These were the earliest colored regiments, so far as I know.



Appendix C General Saxton's Instructions

[The following are the instructions under which my regiment was raised. It will be seen how unequivocal were the provisions in respect to pay, upon which so long and weary a contest was waged by our friends in Congress, before the fulfilment of the contract could be secured.]

WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON CITY, D. C., August 25, 1862.

GENERAL, Your despatch of the 16th has this moment been received. It is considered by the Department that the instructions given at the time of your appointment were sufficient to enable you to do what you have now requested authority for doing. But in order to place your authority beyond all doubt, you are hereby authorized and instructed,

1st, To organize in any convenient organization, by squads, companies, battalions, regiments, and brigades, or otherwise, colored persons of African descent for volunteer laborers, to a number not exceeding fifty thousand, and muster them into the service of the United States for the term of the war, at a rate of compensation not exceeding five dollars per month for common laborers, and eight dollars per month for mechanical or skilled laborers, and assign them to the Quartermaster's Department, to do and perform such laborer's duty as may be required during the present war, and to be subject to the rules and articles of war.

2d. The laboring forces herein authorized shall, under the order of the General-in-Chief, or of this Department, be detailed by the Quartermaster-General for laboring service with the armies of the United States; and they shall be clothed and subsisted, after enrolment, in the same manner as other persons in the Quartermaster's service.

3d. In view of the small force under your command, and the inability of the Government at the present time to increase it, in order to guard the plantations and settlements occupied by the United States from invasion, and protect the inhabitants thereof from captivity and murder by the enemy, you are also authorized to arm, uniform, equip, and receive into the service of the United States, such number of volunteers of African descent as you may deem expedient, not exceeding five thousand, and may detail officers to instruct them in military drill, discipline, and duty, and to command them. The persons so received into service, and their officers, to be entitled to, and receive, the same pay and rations as are allowed, by law, to volunteers in the service.

4th. You will occupy, if possible, all the islands and plantations heretofore occupied by the Government, and secure and harvest the crops, and cultivate and improve the plantations.

5th. The population of African descent that cultivate the lands and perform the labor of the rebels constitute a large share of their military strength, and enable the white masters to fill the rebel armies, and wage a cruel and murderous war against the people of the Northern States. By reducing the laboring strength of the rebels, their military power will be reduced. You are therefore authorized by every means in your power, to withdraw from the enemy their laboring force and population, and to spare no effort, consistent with civilized warfare, to weaken, harass, and annoy them, and to establish the authority of the Government of the United States within your Department.

6th. You may turn over to the navy any number of colored volunteers that may be required for the naval service.

7th. By recent act of Congress, all men and boys received into the service of the United States, who may have been the slaves of rebel masters, are, with their wives, mothers, and children, declared to be forever free. You and all in your command will so treat and regard them.

Yours truly,

EDWIN M. STANTON,

Secretary of War. BRIGADIER-GENERAL SAXTON.



Appendix D The Struggle for Pay

The story of the attempt to cut down the pay of the colored troops is too long, too complicated, and too humiliating, to be here narrated. In the case of my regiment there stood on record the direct pledge of the War Department to General Saxton that their pay should be the same as that of whites. So clear was this that our kind paymaster, Major W. J. Wood, of New Jersey, took upon himself the responsibility of paying the price agreed upon, for five months, till he was compelled by express orders to reduce it from thirteen dollars per month to ten dollars, and from that to seven dollars,—the pay of quartermaster's men and day-laborers. At the same time the "stoppages" from the pay-rolls for the loss of all equipments and articles of clothing remained the same as for all other soldiers, so that it placed the men in the most painful and humiliating condition. Many of them had families to provide for, and between the actual distress, the sense of wrong, the taunts of those who had refused to enlist from the fear of being cheated, and the doubt how much farther the cheat might be carried, the poor fellows were goaded to the utmost. In the Third South Carolina regiment, Sergeant William Walker was shot, by order of court-marital, for leading his company to stack arms before their captain's tent, on the avowed ground that they were released from duty by the refusal of the Government to fulfill its share of the contract. The fear of such tragedies spread a cloud of solicitude over every camp of colored soldiers for more than a year, and the following series of letters will show through what wearisome labors the final triumph of justice was secured. In these labors the chief credit must be given to my admirable Adjutant, Lieutenant G. W. Dewhurst In the matter of bounty justice is not yet obtained; there is a discrimination against those colored soldiers who were slaves on April 19, 1861. Every officer, who through indolence or benevolent design claimed on his muster-rolls that all his men had been free on that day, secured for them the bounty; while every officer who, like myself, obeyed orders and told the truth in each case, saw his men and their families suffer for it, as I have done. A bill to abolish this distinction was introduced by Mr. Wilson at the last session, but failed to pass the House. It is hoped that next winter may remove this last vestige of the weary contest

