Among the adventurers in this embarkation, lured by the accounts which had been published in England, of the delightful region of Georgia, were Sir Francis Bathurst, his son, three daughters, and servants; as also several relatives of the planters already settled there.[1]

[Footnote 1: SALMON'S Modern History, Vol. III. p. 602.]

I copy from Boyer's Political State of Great Britain,[1] the following particulars. "On the 13th of October, 1735, embarked on board the London Merchant, Captain Thomas, commander, fifty-six men, women, and children, Saltzburgers, and some other persecuted protestants from Germany, with Mr. Von Reck, who conducted from the same parts a former transport in 1733, and Captain Hermsdorf, going to settle with their countrymen in Georgia. The charge of their subsistence in their long journey from Ratisbon and Augsburg to Rotterdam, and from thence to London, and their expense at London till they went on board, was defrayed by the Society for the propagation of the Gospel in foreign Parts, out of the collections committed to them for that purpose." Of this Society Oglethorpe was a member. The charge of their voyage to Georgia, with their maintenance there for one year, and for the arms, utensils, and other necessary articles and provisions which they took from hence with them, was defrayed by the honorable Trustees for establishing the colony.

[Footnote 1: Vol. L. page 468.]

"The next day James Oglethorpe, Esq., set out by land for Gravesend, and the Reverend Mr. John Wesley, Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford, and the Reverend Mr. Charles Wesley, Student of Christ's Church College, and the Reverend Mr. Ingham, of Queen's, went thither by water, in order to embark on board the Symond, Captain Cornish, Commander; on board of which ship went likewise a great number of poor English families, at the expense of the trustees; and soon after these, two ships sailed together in company for Georgia. One of the above named clergymen is to settle at the new town of Savannah, in that colony; and the other two intend, (after some stay at Savannah, to learn the Indian language,) to devote themselves to preaching the Gospel of our Saviour Jesus Christ to the Indian nations bordering upon that colony; which might certainly be done with great effect, if men would but content themselves with inculcating and enforcing the rational and plain doctrines taught by Christ himself, without pretending to explain what have since been called the mysteries of the Christian religion, which serve only to divide Christians among themselves, and have very much prevented the conversion of heathens in all countries, and in all ages."

As the periodical publication, from which this paragraph is extracted, was the channel through which official information respecting the settlement and affairs of Georgia was communicated, the suggestion with which it is closed is to be understood as the opinion of the Trustees. And when we recollect the character of those who composed the Board, it may be considered as the dictate of sound judgment, and worthy of heedful observance.

The attention of Oglethorpe to the persons and condition of the emigrants, was assiduous, considerate, and kind. "He had laid in a large quantity of live stock and various refreshments, though he himself seldom eat any but ship's provisions. Not only the gentlemen, his friends, sat at his table, but he invited, through the whole of the passage, the missionaries and the captain of the ship, who, together made twelve in number."[1]

[Footnote 1: Moore's Voyage, p. II.]

They had prayers twice a day. The missionaries expounded the scriptures, catechized the children, and administered the sacrament on Sundays; but, though the crew consisted of Episcopalians, Methodists, German Lutherans, and Moravians, "Oglethorpe showed no discountenance to any for being of different persuasions of religion."

"When occasion offered, he called together those who designed to be freeholders, and instructed them in what manner to behave themselves, and acquainted them with the nature of the country, and how to settle it advantageously. He constantly visited the sick, and let them have fowls for broth, and any refreshments of his own; and administered medicine, personally, where it was proper. Whenever the weather was calm enough to permit it, he went on board the London Merchant, with which company was kept all the way, to see that the like care was taken of the people there."[1]

[Footnote 1: Moore, p. 12.]

The Journal of Wesley gives many details of the voyage; but, as they relate principally to the manner in which he and his brother and two friends spent their time, I pass them over, but quote the following anecdote from one of his biographers.[1] "Mr. Wesley hearing an unusual noise in the cabin of General Oglethorpe, stepped in to inquire the cause of it. On which the General thus addressed him: 'Mr. Wesley you must excuse me. I have met with a provocation too much for a man to bear. You know that the only wine I drink is Cyprus wine, as it agrees with me the best of any. I therefore provided myself with several dozens of it, and this villain Grimaldi' (his foreign servant, who stood trembling with fear,) 'has drunk up the whole of it. But I will be revenged on him. I have ordered him to be tied hand and foot, and carried to the man of war that sails with us. The rascal should have taken care not to have served me so, for I never forgive.'—'Then I hope, sir,' (said Wesley, looking calmly at him) 'you never sin.' The General was confounded at the reproof; and, putting his hand into his pocket, took out a bunch of keys, which he threw at Grimaldi, saying, 'There, take my keys, and behave better for the future!'"

[Footnote 1: Rev. HENRY MOORE, Vol. II. p. 258.]

While this was a happy verification of the remark of the wise man, that "a soft answer turneth away wrath," it is a pleasing indication of the yielding placability of him to whom it was addressed.—"The discretion of a man deferreth his anger, and it is his glory to pass over a transgression."

The ships, which bore this large accession to the Colony, passed the bar of the Tybee on the afternoon of Thursday, February 5th, 1736, and came to anchor. This island is at the mouth of the Savannah river; is five miles long, and three broad; and is the most easterly land in the State. Oglethorpe went immediately on shore, to see what had been done towards raising the beacon on the island, for the construction of which he had given orders. "It was to be an octagon building of squared timber; its dimensions twenty-five feet wide at the bottom, and ten at the top; and its height ninety feet, with a flag-staff on the top thirty feet high. When completed, it would be of great service to all shipping, not only the vessels bound to this port, but also to Carolina; for the land of the coast, for some hundred miles, is so alike, being low and woody, that a distinguishing mark is of great consequence."[1]

[Footnote 1: MOORE's Voyage, p. 18.]

They had experienced a tempestuous voyage, and had a very rough passage; but now the weather was fine; the land breezes refreshed them as the ships lay quietly moored; and they hailed with delight the land of promise, the borders of which stretched before them; where, says Wesley, "the groves of pines along the shores made an agreeable prospect, showing, as it were, the verdure and bloom of spring in the depth of winter." A night of peaceful slumber passed; and, about eight o'clock on Friday morning, they went ashore on a small uninhabited island,[1] where Oglethorpe led them to a rising ground, and they all knelt and returned thanks to God for their safe arrival. Leaving the people, as there was a fine spring, and a pond of pure water, to wash their clothes, and refresh themselves, he went himself, attended by his suite, in a boat to Savannah, where he was received, under the discharge of all their cannon, by the freeholders in arms, with the constables and tithing men at their head. He introduced to them the clergymen and gentlemen by whom he was accompanied; and congratulated the colonists on the religious advantages which they were about to derive from these pious missionaries: and here they passed the Sunday. Just three years had elapsed since the settlement commenced, and the celebration of the anniversary on the opening week was rendered more observable and gladdening by the return of the founder to share and grace the festivities of the occasion. But, amidst all the greetings and inquiries of the throng around him, he was not unmindful of the new comers. He made it his earliest care, as soon as the articles could be got ready, to send a boat with provisions and refreshments for the people on board the ships and at the island; and soon after made them a visit himself, and carried with him a still further supply of beef, pork, venison and wild turkeys, together with soft bread, beer, turnips, and garden greens. This was not only peculiarly relishing, after the salted sea-fare rations, but gratifying and encouraging, from the evidence it gave that a settlement, begun only three years ago, by a people in circumstances like theirs, could produce such plenty. And, while these attentions evinced the thoughtful regard of their conductor to their comfort and welfare, they increased their sense of obligation, awakened their gratitude, and strengthened their reliance.

[Footnote 1: Peeper Island.]

As Oglethorpe went round and visited the families in their dwellings, he was gratified with perceiving what improvements had been made in the town, and its vicinity; that about two hundred houses had been built, trees set out on the sides of the streets and public squares; and a large garden laid out, and now under cultivation. This had engaged his early attention, and was a favorite project, as of general interest and utility. It was situated at the east of the town, on the sloping bank, and included the alluvial champaign below. It was laid out with regularity and taste; and intended, primarily, to supply the settlers with legumes, culinary roots, radishes and salads, till they could prepare homestead-plats for raising them. The principal purpose, however, was for a nursery of white mulberry trees for the raising of silk worms; and from which the people could be supplied with young trees, that all the families might be more or less engaged in this reference to the filature. There was, also, a nursery coming on, of apple, pear, peach, and plum trees, for transplantation. On the borders of the walks were orange, olive, and fig-trees, pomegranates, and vines. In the more sunny part there was a collection of tropical plants, by way of experiment, such as coffee, cacoa, cotton, &c. together with some medicinal plants, procured by Dr. William Houston in the West Indies, whither he had been sent by Sir Hans Sloane to collect them for Georgia. The expenses of this mission had been provided by a subscription headed by Sir Hans, to which his Grace the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Derby, the Lord Peters, and the Apothecaries Company, liberally contributed. The Doctor having died at Jamaica, the celebrated botanist, Philip Miller was now his successor.[1]

[Footnote 1: "Sir HANS SLOANE," says Dr. Pulteny, "was zealous in promoting the Colony of Georgia." Historical and Biographical Sketch of the Progress of Botany in England, Vol. II. p. 85. See a particular description of the garden, in MOORE's Voyage to Georgia, p. 30.]

All hands were now set to work, some to preparing houses, barracks, and lodgments for the new comers; some to unlade the vessels and store the cargo, and some to extend the wharf. The General, also, made a contract with persons for laying out and clearing the roads, and for making fortifications at the south.

