but staid there, thinking the Spaniards durst not attack him. He was mistaken, as will appear presently.

"Upon the 15th day of June, about four in the morning, we were attacked by a detachment of five hundred, from the garrison of St. Augustine, composed of Spaniards, negroes, and Indians, besides a party of horse to line the paths, that none of us might escape. Apprehending that this would happen, I obtained leave of Colonel Palmer, and therefore ordered our drum to beat to arms at three o'clock every morning, and to have our men in readiness till it was clear day. Thus it was upon the fatal 15th of June, as I have said, when the Spaniards attacked us with a very smart fire from their small arms; in which Colonel Palmer fell the first. We returned the fire with the greatest briskness that can be imagined; and so the firing continued for some time; but, unluckily, we were penned up in a demolished fort; there was no room to extend. The Spaniards endeavored to get in at the ruinous gate; and our party defended the same with the utmost bravery. Here was a terrible slaughter on both sides; but the Spaniards, who were five times our number, got at last, by dint of strength, the better; which, when I saw, that some prisoners were made, I ordered as many of my party then as were alive to draw off. We had great difficulty to get clear, for the Spaniards surrounded the fort on all sides. However, by the assistance of God, we got our way made good; drew up in sight of the enemy, and retired, without being pursued, till we were in safety. I had no more than twenty-five men, and some of them very ill wounded, of which number I was, for I received three wounds at the fort gate, but they were slight ones. Several of the poor Highlanders, who were in the engagement, and fought like lions, lost their lives,—some of them your acquaintance.

"I commanded, next Colonel Palmer, as captain of the horse, on the militia establishment. My lieutenant was killed. My cornet and quartermaster were made prisoners of war, with four more of the Highlanders. Charles Mackay, nephew to Captain Hugh Mackay, who was ensign of militia, received five wounds in the action, and lost one of his fingers; and, thereafter, rather than fall into the hands of the Spaniards, ventured to swim an inlet of the sea, about a mile broad, and had the good fortune to get to the side he intended, and so to the General's camp.

"As the Indians fled several different ways, no more account is yet heard of them, only that some of them were killed in the action, and others wounded and taken prisoners. I believe there were sixty killed, and twenty taken prisoners of our whole party. To some of our Creek Indians who were taken by the enemy, leave was given (to curry favor with their nation) to return home. They told me that we killed a great number of the Spaniards at Moosa, and that they were dying by fives and sixes a day after getting into the town; so miserably were they cut by our broad swords; yet by their great numbers they got the day; but were sadly mauled, otherwise they would have pursued me."

The fate of Colonel Palmer was the more affecting, from the consideration that he had raised one hundred and fifty good men, who had come with him as volunteers; that he was in a fort in which a breach had been made, and of course was no adequate protection; and that he was beyond the reach of any assistance. It has, indeed, been said that he was not enough mindful of the directions that had been given him, and presumptuously exposed himself to danger.[1]

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXIII.]

Mr. Stephens remarks that "the most bloody part of all fell to the unhappy share of our good people of Darien, who, almost to a man engaged, under the command of their leader, John Moore McIntosh; a worthy man, careful director among his people at home, and who now showed himself as valiant in the field of battle; where, calling on his countrymen and soldiers to follow his example, they made such havoc with their broadswords, as the Spaniards cannot easily forget."[1] This brave champion was taken prisoner, and suffered severe and cruel treatment.[2]

[Footnote 1: Journal, II. 436.]

[Footnote 2: He was sent to Old Spain, where he remained a prisoner, at Madrid, for several months; and was finally exchanged, and returned home to Darien.]

The principal commander of the Spaniards fell at the first onset.

The Spanish took several prisoners; basely insulted the bodies of the dead; and would have inflicted vengeful cruelties on their captives, one of whom was an Indian named Nicholausa, whom they delivered over to the Yamasees to burn, but General Oglethorpe sent a drum with a message to the Governor from the Indian chief of the Cherokees, acquainting him that if he permitted Nicholausa to be burnt, a Spanish horseman who had been taken prisoner should suffer the same fate. He also mentioned that, as the Governor was a gentleman and a man of honor, he was persuaded that he would put an end to the barbarous usage of that country; and expected from the humanity of a Spanish cavalier that he would prohibit insults to the bodies of the dead, and indignities to the prisoners; and he rather wished it, as he should be forced, against his inclination, to resort to retaliation, which his Excellency must know that he was very able to make, since his prisoners greatly exceeded those made by the Spaniards. Upon this the Governor submitted to the rescue of Nicholausa from the fate to which he had been destined. It was, also, agreed that the Indians, on both sides, should be treated as prisoners of war; so that an end was put to their barbarous custom of burning the unhappy wretches who fell into their hands.