To show how persistently and for how long a period these claims had to be urged on Congress, I reprint such of my own printed letters on the subject as are now in my possession. There are one or two of which I have no copies. It was especially in the Senate that it was so difficult to get justice done; and our thanks will always be especially due to Hon. Charles Sumner and Hon. Henry Wilson for their advocacy of our simple rights. The records of those sessions will show who advocated the fraud.

To the Editor of the New York Tribune:

SIR,—No one can overstate the intense anxiety with which the officers of colored regiments in this Department are awaiting action from Congress in regard to arrears of pay of their men.

It is not a matter of dollars and cents only; it is a question of common honesty,—whether the United States Government has sufficient integrity for the fulfillment of an explicit business contract.

The public seems to suppose that all required justice will be done by the passage of a bill equalizing the pay of all soldiers for the future. But, so far as my own regiment is concerned, this is but half the question. My men have been nearly sixteen months in the service, and for them the immediate issue is the question of arrears.

They understand the matter thoroughly, if the public do not Every one of them knows that he volunteered under an explicit written assurance from the War Department that he should have the pay of a white soldier. He knows that for five months the regiment received that pay, after which it was cut down from the promised thirteen dollars per month to ten dollars, for some reason to him inscrutable.

He does not know for I have not yet dared to tell the men—that the Paymaster has been already reproved by the Pay Department for fulfilling even in part the pledges of the War Department; that at the next payment the ten dollars are to be further reduced to seven; and that, to crown the whole, all the previous overpay is to be again deducted or "stopped" from the future wages, thus leaving them a little more than a dollar a month for six months to come, unless Congress interfere!

Yet so clear were the terms of the contract that Mr. Solicitor Whiting, having examined the original instructions from the War Department issued to Brigadier-General Saxton, Military Governor, admits to me (under date of December 4, 1863,) that "the faith of the Government was thereby pledged to every officer and soldier enlisted under that call."

He goes on to express the generous confidence that "the pledge will be honorably fulfilled." I observe that every one at the North seems to feel the same confidence, but that, meanwhile, the pledge is unfulfilled. Nothing is said in Congress about fulfilling it. I have not seen even a proposition in Congress to pay the colored soldiers, from date of enlistment, the same pay with white soldiers; and yet anything short of that is an unequivocal breach of contract, so far as this regiment is concerned.

Meanwhile, the land sales are beginning, and there is danger of every foot of land being sold from beneath my soldiers' feet, because they have not the petty sum which Government first promised, and then refused to pay.

The officers' pay comes promptly and fully enough, and this makes the position more embarrassing. For how are we to explain to the men the mystery that Government can afford us a hundred or two dollars a month, and yet must keep back six of the poor thirteen which it promised them? Does it not naturally suggest the most cruel suspicions in regard to us? And yet nothing but their childlike faith in their officers, and in that incarnate soul of honor, General Saxton, has sustained their faith, or kept them patient, thus far.

There is nothing mean or mercenary about these men in general. Convince them that the Government actually needs their money, and they would serve it barefooted and on half-rations, and without a dollar—for a time. But, unfortunately, they see white soldiers beside them, whom they know to be in no way their superiors for any military service, receiving hundreds of dollars for re-enlisting for this impoverished Government, which can only pay seven dollars out of thirteen to its black regiments. And they see, on the other hand, those colored men who refused to volunteer as soldiers, and who have found more honest paymasters than the United States Government, now exulting in well-filled pockets, and able to buy the little homesteads the soldiers need, and to turn the soldiers' families into the streets. Is this a school for self-sacrificing patriotism?