By none, perhaps, was his return more cordially welcomed than by Tomo Chichi and Toonahowi. They brought with them two Indian runners, who had waited two months to give notice to the lower and upper Creeks, of his arrival.

He received, also, the visit of a deputation from Purrysburgh, consisting of the Honorable Hector Berenger de Beaufain and M. Tisley Dechillon, a patrician of Berne, with several other Swiss gentlemen, to congratulate his return, and acquaint him with the condition of their settlement.

The United Brethren, or Moravians, as they were more usually called, who attended the other exiled Protestants, began immediately their settlement near to Savannah. As soon as their personal accommodation could be effected, they sought the acquaintance of Tomo Chichi, and his little tribe; ingratiated themselves with these their neighbors, and, "with money advanced by General Oglethorpe,"[1] built a school-house for the children. "This school was called Irene, and lay not far from the Indian village."[2]

[Footnote 1: CARPZOVIUS, Examination of the Religion of the United Brethren, p. 417. See Appendix, No. XVII.]

[Footnote 2: CRANZ'S History of the United Brethren, p. 226. It was opened on the 15th of September.]

The Baron Von Reck, who had been to Ebenezer, returned on the 8th of February, accompanied with the Pastors Bolzius and Gronau, with the petition of the people for liberty to remove, from the fords where they were, to a place ten miles to the east of their settlement, called "Red-bluff," at the mouth of the river, where it enters the Savannah; and that those of their community who had just arrived, instead of being destined to the southward, might be united with them and enjoy the benefit of their religious instructers and guides. Before giving a decisive answer, Oglethorpe deemed it proper to examine their situation, and confer with the residents; and, not to keep them in suspense, especially as it was necessary to take immediate measures for the accommodation of the new comers, agreed to accompany the applicants on their return. Accordingly, he set out early on the appointed day, in the scout-boat, to the residence of Sir Francis Bathurst, six miles above Savannah; and thence took horse, and passed by the saw-mill set up by Mr. Walter Augustine, and, continuing his ride through the woods, arrived that night at Ebenezer. On reconnoitring the place the next day, he found that the Saltzburgers had constructed a bridge over the river, ten feet wide and eighty feet long; that four good framed houses had been erected at the charge of the Trustees, one for each minister, one for a schoolmaster, and one for a public store; and that a chapel, a guard-house, and a number of split-board houses had been built by the people. All these, however, they were resolved to forsake, and form a new settlement on the borders of the Savannah river. Their chief objection to remaining was, that the land was not good, and that the corn-harvest had failed; yet they acknowledged that they had a fine crop of peas, and many garden vegetables; that their cattle thrived exceedingly, that they had plenty of milk, and fine poultry and eggs. He endeavored to dissuade them from moving; but, finding their dissatisfaction with their present situation to be so decided, he yielded to their importunity; ordered a town to be laid out; and gave his unhesitating consent that the new comers should be incorporated with them. He then set out for the Swiss settlement, where he arrived in the evening. He was received with the greatest demonstrations of joy, and took lodgings at the house of Colonel Purry,[1] who had provided a handsome entertainment for him.

[Footnote 1: John Peter Purry, formerly of Neufchatel.]

The chief purpose of his visit to this place was to engage a conveyance for the Honorable Charles Dempsey to St. Augustine. This gentleman had come over with him in the Symond, having been commissioned by the Spanish Minister in London to confer with the Governor of Florida on the subject of the boundary between that country and Georgia, and to effect some provisional treaty with General Oglethorpe.[1] A contract was made with Major Richard to conduct this gentleman in a six-oared boat, being the best to be obtained, to his destination; and to be the bearer of a letter from the General, expressing his wish to remove all misunderstanding and jealousy.

[Footnote 1: In the Impartial Inquiry, &c. p.84, is a deposition which thus begins—"CHARLES DEMPSEY, of the Parish of St. Paul, Covent Garden, in the County of Middlesex, Esquire, aged fifty-four years and upwards, maketh that in the year one thousand seven hundred and thirty-five, this deponent went with the Honorable James Oglethorpe, Esq. to Georgia, in America, and was sent from thence by the said Oglethorpe to St. Augustine with letters to the Governor there; that this deponent continued going to and from thence until November, one thousand seven hundred and thirty-six," &c.]

On his return to Savannah he sent forward Captain Hugh Mackay, Jr. with a company of rangers, to travel by land to Darien, in order to make observations on the intervening country, to compute the distance, and to judge of the practicability of a passable road; and Tomo Chichi furnished them with Indian guides.

The next day he attended a military review; after which, he addressed the assembled people in an animated speech, in which his congratulations, counsels, and good wishes were most affectionately expressed. And he reminded them that, though it was yet "a day of small things," experience must have strengthened the inducements to industry and economy, by shewing them that, where they had been regarded, the result had been not only competence, but thrift.

He then took leave of them, and went down to the ships at Tybee.



CHAPTER IX.

Special destination of the last Emigrants—Oglethorpe makes arrangements for their transportation to the Island of St. Simons—Follows with Charles Wesley—Arrives and lays out a Town to be called Frederica—Visits the Highlanders at Darien—Returns and superintends the building of a Fort—All the people arrive—Barracks for the Soldiers put up, and a Battery erected—Visited by Tomo Chichi, and Indians, who make a cession of the Islands—Reconnoitres the Islands and gives names to them—Commissioners from St. Augustine—Apparently amicable overtures—Oglethorpe goes to Savannah to hold a conference with a Committee from South Carolina respecting trade with the Indians—Insolent demand of the Spaniards—Oglethorpe embarks for England.

As the destination of the large number of intended settlers, which had now arrived was "for the purpose of laying out a county and building a new town near the southern frontier of Georgia," and the people were waiting to be conducted by the General to "the place of habitation," he was very active in making arrangements for their transportation, and, on the evening of the 16th of February, 1739, set out in the scout-boat,[1] through the inward channels, to meet, at Jekyl sound, a sloop that he had chartered to take on some of the more efficient men as pioneers, and to make some preparation for the reception of the emigrants.[2] He took with him Charles Wesley, who was to be his Secretary as well as Chaplain; Mr. Ingham having gone by a previous opportunity; and left John Wesley and Delamotte at Savannah.[3]

[Footnote 1: Appendix, No. XVIII.]

[Footnote 2: "The Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, ordered a new town to be built in that Colony, and an embarkation to be made for that purpose."]

[Footnote 3: Many of the particulars in this chapter are taken from the Journal of THOMAS MOORE, who was present. As that work is extremely rare, I adopted its information more verbally than I should have done had I anticipated that it was so soon to be republished in the Collections of the Georgia Historical Society.]

As Oglethorpe was in haste, the men rowed night and day, and had no other rest than what they got when the wind favored their course; and "they vied with each other who should be forwardest to please the General, who, indeed, lightened their sense of fatigue by giving them refreshments, which he rather spared from himself than let them want."[1]

[Footnote 1: MOORE, p. 42.]

On the morning of the 18th they arrived at St. Simons, an island near the north mouth of the Alatamaha river, fifteen miles in length, and from two to four in breadth. Here the working men and carpenters who came in the sloop and long boats, disembarked, and were immediately set to work.

Oglethorpe not only directed and superintended, but actually assisted in the labors. They soon got up a house and thatched it with palmetto leaves; dug a cellar, and throwing up the earth on each side, by way of bank, raised over it a store house; and then marked out a fort. They next constructed several booths, each of which was between twenty and forty feet long, and twenty feet wide. These were for the reception and temporary shelter of the Colonists.

After this, the General paid a visit to the Highlanders, at their settlement called "the Darien," a distance of sixteen miles on the northern branch of the Alatamaha. He found them under arms, in their uniform of plaid, equipped with broad swords, targets, and muskets; in which they made a fine appearance. In compliment to them, he was that morning, and all the time that he was with them, dressed in their costume. They had provided him a fine soft bed, with Holland sheets, and plaid curtains; but he chose to lie upon the ground, and in the open air, wrapt in his cloak, as did two other gentlemen; and afterwards his example was followed by the rest of his attendants. This condescending and accommodating disposition not only conciliated the regards of the settlers, but encouraged them both by example and aid in going through their arduous labors, and in submitting to the exigences of their situation. Happily his constitution was framed to a singular temperament, which enabled him to require but very little sleep; and he was capable of enduring long and frequent fasting, when imposed upon him either by necessity or business, without any observable prejudice to his health, or any other inconvenience. A gentleman, who was one of the party, in a letter, dated 24th of February, 1736, declares, "What surprizes me, beyond expression, is his abstemiousness and hard living. Though even dainties are plentiful, he makes the least use of them; and such is his hardiness, that he goes through the woods wet or dry, as well as any Indian. Moreover, his humanity so gains upon all here, that I have not words to express their regard and esteem for him." He further adds, "They have a Minister here, Mr. McLeod, a very good man, who is very useful in instructing the people in religious matters, and will intermeddle with no other affairs."[1] How commendably prudent, as well as altogether proper, was this avoidance of secular topics and party discussions in preaching; and how conducive to social accordance and peace, as well as spiritual edification, was soon apparent in the lamentable effects of a different use of the ministerial function in the other settlements.

[Footnote 1: Gentleman's Magazine, 1736, p. 229.]

Having remained a few days with his favorite Highland corps, he returned to St. Simons, where he found Tomo Chichi, Toonahowi, and a party of Indians consisting of about forty men, "all chosen warriors and good hunters;" who had come down to show him what Islands they claimed as having belonged to their nation, but which had been ceded to him by treaty, and to which they would now give him the formal possession. To accomplish this, the General fitted out an expedition, to take them with him in the two ten-oared boats, with Major Horton, Mr. Tanner, and some other gentlemen as his escort; and a sufficient number of able hands both as boat-men and soldiers, and to man the periagua,[1] with Highlanders under the command of Captain Hugh Mackay. He the more readily engaged in this excursion from an impatient desire to gain intelligence of Major Richard, and the deputation to St. Augustine.