Oglethorpe continued bombarding the castle and town until the regular troops came over from the land side, and the Carolina militia were removed from Point Quartel to Anastasia. He then summoned the Governor to surrender, but received an indignant refusal.

Soon after some sloops, with a reinforcement of men, and a further supply of military stores and provisions from Havana, found means to enter the harbor through the narrow channel of the Matanzas.

Upon this, all prospect of starving the enemy Was lost; and there remained only the chance of a forcible assault and battery.

As the dernier resort, it was agreed, on the 23d of June, that Captain Warren, with the boats from the men of war, the two sloops hired by General Oglethorpe, and the Carolina vessels, with their militia, should attack the half-galleys; and, at a given signal, the General should attack the trenches.

This was a desperate measure; for the whole of the troops belonging to the besiegers, including even the seamen, were much inferior in number to the garrison. The town was also covered on one side by a castle, with four bastions, and fifty pieces of cannon; from whence was run an intrenchment, flanked with several salient angles to Fort Coovo, on the river Sebastian. This intrenchment consisted of the neck of land from the river Anastasia to that of St. Sebastian, and entirely covered the town from the island.

Upon this the General drew in all the strength that he possibly could, and sent for the garrison that he had left at Diego. Being joined by them and by the Creek Indians, and having made a sufficient number of fascines and short ladders, provided all other necessaries for attacking the intrenchments, and brought up thirty-six cohorns, he received notice that the Commodore had resolved to forego the attack; declaring, that, as the season of hurricanes was approaching, he judged it imprudent to hazard his Majesty's ships any longer on the coast.[1]

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXIV.]

On the departure of the fleet, the place was no longer blockaded on the sea side; of course the army began to despair of forcing the place to surrender. The provincials, under Colonel Vanderdussen, enfeebled by the heat of the climate, dispirited by fruitless efforts, and visited by sickness, marched away in large bodies.[1] The General himself, laboring under a fever, and finding his men as well as himself worn out by fatigue, and rendered unfit for action, reluctantly abandoned the enterprise. On the fourth of July everything which he had on the island was reembarked, the troops transported to the continent, and the whole army began their march for Georgia; the Carolina regiment first, and the General with his troops in the rear. On this occasion a very notable answer of the Indian Chief is reported; for, being asked by some of the garrison to march off with them, "No!" said he, "I will not stir a foot till I see every man belonging to me marched off before me; for I have always been the first in advancing towards an enemy, and the last in retreating."[2]

[Footnote 1: Dr. RAMSAY, the historian of South Carolina, with his usual frankness and impartiality, closes his narrative of this siege with the following remark. "On the 13th of August the Carolina regiment had reached Charlestown. Though not one of them had been killed by the enemy, their number was reduced, fourteen, by disease and accidents."]

[Footnote 2: London Magazine, Vol. XXVII. p. 23.]

"Thus ended the expedition against St. Augustine, to the great disappointment of both Georgia and Carolina. Many reflections were afterwards thrown out against General Oglethorpe for his conduct during the whole enterprise. He, on the other hand, declared that he had no confidence in the Provincials, for that they refused to obey his orders, and abandoned the camp, and returned home in large numbers, and that the assistance from the fleet failed him in the utmost emergency. To which we may add, the place was so strongly fortified both by nature and art, that probably the attempt must have failed though it had been conducted by the ablest officer, and executed by the best disciplined troops."[1]

[Footnote 1: HARRIS's Voyage, II. 340.]