I should not speak thus urgently were it not becoming manifest that there is to be no promptness of action in Congress, even as regards the future pay of colored soldiers,—and that there is especial danger of the whole matter of arrears going by default Should it be so, it will be a repudiation more ungenerous than any which Jefferson Davis advocated or Sydney Smith denounced. It will sully with dishonor all the nobleness of this opening page of history, and fix upon the North a brand of meanness worse than either Southerner or Englishman has yet dared to impute. The mere delay in the fulfillment of this contract has already inflicted untold suffering, has impaired discipline, has relaxed loyalty, and has begun to implant a feeling of sullen distrust in the very regiments whose early career solved the problem of the nation, created a new army, and made peaceful emancipation possible.

T. W. HIGGINSON, Colonel commanding 1st S. C. Vols.

BEAUFORT, S. C., January 22, 1864.

HEADQUARTERS FIRST SOUTH CAROLINA VOLUNTEERS, BEAUFORT, S. C., Sunday, February 14, 1864.



To the Editor of the New York Times:

May I venture to call your attention to the great and cruel injustice which is impending over the brave men of this regiment?

They have been in military service for over a year, having volunteered, every man, without a cent of bounty, on the written pledge of the War Department that they should receive the same pay and rations with white soldiers.

This pledge is contained in the written instructions of Brigadier-General Saxton, Military Governor, dated August 25, 1862. Mr. Solicitor Whiting, having examined those instructions, admits to me that "the faith of the Government was thereby pledged to every officer and soldier under that call."

Surely, if this fact were understood, every man in the nation would see that the Government is degraded by using for a year the services of the brave soldiers, and then repudiating the contract under which they were enlisted. This is what will be done, should Mr. Wilson's bill, legalizing the back pay of the army, be defeated.

We presume too much on the supposed ignorance of these men. I have never yet found a man in my regiment so stupid as not to know when he was cheated. If fraud proceeds from Government itself, so much the worse, for this strikes at the foundation of all rectitude, all honor, all obligation.

Mr. Senator Fessenden said, in the debate on Mr. Wilson's bill, January 4, that the Government was not bound by the unauthorized promises of irresponsible recruiting officers. But is the Government itself an irresponsible recruiting officer? and if men have volunteered in good faith on the written assurances of the Secretary of War, is not Congress bound, in all decency, either to fulfill those pledges or to disband the regiments?

Mr. Senator Doolittle argued in the same debate that white soldiers should receive higher pay than black ones, because the families of the latter were often supported by Government What an astounding statement of fact is this! In the white regiment in which I was formerly an officer (the Massachusetts Fifty-First) nine tenths of the soldiers' families, in addition to the pay and bounties, drew regularly their "State aid." Among my black soldiers, with half-pay and no bounty, not a family receives any aid. Is there to be no limit, no end to the injustice we heap upon this unfortunate people? Cannot even the fact of their being in arms for the nation, liable to die any day in its defence, secure them ordinary justice? Is the nation so poor, and so utterly demoralized by its pauperism, that after it has had the lives of these men, it must turn round to filch six dollars of the monthly pay which the Secretary of War promised to their widows? It is even so, if the excuses of Mr. Fressenden and Mr. Doolittle are to be accepted by Congress and by the people.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

T, W. HIGGINSON, Colonel commanding 1st S. C. Volunteers.

NEW VICTORIES AND OLD WRONGS To the Editors of the Evening Post:

On the 2d of July, at James Island, S. C., a battery was taken by three regiments, under the following circumstances:

The regiments were the One Hundred and Third New York (white), the Thirty-Third United States (formerly First South Carolina Volunteers), and the Fifty-Fifth Massachusetts, the two last being colored. They marched at one A. M., by the flank, in the above order, hoping to surprise the battery. As usual the rebels were prepared for them, and opened upon them as they were deep in one of those almost impassable Southern marshes. The One Hundred and Third New York, which had previously been in twenty battles, was thrown into confusion; the Thirty-Third United States did better, being behind; the Fifty-Fifth Massachusetts being in the rear, did better still. All three formed in line, when Colonel Hartwell, commanding the brigade, gave the order to retreat. The officer commanding the Fifty-Fifth Massachusetts, either misunderstanding the order, or hearing it countermanded, ordered his regiment to charge. This order was at once repeated by Major Trowbridge, commanding the Thirty-Third United States, and by the commander of the One Hundred and Third New York, so that the three regiments reached the fort in reversed order. The color-bearers of the Thirty-Third United States and of the Fifty-Fifth Massachusetts had a race to be first in, the latter winning. The One Hundred and Third New York entered the battery immediately after.