[Footnote 1: The Periagua is a long flat-bottomed boat, carrying from twenty to thirty-five tons. It is constructed with a forecastle and a cabin; but the rest is open, and there is no deck. It has two masts, which the sailors can strike, and sails like those of schooners. It is rowed, generally, with two oars only.]

They set out on the 18th of March. On the first day they visited an island in the mouth of the Alatamaha, sixteen miles long, and from one to five broad; opposite the entrance of the great Latilla river. By the Indians it was called WISSOE, Sassafras; but the Spaniards had named it San Pedro. Toonahowi, pulling out a watch that had been given him by his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland, desired that it should bear his name; saying, "He gave me this watch, that we might know how time went; and we will remember him while time goes; and this place must have his name, that others may be reminded of him." The General left Captain Mackay and the Highlanders here, with directions to build a fort on the high ground, commanding the passes of the river; which, at their desire, should be called St. Andrews. On the south-east part of this island another strong fort was afterwards built, called Fort William, which commanded Amelia Sound, and the inland passage from St. Augustine.

On their excursion, the next day, they passed the Clogothea, an arm of the Alatamaha, and went ashore on a delightful island, about thirteen miles long, and two broad, with orange trees, myrtles and vines growing on it. The wild-grape vines here, as on the borders of the Savannah, grow to the very top of the trees, and hang from limb to limb in festoons, as if trimmed and twined by art.[1] The name of this island, Santa Maria, they changed to AMELIA, in honor of her Royal Highness.

[Footnote 1: Journal of the Rev. Mr. Bolzius, who, it seems, was one of the party. See URLSPURGER, I. 845.]

On the third day they came to an island which had borne the name of San Juan; but claiming it as belonging to his Majesty, and the southernmost part of his Provinces on the sea-coast of North America, they named it GEORGE's.

As they approached the Spanish look-out, [Haser centinela] which is posted on the Florida side of the St. John's river, the Indians shewed their desire of making an assault upon it, as "some of them were related to those that had been killed, the winter before, by a detachment from St. Augustine; and one of them, Poyeechy by name, had been wounded by the Spaniards." The General, though with much difficulty, persuaded them to forbear; and prevailed upon them to return to what is called "the Palmetto ground," near to Amelia Island, in one of the scout-boats, under the care of Major Horton. When they had got entirely out of sight, he purposed to cross over and inquire of the Spanish guard what had become of his boat and the commissioner to the Governor of Florida.[1]

[Footnote 1: The district, as far as St. John's, was taken from the Spaniards in Queen Anne's time; and at the time of the Peace of Utrecht it was in the possession of the English allied Indians. Now, since by this treaty all lands in America were declared to belong to their then present owners, and the said Indians still occupy it, and having acknowledged themselves subjects to the King of Great Britain, by cession, the territory became his.]

On going ashore they found no men at the look-out, and therefore went down to the lower one, which was also deserted. They then set out on their return, and passing between the St. George and Talbot Island came to the rendezvous at the Palmetto ground. There they met Mr. Horton in the scout-boat, and some boats of Indians; but Tomo Chichi, with two boats, was gone.

Here Mr. Moore, whom I follow, narrates a serio-comic adventure, which, though it may be, to some of my readers, a twice-told tale, will bear repeating.

"About four hours in the night, their sentry challenged a boat, and Umpichi, one of those that had been in England, answered, and at the same time leaped on shore with four others, and ran up to the fires where Mr. Oglethorpe then was. They seemed in such a rage as is hardly to be described. Their eyes glowed, as it were with fire. Some of them foamed at the mouth, and moved with such bounds that they seemed rather possessed.

"Mr. Oglethorpe asked Umpichi what the matter was. He said 'Tomo Chichi has seen enemies, and has sent us to tell it, and to help you.' Being asked why the Mico did not come back himself, he said, 'He is an old warrior, and will not come away from his enemies, who hunt upon our lands, till he has seen them so near as to count them. He saw their fire, and therefore sent to take care of you, who are his friends. He will make a warrior of Toonahowi, and, before daylight, will be revenged for his men whom they killed whilst he was gone to England. But we shall have no honor, for we shall not be there.' The rest of the Indians seemed to catch the raging fits, at not being present. Mr. Oglethorpe asked if he thought there were many. He said 'Yes! he thought the enemies were a great many, for they had a great fire upon a high ground, and the Indians never make large fires, but when they are so strong as to despise all resistance.'

"Mr. Oglethorpe immediately ordered all his people on board, and they rowed very briskly to where Tomo Chichi was; being about four miles distant.

"They found him, with his Indians, with hardly any fire, only a few sparks behind a bush, to prevent discovery; who told them that they had been to see the fire, and had discovered seven or eight white men, but the Indians, they believed, had encamped further in the woods, for they had not seen them; but Tomo Chichi was going out again to look for the Indians, whom, as soon as he discovered, he intended to give the signal to attack both the parties at once; one half creeping near, and taking each their aim at those whom they saw most awake; and, as soon as they had fired, to run in with their hatchets, and at the same time those who had not fired to run in with their loaded arms; that if they knew once where the Indians were, they would be sure of killing all the white men, since they, being round the fire, were easily seen, and the same fire hindered them from seeing others.

"Mr. Oglethorpe tried to dissuade them from that attempt, but with great difficulty could obtain of them to delay a little time; they thinking it argued cowardice. At last they got up and resolved to go in spite of all his endeavors; on which he told them, 'You certainly go to kill them in the night, because you are afraid of seeing them by day. Now, I do not fear them. Stay till day, and I will go with you, and see who they are.'

"Tomo Chichi sighed, and sat down, and said, 'We do not fear them by day; but if we do not kill them by night, they will kill you to-morrow.' So they stayed.

"By daybreak Mr. Oglethorpe and the Mico went down with their men, and came to the fire, which they thought had been made by enemies, which was less than a mile from where the Mico had passed the night. They saw a boat there, with a white flag flying, and the men proved to be Major Richard, and his attendants, returned from Augustine.

"The Indians then seemed ashamed of their rage, which inspired them to kill men before they knew who they were."

The meeting, under these circumstances, was doubly joyous. After mutual congratulations, he was informed by Major Richard that "he was cast away before he could get to St. Augustine; that part of the baggage was lost; but the boat and men saved. That, having scrambled through the breakers, and walked some leagues through the sands, they were met by Don Pedro Lamberto, a Captain of the horse, and by him conducted to the Governor, who received them with great civility; and that the reason of his long stay was to get the boat repaired." He brought letters from Don Francisco del Morale Sanchez, Captain General of Florida, and Governor of St. Augustine. These commenced with compliments, thanking him for the letters brought by Charles Dempsey, Esq. and Major Richard; which, however, were followed by complaints that the Creek Indians had assaulted and driven away the Spanish settlers on the borders of the St. Mattheo,[1] and intimations of displeasure at the threatening appearance of the forts which he was erecting, and forces which manned them. Major Richard said that the Governor expected an answer in three weeks, and desired him to bring it. He added, that despatches had been sent to the Havana to apprize the Government of the arrival of the new settlers, and of the position which they had taken.

[Footnote 1: The St. John's.]

"The same day they returned toward St. Andrew's; but not having depth of water enough through the narrows of Amelia, the scout-boats were obliged to halt there; but the Indians advanced to the south end of Cumberland, where they hunted, and carried venison to St. Andrews."

By the directions and encouragements of the General, the works at St. Simons were carried on with such expedition, that, by the middle of April, the fort, which was a regular work of tabby, a composition of oyster shells and lime, was finished; and thirty-seven palmetto houses were put up, in which all the people might be sheltered till they could build better.

About the centre of the west end of the island, a town was laid out, which he called FREDERICA, with wide streets, crossing each other at right angles. These were afterwards skirted with rows of orange trees.

The ground being properly divided, "the people, who had now all arrived, having been brought in a little fleet of periaguas, were put in possession of their respective lots, on the 19th of April, in order that each man might begin to build and improve for himself. But the houses that had been built, and the fields that had been tilled and sown, were, as yet, to be in common for the public benefit."

At the south end of the island he caused to be erected a strong battery, called Fort St. Simons, commanding the entrance to Jekyl sound; and a camp of barracks and some huts.



In point of situation, a better place for a town, a fortress, and a harbor, could hardly be wished in that part of the country; lying, as it does, at the mouth of a very fine river. The surface of the island was covered with oak and hickory trees, intermixed with meadows and old Indian fields; the soil was rich and fertile, and in all places, where they tried, they found fresh water within nine feet of the surface.[1]

[Footnote 1: See "History of the Rise, Progress, and Present State of the Colony of Georgia," in Harris's Collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol. II. p. 330, 2d ed. Lond. 1764. The best history, up to the date of publication, extant.]

On the 25th, Oglethorpe and his men, and Major Richard and his attendants, got back to Frederica. On the next day the Indians arrived, the purpose of whose intended visit had been announced by Tomo Chichi. Having encamped by themselves near the town, they prepared for a dance; to which Oglethorpe went with all his people.