The difficulties which opposed his success, showed the courage that could meet, and the zeal that strove to surmount them; and, while we lament the failure, we perceive that it was owing to untoward circumstances which he could not have foreseen; and disappointments from a quarter whence he most confidently expected and depended upon continued cooperation and ultimate accomplishment. Referring to this, in a speech in the British house of Peers, the Duke of Argyle made these remarks: "One man there is, my Lords, whose natural generosity, contempt of danger, and regard for the public, prompted him to obviate the designs of the Spaniards, and to attack them in their own territories; a man, whom by long acquaintance I can confidently affirm to have been equal to his undertaking, and to have learned the art of war by a regular education, who yet miscarried in the design only for want of supplies necessary to a possibility of success."[1]

[Footnote 1: "Laudari viris laudatis"—to be praised by men themselves renowned, is certainly the most valuable species of commendation.]

A writer, who had good authority for his opinion, declares, that," though this expedition was not attended with the success some expected from it, the taking the fortress of St. Augustine, it was, nevertheless, of no little consequence, inasmuch as it kept the Spaniards for a long time on the defensive, and the war at a distance; so that the inhabitants of Carolina felt none of its effects as a Colony, excepting the loss suffered by their privateers, till the Spaniards executed their long projected invasion in 1742, in which they employed their whole strength, and from which they expected to have changed the whole face of the Continent of North America; and, even then, the people of Carolina suffered only by their fears."[1]

[Footnote 1: HARRIS's Voyages, Vol. II. page 340.]

In a letter to Lord Egmont, by Governor Belcher, dated Boston, May 24th, 1741, is this remark; "I was heartily sorry for the miscarriage of General Oglethorpe's attempt on Augustine, in which I could not learn where the mistake was, or to what it was owing, unless to a wrong judgment of the strength of the place, to which the force that attacked it, they say, was by no means equal. I wish that a part of Admiral Vernon's fleet and General Wentworth's forces may give it a visit, before the Spaniards sue for peace. It seems to me absolutely necessary for the quieting of the English possessions of Carolina and Georgia, that we should reduce Augustine to the obedience of the British crown, and keep it, as Gibraltar and Mahon."[1]

[Footnote 1: Letter-book of his Excellency JONATHAN BELCHER, in the archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. V. p. 254.]



CHAPTER XV.

Oglethorpe pays particular attention to internal Improvements—Meets with many annoyances—The Creeks, under Toonahowi, make an incursion into Florida—The Spanish form a design upon Georgia—Some of their fleet appear on the coast—Oglethorpe prepares for defence—Applies to South Carolina for assistance—Spaniards attack Fort William—Dangerous situation of Oglethorpe—Spanish fleet enter the harbor and land on St. Simons—In three successive engagements they are defeated—A successful stratagem—Enemy defeated at Bloody Marsh— Retire and attack Fort William, which is bravely defended by Ensign Stewart—Spanish forces, repulsed in all their assaults, abandon the invasion in dismay, and return to St. Augustine and to Cuba.

Of the year 1741 but few memorials are to be found. Oglethorpe resided principally at Frederica; but occasionally visited Savannah; and, every where, and at all times, actively exerted his powers of persuasion, his personal influence, or his delegated authority to reconcile the jarring contests and restore the social accordance and peace of the community, while with vigilance and precaution he concerted measures to guard the Colony against the threatening purposes of the Spaniards. In reference to his peculiar trials and vexatious annoyances, are the following remarks, copied from a letter of a gentleman at Savannah, deeply read in the early history of the Colony.[1]

[Footnote 1: WILLIAM B. STEVENS, M.D., letter, October 19,1840.]

"The difficulties with which General Oglethorpe had to contend, were peculiarly onerous and perplexing, not only with the Spanish foes,—with the restless Indians,—with the clamorous settlement,—with discontented troops,—with meagre supplies,—with the defection of Carolina,—with the protest of his bills, and with the refusal of a just naval protection;—but the officers of his regiment were at enmity with him and with each other, and crimination and recrimination followed, disturbing the peace, and weakening the efficiency of the military corps. At a Court Martial, held in the early part of January, 1739, composed of thirteen officers, they, in their letter, dated 12th of January, to the General speak thus—'2d. That we have observed a great spirit of mutiny among the soldiers, particularly those of Lieutenant Colonel Cochran's company,' and '3d. That by evidence given in Court, it appears to us that Lieutenant Colonel James Cochran was in the knowledge of, and concealed a mutiny.' The wonder is, that, with such opposing influences, and such discordant materials, he effected any thing. That he achieved so much, under such adverse circumstances, proves him to have been a firm, bold, intrepid, and sagacious man; to have possessed the most eminent military qualifications, and those sterling virtues which mock at the petty malice of the envious, and triumph over the machinations of malignity."