These colored regiments are two of the five which were enlisted in South Carolina and Massachusetts, under the written pledge of the War Department that they should have the same pay and allowances as white soldiers. That pledge has been deliberately broken by the War Department, or by Congress, or by both, except as to the short period, since last New-Year's Day. Every one of those killed in this action from these two colored regiments under a fire before which the veterans of twenty battles recoiled died defrauded by the Government of nearly one half his petty pay.

Mr. Fessenden, who defeated in the Senate the bill for the fulfillment of the contract with these soldiers, is now Secretary of the Treasury. Was the economy of saving six dollars per man worth to the Treasury the ignominy of the repudiation?

Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, on his triumphal return to his constituents, used to them this language: "He had no doubt whatever as to the final result of the present contest between liberty and slavery. The only doubt he had was whether the nation had yet been satisfactorily chastised for their cruel oppression of a harmless and long-suffering race." Inasmuch as it was Mr. Stevens himself who induced the House of Representatives, most unexpectedly to all, to defeat the Senate bill for the fulfillment of the national contract with these soldiers, I should think he had excellent reasons for the doubt.

Very respectfully,

T. W. HIGGINSON, Colonel 1st S. C. Vols (now 33d U. S.) July 10, 1864.



To the Editor of the New York Tribune:

No one can possibly be so weary of reading of the wrongs done by Government toward the colored soldiers as am I of writing about them. This is my only excuse for intruding on your columns again.

By an order of the War Department, dated August 1, 1864, it is at length ruled that colored soldiers shall be paid the full pay of soldiers from date of enlistment, provided they were free on April 19, 1861,—not otherwise; and this distinction is to be noted on the pay-rolls. In other words, if one half of a company escaped from slavery on April 18, 1861, they are to be paid thirteen dollars per month and allowed three dollars and a half per month for clothing. If the other half were delayed two days, they receive seven dollars per month and are allowed three dollars per month for precisely the same articles of clothing. If one of the former class is made first sergeant, Us pay is put up to twenty-one dollars per month; but if he escaped two days later, his pay is still estimated at seven dollars.

It had not occurred to me that anything could make the payrolls of these regiments more complicated than at present, or the men more rationally discontented. I had not the ingenuity to imagine such an order. Yet it is no doubt in accordance with the spirit, if not with the letter, of the final bill which was adopted by Congress under the lead of Mr. Thaddeus Stevens.

The ground taken by Mr. Stevens apparently was that the country might honorably save a few dollars by docking the promised pay of those colored soldiers whom the war had made free. But the Government should have thought of this before it made the contract with these men and received their services. When the War Department instructed Brigadier-General Saxton, August 25, 1862, to raise five regiments of negroes in South Carolina, it was known very well that the men so enlisted had only recently gained their freedom. But the instructions said: "The persons so received into service, and their officers, to be entitled to and receive the same pay and rations as are allowed by law to volunteers in the service." Of this passage Mr. Solicitor Whiting wrote to me: "I have no hesitation in saying that the faith of the Government was thereby pledged to every officer and soldier enlisted under that call." Where is that faith of the Government now?

The men who enlisted under the pledge were volunteers, every one; they did not get their freedom by enlisting; they had it already. They enlisted to serve the Government, trusting in its honor. Now the nation turns upon them and says: Your part of the contract is fulfilled; we have had your services. If you can show that you had previously been free for a certain length of time, we will fulfil the other side of the contract. If not, we repudiate it Help yourselves, if you can.

In other words, a freedman (since April 19, 1861) has no rights which a white man is bound to respect. He is incapable of making a contract No man is bound by a contract made with him. Any employer, following the example of the United States Government, may make with him a written agreement receive his services, and then withhold the wages. He has no motive to honest industry, or to honesty of any kind. He is virtually a slave, and nothing else, to the end of time.