"They made a ring, in the middle of which four sat down, having little drums, made of kettles, covered with deer skins, upon which they beat, and sung. Round these the others danced, being naked to their waists, and having round their middle many trinkets tied with skins; and some had the tails of beasts hanging down behind them. They had painted their faces and bodies; and their hair was stuck with feathers. In one hand they had a rattle, in the other the feathers of an eagle made up like the caduceus of Mercury; they shook there plumes and the rattle, and danced round the ring with high bounds and antic postures, looking much like the figures of the Satyrs.

"They showed great activity, and kept just time in their motions; and at certain times answered, by way of chorus, to those that sat in the middle of the ring. They stopt; and then one of the chief warriors stood out, who sang what wars he had been in, and described by motions as well as by words, which way he had vanquished the enemies of his country. When he had done, all the rest gave a shout of approbation, as knowing what he said to be true."[1]

[Footnote 1: MOORE.]

The Indian Mico then explained the object of their embassy in a long speech. After this, an alliance was concluded, and presents exchanged; which consisted, on the part of the Indians, of dressed skins; and, on that of Oglethorpe, of guns, red and blue cloth, powder, bullets, knives, and small whetstones; and, among the women he distributed linen and woolen garments, ear-rings, chains, beads, &c.

This business being despatched, the General called the freemen together, and communicated to them the contents of the letters which he had received from the Governor of St. Augustine; and this he did to prevent the ill impression that vague conjecture and idle reports might occasion, and then, in compliance with the requisition of the Governor of St. Augustine that hostile intrusion on the Spanish settlements might be prevented, he immediately fitted out a periagua and the marine boat, with men and provisions for three months; together with arms, ammunition, and tools, to sail to the southward, and cruise along the English side of the St. John's, in order to detect and prevent any lawless persons from sheltering themselves there, and thence molesting his Catholic Majesty's subjects, and to restrain the Indians.

This expedition was conducted by Captain Hermsdorff, who was to leave Major Richard and Mr. Horton his attendant, at some place on the Florida shore, whence they could proceed to St. Augustine to wait on the Governor with the despatches. The purport of these was to acquaint him, that, "being greatly desirous to remove all occasions of uneasiness upon the frequent complaints by his Excellency of hostile incursions upon the Spanish dominions, armed boats had been sent to patrol the opposite borders of the river, and prevent all passing over by Indians or marauders. The gentlemen were also directed to render him the thanks of General Oglethorpe for his civilities, and to express his inclination for maintaining a good harmony between the subjects of both crowns."[1]

[Footnote 1: MOORE'S Voyage, p. 79.]

On the 22d of May, 1736, a respectable deputation of the Uchee Indians, from the neighborhood of Ebenezer, waited upon the General at St. Simons. They had painted themselves with various colors, and were dressed in their richest costume. Being introduced to him in the large apartment of the magazine store, the Indian King made a long speech; after which an alliance was entered into, and pledge presents interchanged.[1] This treaty was a very important one, because the Uchees claimed the country above Augusta to the border of the Creeks, and a portion below adjoining the Yamacraws; because they were an independent tribe, having no alliance with the others; and because they had been a little dissatisfied with the Saltzburgers at Ebenezer.

[Footnote 1: URLSPURGER, I. 844, and Appendix No. XIX.]

On the first of June intelligence was received that Major Richard and Mr. Horton, instead of being received as commissioned delegates, had been arrested and made prisoners at St. Augustine. Not explaining to the satisfaction of the Governor and his Council the situation of the forts and the design of the military force that was stationed in them, they were detained in custody, till Don Ignatio Rosso, Lieutenant Colonel of the garrison, with a detachment of men had made personal investigations; who, after an absence of five days, returned and reported that the islands were all fortified, and appeared to be filled with men; and that the shores were protected by armed boats. A council of war was then held, and it was resolved to send back Major Richard and Mr. Horton, and their suit, and with them an embassy, consisting of Charles Dempsey, Esq., Don Pedro Lamberto, Captain of the Horse, and Don Manuel D'Arcy, Adjutant of the garrison, with intimations that this formidable array was unnecessary. By private information, however, Oglethorpe was led to infer that, notwithstanding the fair professions that had been made by the Spaniards, there were evidently measures concerted to increase their forces, to procure guns and ammunition, and to arm the Florida Indians.[1]

[Footnote 1: MOORE'S Voyage, p. 79.]

In consequence of these and other indications that the Spaniards were commencing preparations for dislodging the English settlers, the General took all possible precautionary measures for repelling them. The fort and works on St. Simons were completed in the best manner, and a battery was erected on the east point of the island, which projects into the ocean. This commanded the entrance of Jekyl sound in such manner that all ships that come in at this north entry must pass within shot of the point, the channel lying directly under it.

St. Andrew's fort, on Cumberland Island, with its munition of ordnance and garrison of well-disciplined soldiers, was much relied upon as a mean of defence; and even the outpost at St. George's, on the north side and near the mouth of St. John's river, was deemed of no inconsiderable importance as a check, at least, upon any attempted invasion by the Spaniards, and as serving to prevent their going through the inner passages.

In the month of July the General visited Savannah, to attend to affairs there, and to hold a conference with a Committee of the General Assembly of South Carolina respecting the Indian trade, which they charged him with aiming to monopolize, to the disallowance of their traders.

It may be necessary here to state, that, as the boundaries of Georgia separated the Indians on the west side of the Savannah river from the confines of South Carolina, they must be admitted as in affinity with the new Colony. At any rate, Oglethorpe deemed it so expedient to obtain their consent to the settlement of his people, and their good will was so essential to a secure and peaceful residence, that his earliest care had been to make treaties of alliance with them. That these treaties should include agreements for mutual intercourse and trade, seemed to be, not only a prudential, but an indispensable provision; particularly as Tomo Chichi and the Micos of the Creeks, who went with him to England, had requested that some stipulations might be made relative to the quantity, quality, and prices of goods, and to the accuracy of weights and measures, in what was offered for the purchase of their buffalo hides, and deer-skins and peltry.[1] Whereupon the Trustees proposed certain regulations of trade, designed to prevent in future those impositions of which the Indians complained. To carry these into effect, it was thought right that none should be permitted to trade with the Indians but such as had a license, and would agree to conduct the traffic upon fair and equitable principles. The Carolina traders, not being disposed to apply for a permit, nor to subject themselves to such stipulations and restrictions, were disallowed by the Georgia Commissary, who held a trading house among the Creeks.[2] This was resented by them, and their complaints to the Provincial Assembly led to the appointment of the Committee just referred to, and whose conference with Oglethorpe was held at Savannah on the 2d of August, 1736.[3] In their printed report they lay down these fundamental principles. "The Cherokee, Creek, Chickasaw, and Catawba Indians, at the time of the discovery of this part of America, were the inhabitants of the lands which they now possess, and have ever since been deemed and esteemed the friends and allies of his Majesty's English subjects in this part of the Continent. They have been treated with as allies, but not as subjects of the crown of Great Britain; they have maintained their own possessions, and preserved their independency; nor does it appear that they have by conquest lost, nor by cession, compact, or otherwise, yielded up or parted with, those rights to which, by the laws of nature and nations, they were and are entitled."

[Footnote 1: McCALL, Vol. I. p. 46.]

[Footnote 2: Capt. FREDERICK McKAY, in a letter to THOMAS BROUGHTON, Esq., Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina, dated July 12,1735, written to justify his conduct as Indian Commissary, in turning out four traders who would not conform to the rules stipulated in the licenses, has the following remarks on the difficulties which he had to encounter: "It was impracticable to get the traders to observe their instructions, while some did undersell the others; some used light, others heavy weights; some bribed the Indians to lay out their skins with them, others told the Indians that their neighboring traders had heavy weights, and stole their skins from them, but that they themselves had light weights, and that their goods were better."]

[Footnote 3: "Report of the Committee appointed to examine into the proceedings of the people of Georgia, with respect to the Province of South Carolina, and the disputes subsisting between the two Colonies." 4to. Charlestown, 1736, p. 121.

This tract was printed by Lewis Timothy. There was no printer in Carolina before 1730, and this appears to have been one of the earliest productions of the Charlestown press, in the form of a book. RICH's Bibliotheca Americana Nova, p. 53.]

"The Committee cannot conceive that a charter from the crown of Great Britain can give the grantees a right or power over a people, who, to our knowledge, have never owned any allegiance, or acknowledged the sovereignty of the crown of Great Britain, or any Prince in Europe; but have indiscriminately visited and traded with the French, Spaniards, and English, as they judged it most for their advantage; and it is as difficult to understand how the laws of Great Britain, or of any Colony in America, can take place, or be put in execution in a country where the people never accepted of, nor submitted to, such laws; but have always maintained their freedom, and have adhered to their own customs and manners without variation or change."

Hence the Committee inferred that the Regulations which were passed by the Trustees, could not be binding upon the Indians, nor serve to effect any exclusive trade with them. Oglethorpe acknowledged this independency of the Indians; and asserted that, in perfect consistency with it, they had entered into a treaty of alliance with the Colony of Georgia; and, having themselves indicated certain terms and principles of traffic, these were adopted and enjoined by the Trustees; and this was done, not to claim authority over the Indians, nor to control their conduct, but to indicate what was required of those who should go among them as traders.

In answer to the allegations that the Carolina traders had been excluded, he declared that, in granting licenses to trade with the Indians, he refused none of the Carolina traders who conformed to the Act, and gave them the same instructions as had been given by the Province of Carolina.[1] He also declared that he had given, and should always continue to give, such instructions to the Georgia traders, as had formerly been given by the Province of South Carolina to theirs; and in case any new instructions given by the Province of South Carolina to their traders shall be imparted, and appear to him for the benefit of the two Provinces, he would add them to the instructions of the Georgia traders; and, finally, that, pursuant to the desire of the Committee, he would give directions to all his officers and traders among the Indians, in their talk and discourses to make no distinction between the two Provinces, but to speak in the name and behalf of his Majesty's subjects[2].