He was, also, fully aware that, as the Spanish of Florida and Cuba entertained no good will towards him, they would seek an opportunity to retaliate his "assault and battery," which, though it had proved on his part a failure, had been to them a grievous annoyance. He, therefore, kept scout-boats continually on the look out, to give notice of the approach to the coast of any armed vessel. On the 16th of August advice was conveyed to him that a large ship had come to anchor off the bar. He immediately sent out the boat to ascertain what it was; and it was perceived to be manned with Spaniards, with evidently hostile purpose. Whereupon he went on board the guard sloop to go in search of her; took, also, the sloop Falcon, which was in the service of the Province; and hired the schooner Norfolk, Captain Davis, to join the expedition. These vessels were manned by a detachment of his regiment under the following officers: viz.: Major Alexander Heron, Captain Desbrisay, Lieutenant Mackay, Lieutenant Tamser, Ensign Hogan, Ensign Sterling, and Ensigns Wemyss and Howarth, and Adjutant Maxwell; Thomas Eyre, Surgeon and Mate; six sergeants, six corporals, five drummers, and one hundred and twenty-five privates. Before they could get down to the bar, a sudden squall of wind and storm of thunder and rain came on; and when it cleared up the vessel was out of sight.

Unwilling, however, to lose the object of this equipment, on the next day he sailed directly towards St. Augustine in pursuit of the ship. On the 19th the Falcon sloop, being disabled, was sent back, with seventeen men of the regiment; and the General proceeded with the guard sloop and schooner. On the 21st, by day-break, they discovered a ship and a sloop at anchor, about four or five leagues distant; and, it being a dead calm, they rowed, till they came up to them, about noon, when they found one to be the black Spanish privateer sloop, commanded by a French officer, Captain Destrade, who had made several prizes to the northward; and the other to be a three-mast ship; both lying at anchor outside of the bar of St. Augustine. The General issued orders to board them, when the wind freshing up, and the English bearing down upon them, they began firing with great and small arms, and the English returning the fire, they immediately left their anchors, and run over the bar. The sloop and schooner pursuing them; and, though they engaged them for an hour and a quarter, they could not get on board. The Spanish vessels then run up towards the town; and as they were hulled, and seemed disabled, six half-galleys came down, and kept firing nine-pounders, but, by reason of the distance, the shot did not reach the sloop or schooner. That night the General came to anchor within sight of the castle of St. Augustine, and the next day sailed for the Matanzas; but, finding no vessel there, cruised off the bar of St. Augustine, and nothing coming out, the whole coast being thus alarmed, he returned to Frederica.

There were three ships, and one two-mast vessel lying within the harbor at the time that the English engaged the sloop and ship.[1]

[Footnote 1: Annals of Europe, page 404.]

This summer one of the Georgia boats off Tybee saved a three-mast vessel which the Spaniards had abandoned, leaving eighteen Englishmen on board, after having barbarously scuttled her, and choked the pumps, that the men might sink with the ship; but the boat's men, getting on board in good time, saved the men and the ship.

It seems that the Creeks, in retaliation of some predatory and murderous outrages of the Florida outposts, made a descent upon them in return. This is referred to in the following extract from a letter of General Oglethorpe to the Duke of Newcastle, dated

Frederica, 12th of December, 1741.

My Lord,

"Toonahowi, the Indian who had the honor of your Grace's protection in England, with a party of Creek Indians, returned hither from making an incursion up to the walls of Augustine; near which they took Don Romualdo Ruiz del Moral, Lieutenant of Spanish horse, and nephew to the late Governor, and delivered him to me.

"The Governor of Augustine has sent the enclosed letter to me by some English prisoners; and, the prisoners there, the enclosed petition. On which I fitted out the vessels, and am going myself, with a detachment of the regiment, off the bar of Augustine, to demand the prisoners, and restrain the privateers."

In the early part of the year 1742, the Spaniards formed a design upon Georgia, on which, from the time of its settlement, they had looked with a jealous eye.[1] For this end, in May, they fitted out an armament at Havanna, consisting of fifty-six sail, and seven or eight thousand men; but the fleet, being dispersed by a storm, did not all arrive at St. Augustine, the place of their destination. Don Manuel de Monteano, Governor of that fortress, and of the town and region it protected, had the command of the expedition.