Under this order, the greater part of the Massachusetts colored regiments will get their pay at last and be able to take their wives and children out of the almshouses, to which, as Governor Andrew informs us, the gracious charity of the nation has consigned so many. For so much I am grateful. But toward my regiment, which had been in service and under fire, months before a Northern colored soldier was recruited, the policy of repudiation has at last been officially adopted. There is no alternative for the officers of South Carolina regiments but to wait for another session of Congress, and meanwhile, if necessary, act as executioners for those soldiers who, like Sergeant Walker, refuse to fulfil their share of a contract where the Government has openly repudiated the other share. If a year's discussion, however, has at length secured the arrears of pay for the Northern colored regiments, possibly two years may secure it for the Southern.

T. W. HIGGINSON, Colonel 1st S. C. Vols. (now 33d V. S.)

August 12, 1864.



To the Editor of the New York Tribune:

SIR,—An impression seems to prevail in the newspapers that the lately published "opinion" of Attorney-General Bates (dated in July last) at length secures justice to the colored soldiers in respect to arrears of pay. This impression is a mistake.

That "opinion" does indeed show that there never was any excuse for refusing them justice; but it does not, of itself, secure justice to them.

It logically covers the whole ground, and was doubtless intended to do so; but technically it can only apply to those soldiers who were free at the commencement of the war. For it was only about these that the Attorney-General was officially consulted.

Under this decision the Northern colored regiments have already got their arrears of pay,—and those few members of the Southern regiments who were free on April 19, 1861. But in the South Carolina regiments this only increases the dissatisfaction among the remainder, who volunteered under the same pledge of full pay from the War Department, and who do not see how the question of their status at some antecedent period can affect an express contract If, in 1862, they were free enough to make a bargain with, they were certainly free enough to claim its fulfilment.

The unfortunate decision of Mr. Solicitor Whiting, under which all our troubles arose, is indeed superseded by the reasoning of the Attorney-General. But unhappily that does not remedy the evil, which is already embodied in an Act of Congress, making the distinction between those who were and those who were not free on April 19, 1861.

The question is, whether those who were not free at the breaking out of the war are still to be defrauded, after the Attorney-General has shown that there is no excuse for defrauding them?

I call it defrauding, because it is not a question of abstract justice, but of the fulfilment of an express contract

I have never met with a man, whatever might be his opinions as to the enlistment of colored soldiers, who did not admit that if they had volunteered under the direct pledge of full pay from the War Department, they were entitled to every cent of it. That these South Carolina regiments had such direct pledge is undoubted, for it still exists in writing, signed by the Secretary of War, and has never been disputed.

It is therefore the plain duty of Congress to repeal the law which discriminates between different classes of colored soldiers, or at least so to modify it as to secure the fulfilment of actual contracts. Until this is done the nation is still disgraced. The few thousand dollars in question are nothing compared with the absolute wrong done and the discredit it has brought, both here and in Europe, upon the national name.

T. W. HIGGINSON,

Late Col. 1st S. C. Vols. (now 33d U. S. C. T.) NEWPORT, R. I, December 8, 1864.



PETITION

"To the Honorable Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled:

"The undersigned respectfully petitions for the repeal of so much of Section IV. of the Act of Congress making appropriations for the army and approved July 4, 1864, as makes a distinction, in respect to pay due, between those colored soldiers who were free on or before April 19, 1861, and those who were not free until a later date;

"Or at least that there may be such legislation as to secure the fulfillment of pledges of full pay from date of enlistment, made by direct authority of the War Department to the colored soldiers of South Carolina, on the faith of which pledges they enlisted.

"THOMAS WENTWORTH HIGGINSON, Late Colonel 1st S. C. Vols. (now 33d U. S. C. Vols.)

"NEWPORT, R. L, December 9, 1864."



Appendix E Farewell Address of Lt. Col. Trowbridge

HEADQUARTERS 33d UNITED STATES COLORED TROOPS, LATE 1ST SOUTH CAROLINA VOLUNTEERS,

MORRIS ISLAND, S. C.,

February 9, 1866. GENERAL ORDERS, No. 1.