[Footnote 1: "To protect the natives against insults, and establish a fair trade and friendly intercourse with them, were regulations which humanity required, and sound policy dictated. But the rapacious spirit of individuals could be curbed by no authority. Many advantages were taken of the ignorance of Indians in the way of traffic." RAMSAY's History of South Carolina, Vol. I. p. 48. For other particulars stated by him, respecting the trade with the Indians, see p. 89,104.]

[Footnote 2: Report of the Committee, &c., p. 106, 107.]

It seems, however, that the Committee were not satisfied; primarily because licenses were required, and especially that they must come through the hands of the Governor of Georgia.

In a few days after this conference Oglethorpe returned to Frederica. On the latter part of September he renewed the commission of the Honorable Charles Dempsey, impowering him to state to the Governor of St. Augustine terms for a conventional adjustment of the misunderstanding between the two Provinces. This he eventually effected, and a treaty was concluded on the 27th of October following, much more conciliatory, on the part of the Spaniards, than he had expected. This, however, proved ineffectual, and the pleasing anticipations of restored harmony which it seemed to authorize, were shortly frustrated by a message from the Governor of St. Augustine to acquaint him that a Spanish Minister had arrived from Cuba, charged with a communication which he desired an opportunity of delivering in person. At a conference which ensued, the Commissioner peremptorily required that Oglethorpe and his people should immediately evacuate all the territory to the southward of St. Helena's Sound, as that belonged to the King of Spain, who was determined to vindicate his right to it. He refused to listen to any argument in support of the English claim, or to admit the validity of the treaty which had lately been signed, declaring that it had erred in the concessions which had been made. He then unceremoniously departed, with a repetition of his demand, accompanied with menaces.

Perceiving that the most vigorous measures, and a stronger defensive force than the Province could supply, would be necessary to overawe the hostile purposes displayed by Spain, or repel them if put in execution, Oglethorpe resolved to represent the state of affairs to the British Ministers, and straightway embarking, set sail for England.[1] He arrived at the close of the year; and, presenting himself before the Board of Trustees, "received an unanimous vote of thanks, as he had made this second, as well as his first expedition to Georgia, entirely at his own expense."[2]

[Footnote 1: HEWATT, II. 47, and GRAHAM, III. 200, totidem verbis.]

[Footnote 2: London Magazine, October, 1757, p. 545.]



CHAPTER X.

Delegation of the Missionaries—JOHN WESLEY stationed at Savannah—Has a conference with Tomo Chichi—His Preaching deemed personal in its applications—He becomes unpopular—Meets with persecution—Leaves the Province and returns to England—CHARLES WESLEY attends Oglethorpe to Frederica—Finds himself unpleasantly situated—Furnished with despatches for the Trustees, he sets out for Charlestown, and thence takes passage for England—By stress of weather the Vessel driven off its course—Puts in at Boston, New England—His reception there—Sails thence for England—After a perilous voyage arrives—BENJAMIN INGHAM also at Frederica—Goes to Savannah to apprize John Wesley of the sickness of his brother—Resides among the Creeks in order to learn their language—Returns to England—CHARLES DELAMOTTE at Savannah—Keeps a School—Is much respected—GEORGE WHITEFIELD comes to Savannah—His reception—Visits Tomo Chichi, who was sick—Ministerial labors—Visits the Saltzburgers—Pleased with their provision for Orphan Children—Visits Frederica and the adjacent Settlements—Returns to England—Makes a second voyage to Georgia, and takes efficient measures for the erection of an Orphan House.

In order to show circumstantially the progress of colonization, by following Oglethorpe with his new and large accession of emigrants and military forces to their destined places of settlement on the borders of the Alatamaha and the southern islands, all mention of the reception and treatment of the Wesleys, whom he had brought over as religious missionaries, has been deferred. The relation is introduced now, as a kind of episode.

The delegation of these pious evangelists was encouraged by flattering suggestions, and acceded to with the most raised expectations; and its objects were pursued by them with untiring zeal and unsparing self-devotedness, through continual hindrances. The opposition which they met was encountered with "all long-suffering and patience;" but their best efforts were unavailing; "and their mission closed, too speedily, in saddened disappointment."

I. JOHN WESLEY, though stationed at Savannah, did not consider himself so much a Minister to the inhabitants as a missionary to the Indians. Whenever he mentioned his uneasiness at being obstructed in his main design, he was answered "You cannot leave Savannah without a Minister." To this he rejoined, "My plain answer is, I know not that I am under any obligations to the contrary. I never promised to stay here one month. I openly declared, both before, and ever since my coming hither, that I neither would nor could take charge of the English any longer than till I could go among the Indians." It was rejoined, "But did not the Trustees of Georgia appoint you to be Minister at Savannah?" He replied, "They did; but it was done without either my desire or knowledge. Therefore I cannot conceive that that appointment could lay me under any obligation of continuing here longer than till a door is opened to the Heathen; and this I expressly declared at the time I consented to accept that appointment[1]."

[Footnote 1: Life of Rev. JOHN WESLEY, A.M., in which is included the Life of his Brother CHARLES WESLEY, A.M. By Rev. HENRY MOORE. Lond. 1824, 2 vols. 8vo. Vol. I. p. 310.]

Oglethorpe had been so impressed with what he had seen of the natives, that he had written home that "a door seemed opened for the conversion of the Indians." These favorable expectations were greatly increased by the visit to England of Tomo Chichi and his train. They seemed to be fully authorized by the declarations which were made by them to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and other clergy; and they appeared to be put in a train of accomplishment by the interest taken for facilitating that purpose by the manual of instruction for the Indians which was preparing by Bishop Wilson. But when Tomo Chichi came to welcome the Governor on his arrival, and was introduced to the intended teacher, it appeared that unforeseen obstacles had arisen. "I am glad you are come," said the Mico, addressing him through the female interpreter. "When I was in England I desired that some would speak the great word to me; and our people then desired to hear it; but now we are all in confusion. The French on one side, and the Spanish on the other, and the Traders in the midst, have caused us much perplexity; and made our people unwilling. Their ears are shut. Their tongues are divided, and some say one thing, and some another. But I will call together our chiefs, and speak to the wise men of our nation, and I hope they will hear. But we would not be, made Christians as the Spaniards make Christians. We would be taught; and then, when we understand all clearly, be baptized."[1] There was good sense in this remark. They would be informed of the evidences of the truth of Christianity, and have its principles and doctrines explained to them, and its precepts, tendency, and design illustrated; and hence be enabled to adopt it from conviction. This they would do, when they were made to understand how it was a divine revelation, and saw its effects in the life of its professors. But the reply of Wesley was not simple enough to be comprehended by him. It was this; "There is but one,—He that sitteth in the heaven,—who is able to teach man wisdom. Though we are come so far, we know not whether He will please to teach you by us, or no. If He teaches you, you will learn wisdom; but we can do nothing." All the inference which the poor Indian could draw from this was, that he who had come as a religious teacher disclaimed his own abilities, and referred to a divine Instructer, of whom the Mico could know nothing as yet, by whom alone the converting knowledge was to be communicated.

[Footnote 1: Account of the Settlement of the Saltzburg Emigrants at Ebenezer, in Georgia. By Philip George Frederic von Reck. Hamburgh, 1777. 12mo, p. 7.]

Moreover, he had been an observer of the disposition and conduct of those who called themselves Christians; and, at another interview with Wesley, when urged to listen to the doctrines of Christianity, and become a convert, he keenly replied, "Why these are Christians at Savannah! Those are Christians at Frederica!" Nor was it without good reason that he exclaimed, "Christians drunk! Christians beat men! Christians tell lies! Me no Christian."

Scenawki, however, had more courtesy. She presented the Missionaries with two large jars of honey, and one of milk; and invited them to come up to Yamacraw, and teach the children, saying, the honey represented the inclination of the people there, and the milk the need of their children. What a beautiful illustration of the mode of teaching practised by the Apostle! "I have fed you with milk, and not with meat;" adapting the instruction to the capacity of those to whom it was imparted, and "as they were able to receive it," could properly digest it, "and be nourished thereby."

Other conferences effected little; and as Mrs. Musgrove did not reside at Yamacraw, and could not often assist him as an interpreter; and, perhaps, could not readily make perspicuous in the Indian dialect what was somewhat more mystical than even his English hearers could comprehend, his cherished purposes for the conversion of the Indians seemed to be thwarted. Besides, the condition of the people at Savannah was such as to require clerical services, and he gave himself wholly to them.

For some time his labors as a preacher promised to be successful; "and all would have been well," says Southey, "could he but have remembered the advice of Dr. Burton." This was contained in a letter addressed to him a few days before embarking for Georgia. Among other things, this excellent friend suggested to him that, under the influence of Mr. Oglethorpe, giving weight to his endeavors, much may be effected in the present undertaking; and goes on to remark; "With regard to your behavior and manner of address, these must be determined according to the different circumstances of persons, &c.; but you will always, in the use of means, consider the great end; and, therefore, your applications will of course vary. You will keep in view the pattern of the Gospel preacher, St. Paul, who 'became all things to all men, that he might save some.' Here is a nice trial of christian prudence. Accordingly, in every case you will distinguish between what is indispensable, and what is variable; between what is divine, and what is of human authority. I mention this, because men are apt to deceive themselves in such cases; and we see the traditions and ordinances of men frequently insisted on with more rigor than the commandments of God, to which they are subordinate. Singularities of less importance, are often espoused with more zeal than the weighty matters of God's law. As in all points we love ourselves, so, especially, in our hypotheses. Where a man has, as it were, a property in a notion, he is most industrious to improve it, and that in proportion to the labor of thought he has bestowed upon it; and, as its value rises in imagination, he is, in proportion, unwilling to give it up, and dwells upon it more pertinaciously than upon considerations of general necessity and use. This is a flattering mistake, against which we should guard ourselves."