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XXV.]

About the end of May, or beginning of June, the schooner, which had been sent out on a cruise by General Oglethorpe, returned with the information that there were two Spanish men of war, with twenty guns each, besides two very large privateers, and a great number of small vessels, full of troops, lying at anchor off the bar of St. Augustine. This intelligence was soon after confirmed by Captain Haymer, of the Flamborough man of war, who had fallen in with part of the Spanish fleet on the coast of Florida, and drove some vessels on shore.

Having been apprized of this, the General, apprehending that the Spaniards had in view some formidable expedition against Georgia or Carolina, or perhaps both, wrote to the Commander of his Majesty's ships, in the harbor of Charlestown, urging him to come to his assistance. Lieutenant Maxwell, the bearer, arrived and delivered the letter on the 12th of June. Directly afterwards he sent Lieutenant Mackay to Governor Glenn, of South Carolina, requesting his military aid with all expedition; and this despatch reached him on the 20th. He then laid an embargo upon all the shipping in Georgia; and sent messages to his faithful Indian allies, who gathered to his assistance with all readiness.

And now the design of the Spaniards was manifest. On the 21st of June the fleet appeared on the coast; and nine sail of vessels made an attempt on Amelia Island, but were so warmly received by the cannon from Fort William, and the guard-schooner of fourteen guns and ninety men, commanded by Captain Dunbar, that they sheered off. When the General was informed of this attack, he resolved to support the fortifications on Cumberland Island; and set out with a detachment of the regiment in three boats; but was obliged to make his way through fourteen sail of vessels. This was very venturesome, and, indeed, was considered as presumptuously hazardous. For, had a shot from one of the galleys struck the boat in which he was, so as to disable or sink it, or had he been overtaken by a gun-boat from the enemy, the colonial forces would have become the weakly resisting victims of Spanish exasperated revenge. But by keeping to the leeward, and thus taking advantage of the smoke, he escaped the firing and arrived in safety.

After having withdrawn the command from St. Andrews, and removed the stores and artillery that were there, and reinforced Fort William,[1] where he left one of the boats, he returned to St. Simons.

[Footnote 1: These two Forts were on Cumberland Island.]

He now sent another express to the Governor of South Carolina, by Mr. Malryne, informing him of his situation, and urging the necessity of a reinforcement. This application was not promptly complied with, in consequence of an unfortunate prejudice arising from the failure of his attempt upon St. Augustine. But as Georgia had been a great barrier against the Spaniards, whose conquest of it would be hazardous to the peace and prosperity of South Carolina, "it was thought expedient to fit out some vessels to cruise down the coast, and see what could be done for its relief."[1]

[Footnote 1: WILLIAMS's History of Florida, p. 185.]

In the perilous emergency to which he was reduced, Oglethorpe took, for the King's service, the merchant ship of twenty guns, called the Success,—a name of auspicious omen,—commanded by Captain Thompson, and manned it from the small vessels which were of no force. He also called in the Highland company from Darien, commanded by Captain McIntosh; the company of rangers; and Captain Carr's company of marines.

On the 28th of June the Spanish fleet appeared off the bar below St. Simons; but from their precaution for taking the soundings and ascertaining the channel, was delayed coming in, or landing any of the troops, for several days; in which time "the General raised another troop of rangers; and, by rewarding those who did extraordinary duty, and offering advancement to such as should signalize themselves on this occasion, he kept up the spirits of the people, and increased the number of enlistments."[1] He was placed, indeed, in a most critical situation; but he bore himself with great presence of mind, and summoned to the emergency a resolution which difficulties could not shake, and brought into exercise energies which gathered vigor from hindrance, and rendered him insensible to fatigue, and unappalled by danger. This self-collected and firm state of mind, made apparent in his deportment and measures, produced a corresponding intrepidity in all around him; inspired them with confidence in their leader; and roused the determined purpose with united efforts to repel their invaders.

[Footnote 1: The passages distinguished by inverted commas, without direct marginal reference, are from the official account.]