COMRADES,—The hour is at hand when we must separate forever, and nothing can ever take from us the pride we feel, when we look back upon the history of the First South Carolina Volunteers,—the first black regiment that ever bore arms in defence of freedom on the continent of America.

On the ninth day of May, 1862, at which time there were nearly four millions of your race in a bondage sanctioned by the laws of the land, and protected by our flag,—on that day, in the face of floods of prejudice, that wellnigh deluged every avenue to manhood and true liberty, you came forth to do battle for your country and your kindred. For long and weary months without pay, or even the privilege of being recognized as soldiers, you labored on, only to be disbanded and sent to your homes, without even a hope of reward. And when our country, necessitated by the deadly struggle with armed traitors, finally granted you the opportunity again to come forth in defence of the nation's life, the alacrity with which you responded to the call gave abundant evidence of your readiness to strike a manly blow for the liberty of your race. And from that little band of hopeful, trusting, and brave men, who gathered at Camp Saxton, on Port Royal Island, in the fall of 1862, amidst the terrible prejudices that then surrounded us, has grown an army of a hundred and forty thousand black soldiers, whose valor and heroism has won for your race a name which will live as long as the undying pages of history shall endure; and by whose efforts, united with those of the white man, armed rebellion has been conquered, the millions of bondmen have been emancipated, and the fundamental law of the land has been so altered as to remove forever the possibility of human slavery being re-established within the borders of redeemed America. The flag of our fathers, restored to its rightful significance, now floats over every foot of our territory, from Maine to California, and beholds only freemen! The prejudices which formerly existed against you are wellnigh rooted out

Soldiers, you have done your duty, and acquitted yourselves like men, who, actuated by such ennobling motives, could not fail; and as the result of your fidelity and obedience, you have won your freedom. And O, how great the reward!

It seems fitting to me that the last hours of our existence as a regiment should be passed amidst the unmarked graves of your comrades,—at Fort Wagner. Near you rest the bones of Colonel Shaw, buried by an enemy's hand, in the same grave with his black soldiers, who fell at his side; where, in future, your children's children will come on pilgrimages to do homage to the ashes of those that fell in this glorious struggle.

The flag which was presented to us by the Rev. George B. Cheever and his congregation, of New York City, on the first of January, 1863,—the day when Lincoln's immortal proclamation of freedom was given to the world,—and which you have borne so nobly through the war, is now to be rolled up forever, and deposited in our nation's capital. And while there it shall rest, with the battles in which you have participated inscribed upon its folds, it will be a source of pride to us all to remember that it has never been disgraced by a cowardly faltering in the hour of danger or polluted by a traitor's touch.

Now that you are to lay aside your arms, and return to the peaceful avocations of life, I adjure you, by the associations and history of the past, and the love you bear for your liberties, to harbor no feelings of hatred toward your former masters, but to seek in the paths of honesty, virtue, sobriety, and industry, and by a willing obedience to the laws of the land, to grow up to the full stature of American citizens. The church, the school-house, and the right forever to be free are now secured to you, and every prospect before you is full of hope and encouragement. The nation guarantees to you full protection and justice, and will require from you in return the respect for the laws and orderly deportment which will prove to every one your right to all the privileges of freemen.

To the officers of the regiment I would say, your toils are ended, your mission is fulfilled, and we separate forever. The fidelity, patience, and patriotism with which you have discharged your duties, to your men and to your country, entitle you to a far higher tribute than any words of thankfulness which I can give you from the bottom of my heart You will find your reward in the proud conviction that the cause for which you have battled so nobly has been crowned with abundant success.

Officers and soldiers of the Thirty-Third United States Colored Troops, once the First South Carolina Volunteers, I bid you all farewell!

By order of Lt.-Col. C. T. TROWBRIDGE, commanding Regiment

E. W. HYDE, Lieutenant and Acting Adjutant.



INDEX

[page numbers have been retained for the W. W. Norton paperback reprint to show relative location in file.]