Unmindful of such counsel, the eagerness of Wesley to effect reformation was pressed too precipitately and carried too far. His sermons had such direct reference, not only to the state of affairs, but the conduct of individuals, that they were shrunk from as personal allusions. His zeal was excessive, and his practice exclusive.[1]

[Footnote 1: Mr. SOUTHEY has this remark—"He was accused of making his sermons so many satires upon particular persons; and for this cause his auditors fell off; for though one might have been very well pleased to hear others preached at, no person liked the chance of being made the mark himself."—Moreover, "following the rubric, in opposition to the practice of the English church, he insisted upon baptizing children by immersion, and refused to baptize them if the parents did not consent to this rude and perilous method. Some persons he would not receive as sponsors, because they were not communicants; and when one of the most pious men in the Colony earnestly desired to be admitted to the communion, he refused to admit him because he was a Dissenter, unless he would be rebaptized. And he would not read the burial service over another for the same reason, or one founded on the same principle." Life of WESLEY, by ROBERT SOUTHEY, New York edition, 1820. Vol. I. p. 108.—Instances of personal reference in preaching, and of its alienating effects, are mentioned by Mr. Stevens, in his Journal, Vol. I. pp. 15, 19, and elsewhere.]

For these and other reasons, and in some respects most unreasonably, the people at Savannah became prejudiced against him, and so disaffected that "he perceived that his preaching was not likely to be attended with beneficial influence. Hence, having in vain sought an accommodation with his opponents, without in the least relaxing from the enforcement of his principles, and disappointed in the prime object of his mission, that of preaching to the Indians, he resolved to quit the Colony, and return to his native land[1]."

[Footnote 1: Memoir of the Rev. John Wesley, prefixed to a volume of his Sermons, by Samuel Drew, page xvi.]

Another circumstance brought the whole scene of his trials to a catastrophe. Sophia Hopkins, the niece of Mrs. Causton, wife of Thomas Causton, Esq., chief magistrate of the place, had been a pupil to him to learn French, was a professed convert to his ministry, and become a member of the Church. Her beauty, accomplishments, and manners, were fascinating; and she appears, by some coquettish advances, to have won his affections. Delamotte, however, doubting the sincerity of her pretensions to piety, cautioned his friend Wesley against cherishing a fond attachment. The Moravian Elders, also, advised him not to think of a matrimonial connection. In consequence of this, his conduct towards her became reserved and distant; very naturally, to her mortification; though her own affections had been preengaged, for she soon after married a Mr. Williamson. But a hostile feeling had been excited against him by her friends, for the manifestation of which an opportunity was afforded about five months after her marriage. Wesley having discovered in her conduct several things which he thought blameworthy, with his wonted ingenuousness, frankly mentioned them to her; intimating that they were not becoming a participant of the Lord's Supper. She, in return, became angry. For reasons, therefore, which he stated to her in a letter, he cautioned her not to come to the ordinance till she could do it in a reconciled temper.

The storm now broke forth upon him. A complaint was entered to the magistrates; an indictment filed, and a warrant issued, by which he was brought before the Recorder, on the charges of Mr. Williamson,—1st, That he had defamed his wife; and, 2dly, That he had causelessly repelled her from the Holy Communion. Wesley denied the first charge; and the second, being wholly ecclesiastical, he would not acknowledge the authority of the magistrate to decide upon it. He was, however, told that he must appear before the next court, to be holden at Savannah, August term, 1737. In the mean time pains were taken by Mr. Causton to pack and influence the jury. There were debates and rude management in the court. No pleas of defence were admitted. The evidence was discordant. Twelve of the grand jurors drew up a protest against the proceedings. The magistrates, themselves, after repeated adjournments, could come to no decision; and justice was not likely to be awarded. Wearied with this litigious prosecution, Wesley applied to his own case the direction given by our Lord to his Apostles, "If they persecute thee in one place, flee unto another;" and, shaking off the dust of his feet as a witness against them, he fled to Charlestown, South Carolina; whence, on Thursday, the 22d of December, 1737, he embarked for England. After a pleasant passage, he landed at Deal, February, 1738, as he remarks, "on the anniversary festival in Georgia, for Mr. Oglethorpe's landing there." As he entered the channel, on his return, Mr. Whitefield sailed through it, on a mission; not to be his coadjutor, as he expected, but, as it proved, his successor.

II. The situation of CHARLES WESLEY was annoyed by like discomfitures, and followed by still greater disappointment. He had received the most flattering accounts of Georgia from the conversation of Oglethorpe, with whom he had been for some time acquainted; and from the little book which this gentleman had published. Implicitly confiding in the high wrought descriptions which had been given him, and indulging anticipations of a colonization of more than Utopian excellence, he attended his brother to Georgia, and attached himself to Oglethorpe, whose warm professions had won him to his service both as Secretary and Chaplain.

His destination was to the new settlement at Frederica; and there he arrived, with his patron, on the 9th of March, 1736. The first person who saluted him, as he stept on shore, was Ingham, his intimate, confidential, and highly valued friend; who had preceded him thither. The meeting was truly pleasant; but what he learned from him of the state of affairs there, and of "the treatment which he had met for vindicating the sanctity of the Lord's day," was a saddening indication of the reverse which his cherished anticipations were soon to meet. He was apprised by it, however, of the necessity of taking measures for procuring a more sober observance of the Sabbath in future. Accordingly, as he had been announced to the settlers as their religious instructer and guide, he spent the remainder of the week in visits to their families, and in seeking that personal acquaintance with them, without which, he well knew that general instruction would be of little use; but, he observes, "with what trembling should I call this flock mine!" In the evening he read prayers, in the open air; at which Oglethorpe was present. He observed that the lesson seemed remarkably adapted to his situation, and that he felt the power of it; particularly of the passage, "continue instant in prayer, and watch in the same with thanksgiving; withal praying also for us, that God would open a door of utterance, to speak the mystery of Christ, that I may make it manifest as I ought to speak."[1]

[Footnote 1: Colossians, IV. 3]

In the public discharge of his duties as a clergyman, he was solemn and fervent; and his preaching evinced "how forcible are right words." But in his daily intercourse with this heterogeneous population, he was not always aware that clerical intimacy should never descend to familiarity. He overheard rude speeches and gossipping tattle; and was made acquainted with some domestic bickerings and feuds; and kindly, though not always discretely, endeavored to check them; but his mediation was repelled as uncalled-for interference.[1] To use the words of his biographer, "he attempted the doubly difficult task of reforming the gross improprieties, and reconciling some of the petty jealousies and quarrels with each other; in which he effected little else than making them unite in opposing him, and caballing to get rid of him in any way."[2] Hence complaints were made to Oglethorpe, who, instead of discountenancing them decidedly, and vindicating, or at least upholding him whom he had brought over, and placed in an office where he ought to have demanded for him a treatment of deference and respect, himself listened too readily to complaints and invectives, and suffered them to prejudice him against the truly amiable, ingenuous, and kind-hearted minister. Instead of putting candid constructions on well-meant purposes, of cautioning his inexperience, or giving friendly advice, he treated him with coldness and neglect.[3] The only apology for this is that suggested by Southey.[4] "The Governor, who had causes enough to disquiet him, arising from the precarious state of the Colony, was teased and soured by the complaints which were perpetually brought against the two brothers, and soon began to wish that he had brought with him men of more practicable tempers." In some hours of calmer reflection, however, he felt the compunctious visitings of conscience, and convinced of the injustice which he had done to Mr. Wesley, "in the most solemn manner he professed to him his regret for his unkind usage; and, to express his sincerity, embraced and kissed him with the most cordial affection." Realizing, however, that the situation of this aggrieved and disheartened man was such that his usefulness here was at an end, and finding it necessary to make a special communication to the Trustees, relative to the internal distractions among the first settlers; to the Board of Trade on the subject of exports and commercial relations; and to the Government, respecting the exposed situation of the Colony, he commissioned him to carry the despatches.

[Footnote 1: "He that passeth by and meddleth with strife belonging not to him, is like one that taketh a dog by the ears." Proverbs, XXVI. 17. He who inconsiderately engages in other men's quarrels, whom he lights upon by chance, and in which he is not concerned, will assuredly suffer by his interference.]

[Footnote 2: SOUTHEY's Life of the Wesleys, Vol. I. p. 107.]

[Footnote 3: In the life of Wesley by MOORE, is an affecting detail of particulars, taken from the unpublished Journal of Charles Wesley, Vol. I. p. 265-285.]

[Footnote 4: Life of Wesley, Vol. I. p. 107.]

On the 26th of July, 1736, he set out for Charlestown, to take passage to England; and, on the 16th of August, went on board the London Galley. But the passengers and sailors soon found that the Captain, while on shore, had neglected every thing to which he ought to have attended. The vessel was too leaky to bear the voyage; and the Captain drinking nothing scarcely but gin, had never troubled his head about taking in water; so that they were soon reduced to short allowance, which, in that sultry clime and season of the year, was a distressing predicament. Meeting, too, with violent squalls of wind, they were driven off their course. The leak became alarming, and their troubles increased so fast upon them, that they were obliged to steer for Boston in New England; where they arrived, with much difficulty and danger, on the 2d of September.