At this critical juncture, his own services were multiplied and arduous; for Lieutenant Colonel Cook, who was Engineer, having gone to Charlestown, on his way to London,[1] the General was obliged to execute that office himself, sometimes on ship-board, and sometimes at the batteries. He therefore found himself under the necessity of assigning the command to some one on station, during his occasional absences; and accordingly appointed Major Alexander Heron; raising him to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel.

[Footnote 1: We shall see, in the sequel, that the absence of this officer, whatever its pretence, was with treacherous purpose, as may be surmised by the following extract from a letter to the Duke of Newcastle, dated 30th of July, 1741; where, mentioning the despatches sent to Governor Glen, earnestly requesting some military aid, the General informs his Grace that "Lieutenant Colonel Cook, who was engineer, and was then at Charlestown, hastened away to England; and his son-in-law, Ensign Erye, sub-engineer, was also in Charlestown, and did not arrive here till the action was over; so, for want of help, I was obliged to do the duty of an engineer."]

On Monday, the 5th of July, with a leading gale and the flood of tide, a Spanish fleet of thirty-six sail, consisting of three ships of twenty guns, two large snows, three schooners, four sloops, and the rest half-galleys, with landsmen on board, entered the harbor; and, after exchanging a brisk fire with the fort, for four hours, passed all the batteries and shipping, proceeded up the river. The same evening the forces were landed upon the island, a little below Gascoigne's plantation. A red flag was hoisted on the mizzen-top of the Admiral's ship, and a battery was erected on the shore, in which were planted twenty eighteen-pounders. On this, the General, having done all he could to annoy the enemy, and prevent their landing, and finding that the Fort at St. Simons had become indefensible, held a council of war at the head of his regiment; and it was the opinion of the whole that the fort should be dismantled, the guns spiked up, the cohorns burst, and that the troops there stationed should immediately repair to Frederica, for its defence. He accordingly gave orders for them to march, and sent for all the troops that were on board the vessels to come on shore.

As his only measures must be on the defensive, "he sent scouting parties in every direction to watch the motions of the enemy; while the main body were employed in working at the fortifications, making them as strong as circumstances would admit."[1]

[Footnote 1: McCALL, I. 179.]

The Creek Indians brought in five Spanish prisoners, from whom was obtained information that Don Manuel de Monteano, the Governor of St. Augustine, commanded in chief; that Adjutant General Antonio de Rodondo, chief engineer, and two brigades, came with the forces from Cuba; and that their whole number amounted to about five thousand men.

Detachments of the Spaniards made several attempts to pierce through the woods, with a view to attack the fort; but were repulsed by lurking Indians. The only access to the town was what had been cut through a dense oak wood, and then led on the skirt of the forest along the border of the eastern marsh that bounded the island eastward. This was a defile so narrow, that the enemy could take no cannon with them, nor baggage, and could only proceed two abreast. Moreover, the Spanish battalions met with such obstruction from the deep morasses on one side, and the dark and tangled thickets on the other, and such opposition from the Indians and ambushed Highlanders, that every effort failed, with considerable loss.

On the morning of the 7th of July, Captain Noble Jones, with a small detachment of regulars and Indians, being on a scouting party, fell in with a number of Spaniards, who had been sent to reconnoitre the route, and see if the way was clear, surprised and made prisoners of them. From these, information was received that the main army was on the march. This intelligence was immediately communicated, by an Indian runner, to the General, who detached Captain Dunbar with a company of grenadiers, to join the regulars; with orders to harass the enemy on their way. Perceiving that the most vigorous resistance was called for, with his usual promptitude he took with him the Highland company, then under arms, and the Indians, and ordered four platoons of the regiment to follow. They came up with the vanguard of the enemy about two miles from the town, as they entered the savannah, and attacked them so briskly that they were soon defeated, and most of their party, which consisted of one hundred and twenty of their best woodsmen and forty Florida Indians were killed or taken prisoners. The General took two prisoners with his own hands; and Lieutenant Scroggs, of the rangers, took Captain Sebastian Sachio, who commanded the party. During the action Toonahowi, the nephew of Tomo Chichi, who had command of one hundred Indians, was shot through the right arm by Captain Mageleto, which, so far from dismaying the young warrior, only fired his revenge. He ran up to the Captain, drew his pistol with his left hand, shot him through the head, and, leaving him dead on the spot, returned to his company.[1]

[Footnote 1: Gentleman's Magazine, XII. 497.]

The General pursued the fugitives more than a mile, and then halted on an advantageous piece of ground, for the rest of the troops to come up, when he posted them, with the Highlanders, in a wood fronting the road through the plain by which the main body of the Spaniards, who were advancing, must necessarily pass. After which he returned, with all speed, to Frederica, and ordered the rangers and boat-men to make ready, and all to use their utmost endeavors to resist the invaders.

During his temporary absence on this pressing emergency, Captain Antonio Barba, and two other Captains with one hundred grenadiers, and two hundred foot, besides Indians and negroes, advanced from the Spanish camp into the savannah with drums and huzzas, and halted within an hundred paces of the position where the troops left by Oglethorpe lay in ambuscade. They immediately stacked their arms, made fires, and were preparing their kettles for cooking, when a horse observed some of the concealed party, and, frightened at the uniform of the regulars, began to snort. This gave the alarm. The Spaniards ran to their arms, but were shot down in great numbers by their invisible assailants; and, after repeated attempts to form, in which some of their principal officers fell, they decamped with the utmost precipitation, leaving the camp equipage on the field. So complete was the surprise, that many fled without their arms; others, in a rapid retreat, discharged their muskets over their shoulders at their pursuers; and many were killed by the loaded muskets that had been left on the ground. Generally the Spaniards fired so much at random, that the trees were pruned by the balls from their muskets.[1]

[Footnote 1: McCALL's History, I. 185.]

The General, returning with all expedition, heard the report of the musketry, and rode towards it; and, near two miles from the place of action, met some platoons, who, in the heat of the fight, the air being so darkened by the smoke that they could not see where to direct their fire, and a heavy shower of rain falling, had retired in disorder. He ordered them to rally and follow him, apprehending that immediate relief might be wanting. He arrived just as the battle ceased; and found that Lieutenant Sutherland, with his platoon, and Lieutenant Charles Mackay, had entirely defeated the enemy.

In this action Don Antonio de Barba, their leader, was made a prisoner, but mortally wounded. "In both actions, the Spaniards lost four captains, one Lieutenant, two sergeants, two drummers, and more than an hundred and fifty privates. One captain, one corporal, and twenty men were taken prisoners. The rest fled to the woods, where many of them were killed by the Indians, who brought in their scalps."[1]

[Footnote 1: From the great slaughter, the scene of this action has ever since been called "the bloody marsh."]

Captain Demerey and ensign Gibbon being arrived, with the men they had rallied, Lieutenant Cadogan with the advanced party of the regiment, and soon after the whole regiment, Indians and rangers, the General marched down to a causeway over a marsh, very near the Spanish camp, over which all were obliged now to pass; and thereby stopped those who had been dispersed in the fight, from getting back to the Spanish camp. Having passed the night there, the Indian scouts in the morning got so near the Spanish place of encampment, as to ascertain that they had all retired into the ruins of the fort, and were making intrenchments under shelter of the cannon of the ships. Not deeming it prudent to attack them while thus defended, he marched back to Frederica, to refresh the soldiers; and sent out parties of Indians and rangers to harass the enemy. He now, at a general staff, appointed Lieutenant Hugh Mackay and Lieutenant Maxwell, Aids de camp, and Lieutenant Sutherland, Brigade Major.

While signal instances of heroism were thus honored, he warned the troops of the necessity of union and vigilance, of prompt attention to orders, and of maintaining an unflinching firmness in every emergency; for in these, under God, depended their safety.

Although he thus encouraged others, he was himself filled with perplexity. He began to despair of any help from Carolina. His provisions were bad and scarce, and, while the enemy commanded the river and the harbor, no supplies could be expected. Of all this, however, he gave no intimation, but, firm and self-possessed, submitted to the same fare with the meanest soldier, exposed himself to as great fatigue, and often underwent greater privations. At the same time his fixed resolution and irrepressible zeal in the defence and protection of his people, nerved him to further and even greater exertions.

On the 11th the great galley and two small ones, approached within gun-shot of the town; but they were repulsed by guns and bombs from the fort, and the General followed them in his cutter, with attendant boats, well manned, till he got under the cannon of their ships, which lay in the sound.