Wesley was soon known at Boston; and met a hospitable reception among the Ministers, both of the town and neighborhood. In a letter to his brother, he thus describes the attentions that were paid to him. "I am wearied with this hospitable people; they so teaze me with their civilities. They do not suffer me to be alone. The clergy, who come from the country on a visit, drag me with them when they return[1]. I am constrained to take a view of this New England, more pleasant even than the Old. And, compared with the region in which I last resided, I cannot help exclaiming, O happy country that breeds neither flies, nor crocodiles, nor prevaricators!"[2]

[Footnote 1: Referring to the weekly assembling of the Clergy from the neighboring towns to attend the Thursday Lecture.]

[Footnote 2: Having found that letters to his brother were intercepted and read, before they were delivered, he wrote sometimes in Latin, and even passages in Greek. This, dated Boston, October 5th, 1736, was in Latin, and I give the extract here, of which the text is a translation. "Tsedet me populi hujuser, ita me urbanitate sua divexant et persequuntur. Non patientur me esse solum. E rure veninnt Clerici; me revertentes in rare trahant. Cogor henc Anglicum contemplari, etiam antiqua amoeniorem; et nequeo non exclamare, O fortinata regio, nec muscas aleus, nec crocodilos, nec delatores!" [When Mr. C. Wesley was at Frederica, the sand-flies were one night so exceedingly troublesome, that he was obliged to rise at one o'clock, and smoke them out of his hut. He tells us that the whole town was employed in the same way. By crocodile he means the species called alligator. When at Savannah, he and Mr. Delamotte used to bathe in the river between four and five o'clock in the morning, before the alligators were stirring, but they heard them snoring all round them. One morning Mr. Delamotte was in great danger; an alligator rose just behind him, and pursued him to the land, whither he escaped with difficulty.]]

The repairs of the vessel detained him here till the 15th of October, when they sailed. They had a most perilous passage, and encountered violent storms; but on the third of December arrived opposite Deal; and the passengers went safe on shore.

III. INGHAM had his station assigned him at Frederica; and there his prudence preserved him from the vexations with which his cherished companion was annoyed. In behalf of that persecuted and dispirited friend, he went to Savannah, to inform John Wesley of the opposition of the people to his brother. He tarried there to supply John's place during his absence on the visit of sympathy and counsel, of mediation or rescue. Returning to Frederica, he remained there till the 13th of May, when he accompanied Charles to Savannah, whither he went to receive the Indian traders on their coming down to take out their licenses. He accompanied them to the upper Creeks; among whom he resided several months, and employed himself in making a vocabulary of their language, and composing a grammar.[1]

[Footnote 1: SOUTHEY, I. 122, note; mention is also made of him in CRANZ'S History of the United Brethren, p. 228.]

On the 24th of February, 1737, it was agreed that he should go to England, and "endeavor to bring over, if it should please God, some of their friends to strengthen their hands in his work."[1] By him John Wesley wrote to Oglethorpe, who had sailed for England, and to Dr. Brady's associates, who had sent a library to Savannah.

[Footnote 1: MOORE'S Lives of the Wesleys, I. 315.]

Ingham is mentioned by Whitefield, in terms of high regard, as fellow-laborer with the Wesleys, and "an Israelite indeed."

IV. DELAMOTTE remained, from the first, with John Wesley at Savannah. He kept a school, in which he taught between thirty and forty children to read, write, and cast accounts. "Before public worship on the afternoon of the Lord's day, he catechized the lower class, and endeavored to fix some things of what was said by the Minister in their understandings as well as their memories. In the morning he instructed the larger children."[1]

[Footnote 1: Here is a prototype of the modern Sunday-schools.]

He returned to England in the Whitaker, Captain Whiting; the ship that brought out Mr. Whitefield, June 2d, 1738. "The good people lamented the loss of him, and great reason had they to do so; and went to the waterside to take a last farewell."

V. GEORGE WHITEFIELD was the intimate friend of the Wesleys and of Ingham; and he states, in his Journal, that when they were in Georgia he received letters from them; and that their description of the moral condition of the Colony affected his heart powerfully, and excited a strong desire to join them, to assist them in the work in which they were occupied, and become "a partaker with them in the afflictions of the gospel." Such an undertaking was suited to his energetic and enterprizing character; and therefore engaged much of his attention. On the return of Charles Wesley to England, he learned more of the situation of the Colonists, and of their great need of religious instruction; and when Ingham came with special reference to procuring assistance, he expressed his readiness to go on the mission. In the letter which he received by him from John Wesley was this direct reference, "Only Delamotte is with me, till God shall stir up the heart of some of his servants, who, putting their lives in his hands, shall come over and help us, where the harvest is so great and the laborers are so few. What if thou art the man, Mr. Whitefield? Do you ask me what you shall have? Food to eat and raiment to put on; a house to lay your head in, such as your Lord had not; and a crown of glory that fadeth not away!" This, and another letter, strengthened the desire, which soon ripened into a purpose, for which all circumstances seemed favorable. Charles, too, became more explicit, and rather urged his going[1].

[Footnote 1: He addressed a poem to him in which are these verses:

"Servant of God! the summons hear. Thy Master calls! arise! obey! The tokens of his will appear, His providence points out the way.

"Champion of God! thy Lord proclaim, Jesus alone resolve to know. Tread down thy foes in Jesus' name, And conquering and to conquer go!"]

He accordingly went up to London to tender his services to Oglethorpe and the Trustees; by whom he was accepted; and he left London on the latter part of December, 1737, in the 23d year of his age, to take passage in the Whitaker, Captain Whiting, master, on a voyage to Georgia. It was, however, the end of January before the vessel was fairly on its way, in consequence of contrary winds. They sailed from the Downs a few hours only before the vessel, which brought Wesley back, cast anchor there. He was attended on his passage by the Honorable James Habersham and his brother. They landed, after rather a circuitous and long passage, on the 7th of May, 1738. Delamotte, whom Wesley had left schoolmaster at Savannah, received him at the Parsonage house, which he found much better than he expected. Having met with some of his predecessor's converts there, he read prayers on the morrow, and expounded, in the Court-house, and waited on the magistrates; but, being taken ill of a fever and ague, he was confined to the house for a week.

Being informed that Tomo Chichi was sick, nigh unto death, as soon as he could venture abroad he made him a visit. The Mico lay on a blanket, thin and meagre. Scenawki, his wife, sat by, fanning him with feathers. There was none who could speak English, so that Mr. Whitefield could only shake hands with him and leave him. A few days after he went again, and finding Toonahowi there, who could speak English, "I desired him," says Whitefield, "to ask his uncle whether he thought he should die;" who answered, "I cannot tell." I then asked, where he thought he should go, after death? He replied "To heaven." But alas! a further questioning led the solemn visiter to an unfavorable opinion of his preparedness for such a state of purity.

When Whitefield had recovered so as to commence his labors, he remarked that every part bore the aspect of an infant colony; that, besides preaching twice a day, and four times on the Lord's day, he visited from house to house, and was in general cordially received, and always respectfully; "but from time to time found that caelum non animum mutant, qui trans mare currunt. 'Those who cross the seas, change their climate, but not their disposition.'" Though lowered in their circumstances, a sense of what they formerly were in their native country remained. It was plainly to be seen that coming over was not so much a matter of choice as of restraint; choosing rather to be poor in an unknown country abroad, than to live among those who knew them in more affluent circumstances at home.[1]

[Footnote 1: Gillies' Memoirs of Whitefield, p. 27.]

The state of the children affected him deeply. The idea of an Orphan-House in Georgia had been suggested to him by Charles Wesley, before he himself had any thought of going abroad; and now that he saw the condition of the Colonists, he said, "nothing but an orphan-house can effect the education of the children." From this moment he set his heart upon founding one, as soon as he could raise funds. In the meantime, he did what he could. He opened a school at Highgate and Hampstead, and one for girls at Savannah. He then visited the Saltzburgers' orphan-house at Ebenezer; and, if any thing was wanting to perfect his own design, or to inflame his zeal, he found it there. The Saltzburgers themselves were exiles for conscience' sake, and eminent for piety and industry. Their ministers, Gronau and Bolzius, were truly evangelical. Their asylum, which they had been enabled to found by English benevolence for widows and orphans, was flourishing. Whitefield was so delighted with the order and harmony of Ebenezer that he gave a share of his own "Poor's store" to Bolzius for his orphans. Then came the scene which completed his purpose. Bolzius called all the children before him, and catechized them, and exhorted them to give God thanks for his good providence towards them. Then prayed with them, and made them pray after him. Then sung a psalm. Afterwards, says Whitefield "the little lambs came and shook me by the hand, one by one, and so we parted." From this moment Whitefield made his purpose his fate.[1]

[Footnote 1: PHILLIPS' Life and Times of Whitefield, p. 73.]

As opportunity offered he visited Frederica, and the adjacent settlements; and says that he often admired that, considering the circumstances and disposition of the first settlers, so much was really done. He remarks that "the first settlers were chiefly broken and decayed tradesmen from London and other parts of England; and several Scotch adventurers, (Highlanders) who had a worthy minister named Macleod; a few Moravians, and the Saltzburgers, who were by far the most industrious of the whole;" and he adds, that he would cheerfully have remained with them, had he not felt obliged to return to England to receive priest's orders, and make a beginning towards laying a foundation of the orphan-house, which he saw was much wanted.

In August he settled a schoolmaster, leaving Mr. Habersham at Savannah; and, parting affectionately with his flock, he went to Charlestown, South Carolina, and, on the 9th of September, went aboard the Mary, Captain Coe, for England, where he arrived in the latter part of November, 1738.