This naval approach, as appeared afterwards, was in consequence of a concerted plot. It seems that, at the commencement of the siege of St. Augustine, a Spanish officer quitted one of the outer forts and surrendered himself to Oglethorpe, who detained him prisoner of war. He was readily communicative, and gave what was supposed important information. After the close of the war, he might have been exchanged; but he chose to remain, pretending that the Spaniards looked upon him as a traitor. He, at length, so artfully insinuated himself into favor with the magnanimous Oglethorpe, that he was treated with great courtesy. On this invasion he begged permission to retire into the northern colonies of the English, saying that he apprehended that if he should fall into the hands of the Spaniards, they would deal rigorously with him. The General, not being aware of any treacherous design, gave him a canoe to go up the river till he was out of danger; whence he might proceed by land to some back settlement. Some days past and he came back to Frederica, pretending that he could not make his way through, nor by, the fleet without being discovered and captured. Most fortunately, some days after his return, an English prisoner, who had escaped from one of the ships of war, acquainted the General with the treachery of this officer, assuring him that he had been aboard at such a time, and talked over his insidious project of setting fire to the arsenal which contained all the powder and military stores, and that its explosion should be the signal to the Spanish galleys to approach, and, in the confusion of the occasion, make an assault upon the fort. This disclosure confirmed suspicions which had been excited by some of his management since his return; and he was put under guard. In consequence of this precaution, the concerted signal could not be given; and the ruinous project was most happily defeated.[1]

[Footnote 1: URLSPURGER, IV. p. 1260.]

July 12th, two English prisoners who had effected an escape, one from the fleet, and one from the camp, informed the General that the Spaniards, not having anticipated such vigorous resistance, had become restless and dispirited, especially since they had ascertained by their roll how great was their loss of men; and that the state of the wounded was distressing. They added that these discomfitures were increased by the want of water on board the ships, which was so great that the troops were put upon half allowance, which, in this hot weather was a grievous deprivation, and that several, from the effect of the climate, were sick and unfit for service. They apprized him, also, that they had holden a council of war, in which there were great divisions, insomuch that the troops of Cuba separated from those of Augustine, and encamped at a distance near the woods.

This latter circumstance suggested the idea of attacking them while divided; and his perfect knowledge of the woods favored the project of surprising one of their encampments. In furtherance of this design, he drew out three hundred regular troops, the Highland company, the rangers, and Indians, and marched in the night, unobserved within a mile and a half of the Spanish camp. There his troops halted, and he advanced at the head of a select corps to reconnoitre the enemy. While he was using the utmost circumspection to obtain the necessary information without being discovered, an occurrence of the most villanous nature, disconcerted the project. As the particulars of this have been variously narrated, I am happy in being enabled to give the General's own account of the affair.[1] In his official despatch to the Duke of Newcastle, dated at Frederica, in Georgia, 30th of July, 1742, he says,—"A Frenchman who, without my knowledge was come down among the volunteers, fired his gun, and deserted. Our Indians in vain pursued, but could not take him. Upon this, concluding that we should be discovered, I divided the drums into different parts, and they beat the Grenadier's march for about half an hour; then ceased, and we marched back in silence. The next day I prevailed with a prisoner, and gave him a sum of money to carry a letter privately, and deliver it to that Frenchman who had deserted. This letter was written in French, as if from a friend of his, telling him he had received the money; that he should try to make the Spaniards believe the English were weak; that he should undertake to pilot up their boats and galleys, and then bring them under the woods, where he knew the hidden batteries were; that if he could bring that about he should have double the reward he had already received; and that the French deserters should have all that had been promised to them. The Spanish prisoner got into their camp, and was immediately carried before the General, Don Manuel de Monteano. He was asked how he escaped, and whether he had any letters; but denying he had any, was strictly searched, and the letter found, and he, upon being pardoned, confessed that he had received money to deliver it to the Frenchman, (for the letter was not directed.) The Frenchman denied his knowing any thing of the contents of the letter, or having received any money, or correspondence with me. Notwithstanding which, a council of war was held, and they decreed the Frenchman to be a double spy; but General Monteano would not suffer him to be executed, having been employed by him. However they embarked all their troops with such precipitation that they left behind their cannon, &c., and those dead of their wounds, unburied."