The Trustees for the Colony received him cordially; were pleased to express their satisfaction at the accounts which had been sent them of his conduct and services during his stay in the Colony; and having been requested by letters sent, unknown to him, from the magistrates and inhabitants, they most willingly presented to him the living of Savannah, (though he insisted upon having no salary), and as readily granted him five hundred acres of land, whereon to erect an Orphan-House, and make a garden and plantations; to collect money for which, together with taking priest's orders, were the chief motives of his returning to England so soon[1].

[Footnote 1: GILLIES, p. 32.]

Without extending the account of this zealous, eloquent, and popular preacher any further, suffice it to say that he was greatly successful in the object of his visit, and his appeals to public charity in behalf of the Orphan-House; that he returned to Georgia, and on March 11th, 1742, laid the foundation of that edifice; and, both in America and in England, continued his measures for its establishment, till he saw it completed.



CHAPTER XI

Oglethorpe arrives in England—Trustees petition the King for military aid to the new Colony—A regiment granted—Oglethorpe appointed Commander in Chief of South Carolina and Georgia—Part of the regiment sent out—Oglethorpe embarks for Georgia the third time—Remainder of the regiment arrive—And two companies from Gibraltar—Prospect of war with Spain—Military preparations at St. Augustine—Oglethorpe makes arrangements for defence—Treason in the Camp—Mutiny, and personal assault on the General.

"At a meeting of the Trustees of Georgia, Wednesday, January 19th, 1737, Mr. Oglethorpe, newly returned hither, had the unanimous thanks of the board. He informed them that Savannah had greatly increased in building, and that three other towns had been founded within a year; namely, Augusta, Darien, and Frederica; that a new town, called Ebenezer, had been laid out for the Saltzburgers; and that there were several villages settled by gentlemen at their own expense. He gave them the pleasing intelligence that the remoter Creek nation acknowledged his Majesty's authority, and traded with the new settlers; and that the Spanish Governor-General and Council of War of Florida had signed a treaty with the Colony."[1] He added, however, that notwithstanding these seeming auspicious circumstances, the people on the frontiers were in constant apprehensions of an invasion, and that he had strong suspicions that the treaty would not be regarded; that the Spanish government at Cuba was wholly opposed to it; and that the indignant demand of the commissioner from Havana, and the threat which followed, implied an infraction, and would lead to consequences against which it was necessary to provide.

[Footnote 1: Extract from the Record of the Trustees, published in the Gentleman's Magazine, for 1737, Vol. XII. p. 59.]

Upon this communication some able remarks were made in the London Post. They were introduced by a statement of the benefits likely to accrue to the English nation from settling the colony of Georgia; and go on to mention that the colony was in the most thriving condition in consequence of royal patronage and parliamentary aid, seconded by the generosity of contributors, "whose laudable zeal will eternize their names in the British annals; and, carried into effect under the conduct of a gentleman, whose judgment, courage, and indefatigable diligence in the service of his country, have shewn him every way equal to so great and valuable a design. In the furtherance of this noble enterprise, that public spirited and magnanimous man has acted like a vigilant and faithful guardian, at the expense of his repose, and to the utmost hazard of his life. And now, the jealousy of the Spanish is excited, and we are told that that court has the modesty to demand from England that he shall not he any longer employed. If this be the fact, as there is no doubt it is, we have a most undeniable proof that the Spaniards dread the abilities of Mr. Oglethorpe. It is, of course, a glorious testimony to his merit, and a certificate of his patriotism, that ought to endear him to every honest Briton."[1]

[Footnote 1: Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. VII. p. 500. See, also, History of the British Provinces, 4to. p. 158.]

Reference is here made to the memorial of Don Thomas Geraldino, the Spanish ambassador at the British Court, in which, among other demands, he insisted that no troops should be sent over to Georgia, and particularly remonstrated against the return of Oglethorpe.

About the same time intelligence reached England that the Spaniards at St. Augustine had ordered the English merchants to depart, and were setting up barracks for troops that were daily expected; that an embarkation was preparing at Havana, in which two thousand five hundred soldiers were to be shipped in three large men-of-war, and eight transports; and that great quantities of provisions had been laid in for them. Upon this, and other hostile indications, of which the Trustees were apprised, they petitioned his Majesty that a regiment might be raised for the defence and protection of the Colony. This was granted. Oglethorpe was appointed General and Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty's forces in Carolina and Georgia; and commissioned to raise a regiment for the service and defence of those two Colonies, to consist of six companies of one hundred men each, exclusive of non-commissioned officers and drums; to which a company of grenadiers was afterwards added. "This regiment he raised in a very short time, as he disdained to make a market of the service of his country, by selling commissions, but got such officers appointed as were gentlemen of family and character in their respective counties; and, as he was sensible what an advantage it was to the troops of any nation to have in every company a certain number of such soldiers as had been bred up in the character of gentlemen, he engaged about twenty young gentlemen of no fortune, to serve as cadets in his regiment, all of whom he afterwards advanced by degrees to be officers, as vacancies happened; and was so far from taking any money for the favor, that to some of them, he gave, upon their advancement, what was necessary to pay the fees of their commissions, and to provide themselves for appearing as officers."[1]

[Footnote 1: London Magazine, for 1757, p. 546.]

"He carried with him, also," says a writer of that day, "forty supernumeraries, at his own expense; a circumstance very extraordinary in our armies, especially in our plantations."

With a view to create in the troops a personal interest in the Colony which they had enlisted to defend, and to induce them eventually to become actual settlers, every man was allowed to take with him a wife; for the support of whom some additional pay and rations, were offered.[1] In reference to this, Governor Belcher, of Massachusetts, in writing to Lord Egmont, respecting the settlement of Georgia, has these remarks; "Plantations labor with great difficulties; and must expect to creep before they can go. I see great numbers of people who would be welcome in that settlement; and have, therefore, the honor to think, with Mr. Oglethorpe, that the soldiers sent thither should all be married men[2]."

[Footnote 1: Gentleman's Magazine, Vol. VIII. p. 164.]

[Footnote 2: Manuscript Letter Book of Governor Belcher, in the archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society.]

Early in the spring of 1738, some part of the regiment, under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Cochran, embarked for Georgia, and arrived at Charlestown, South Carolina, on the 3d of May. They immediately proceeded to their destined rendezvous by land; as the General had taken care, on his former expedition, to have the rout surveyed, and a road laid out and made passable from Port Royal to Darien, or rather Frederica itself; and there were a sufficient number of boats provided for passing the rivers.

As soon as Oglethorpe obtained the proper stores of arms, ammunition, military equipments, and provisions, he embarked for Georgia, the third time, with six hundred men, women, and children, including the complement of the new raised regiment, on the 5th of July, in the Hector and Blandford, men-of-war; accompanied by five transports. They arrived at St. Simons on the 9th of September, where their landing at the soldier's fort, was announced by a discharge of artillery, and cheered by the garrison. The General encamped near the fort, and staid till the 21st, to forward the disembarkation, and give out necessary orders.[1]

[Footnote 1: Letter from Frederica, in Georgia, dated October 8th, 1738, in the Gentleman's Magazine, for January, 1739, p. 22.]

He then went to Frederica, and was saluted by fifteen pieces of cannon at the fort. The magistrates and townsmen waited on him in a body, to congratulate him on his return.

On the 25th the inhabitants of the town went out with the General, and cut a road through the woods down to the soldiers-fort, in a strait line; so that there is an open communication between them. This work was performed in three days, though it is a distance of three miles.

Several Indians came to greet the General. They hunted in the vicinity, and brought venison every day to the camp. They reported that the chiefs from every town of the Upper and Lower Creek nation would set out to visit him as soon as they received notice of his return.

The arrival of the regiment, so complete and in so good order, was a great relief to the people of Frederica, as they had been often, during the summer, apprehensive of an attack by the Spaniards, who had sent large reinforcements of troops to St. Augustine, and were understood to be providing a formidable embarkation at the Havana, notwithstanding the treaty which had been so lately concluded with Oglethorpe. Nay, the Floridians had actually attacked one of the Creek towns that was next to them; but, though the assault was made by surprise, they were repulsed with loss; and then they pretended that it was done by their Indians, without their orders.

Under circumstances of so much jeopardy, the people were so often diverted from their daily labor, that their culture and husbandry had been greatly neglected; and there was the appearance of such a scarcity, that many would be reduced to actual want before the next crop could be got in. But, in consequence of the measures now taking for their security, and of some supplies which were brought, in addition to the military stores, and of more that would be sent for, the anxiety was removed, and they resumed their labors.

"The utmost care was taken by the General, that in all the frontier places the fortifications should be put in the best state of defence; and he distributed the forces in the properest manner for the protection and defence of the Colony; assigning different corps for different services; some stationary at their respective forts; some on the alert, for ranging the woods; others, light-armed, for sudden expeditions. He likewise provided vessels, and boats for scouring the sea-coast, and for giving intelligence of the approach of any armed vessels. He went from one military station to another, superintending and actually assisting every operation; and endured hardness as a good soldier, by lying in tents, though all the officers and soldiers had houses and huts where they could have fires when they desired; and indeed they often had need, for the weather was severe. In all which services, it was declared that he gave at the same time his orders and his example; there being nothing which he did not, that he directed others to do; so that, if he was the first man in the Colony, his preeminence was founded upon old Homer's maxims, 'He was the most fatigued, the first in danger, distinguished by his cares and his labors, and not by any exterior marks of grandeur, more easily dispensed with, since they were certainly useless.'"[1]