Index

Aiken, William, GOT., 166

Aiken, South Carolina, 249

Allston, Adam, Corp., 103

Andrew, J. A., Gov., 29, 215, 216, sends Emancipation Proclamation to Higginson, 85

Bates, Edward, 275

Battle of the Hundred Pines, 95, 104

Beach, H. A., Lt, 257, 258

Beaufort, South Carolina, 33, 34, 38, 106, 142, 215 Higginson visits, 64 Negro troops march through, 74 picket station near, 134 residents visit camp, 147 Negro troops patrol, 219

Beauregard, P. G.T., Gen., 45, 73

Beecher, H. R., Rev., 241

Bell, Louis, Col., 225

Bennett, W. T., Gen., 249, 255

Bezzard, James, 95

Bigelow, L. F., Lt, 28

Billings, L., Lt.-Col., 255

Bingham, J. M., Lt, 170, 257

Brannan, J. M, Gen., 107

Brisbane, W. H., 60

Bronson, William, Sgt, 260

Brown, A. B., Lt, 258

Brown, John, 29, 45, 61, 76

Brown, John (Negro), 262

Brown, York, 262 Bryant, J. E., Capt, 220

Budd, Lt, 83

Burnside, A. E., Gen., 54, 55

Butler, B. F., Gen., 27

Calhoun, J. C., Capt., 150 Camplife, 30 evening activities, 36-39, 44-49 Casualties, 89

Chamberlin, G. B., Lt., 177, 257 Chamberlin, Mrs., 229

Charleston, South Carolina, attacked, 137, 143, 150 Negro troops in, 249 Charleston and Savannah Railway, 163

Cheever, G. B., Rev., 278

Child, A. Lt, 258

Christmas, 55, 56

Clark, Capt, 84, 89, 102

Clifton, Capt, 100, 101

Clinton, J. B., Lt, 165

Colors, Stands of, 56, 60

Confederates, 35 use spies, 91, 93 attack Negro troops, 86-87, 100-102 threaten to burn Jacksonville, 110 civilians fear Negro troops, 116 retreat, 126-127,142

Connecticut Regiment, Sixth, 122, 124, 126 Seventh, 93

Corwin, B. R., MaJ., 120, 126

Crandall, W. B., Surg., 255

Crum, Simon, Corp., 249

Cushman, James, 241

Danilson, W. H., Maj., 93, 256,

Davis, C. I., Lt., 257

Davis., R. M., Lt., 259

Davis, W. W. H., Gen., 164

Department of the South, 15, 80 quiet, 106 colored troops in, 137

Desertions, 62

Dewhurst, G. W., Adjt, 256

Dewhurst, Mrs., 229

Discipline, need for, 29 Negroes accept, 39

Dolly, George, Capt., 172, 256

Doolittle, J. R., 271

Drill, of Negroes, 46, 51, 245 whites, 64-65

Drinking, absence of, 58

Duncan, Lt. Com., 109, 111

Dupont, S. F., Admiral, 15, 82, 91, 99, 108, 137

Dutch, Capt., 166

Edisto expedition, 163-176, 214

Education, desire for, 48

Emancipation Proclamation, 65 read, 60 sent to Higginson, 85

Fernandina, Florida, 84, 91, 104

Fessenden, W. P., 271, 272

Finnegan, Gen., 115

Fisher, J., Lt., 257

Florida, 221 men under Higginson, 35 slaves know about Lincoln, 46 refugees from, 49 Foraging, 99, 104, 117, 120 restraint in, 96-97 in Florida, 221

Fowler, J. H., Chap., 59, 119, 221,

Fremont, J. C., Gen., 46, 61

French, J., Rev., 60, 123

Furman, J. T., Lt, 258

Gage, F. D., Mrs., 61

Garrison, W. L., 236

Gaston, William, Lt., 257

Gilmore, Q. A., Gen., 176, 224, 226, 228 writes on Charleston, 163 approves Edisto expedition, 164

Goldsborough, Commodore, 231,

Goodell, J. B., Lt., 28

Goodrich, F. S., Lt., 258, 259

Gould, E. Corp., 261

Gould, F. M., Lt, 258

Greeley, Horace, 164

Greene, Sgt, 125

Hallett, Capt, 80, 81, 261

Hallowell, E. N., Gen., 216, 230,

Hamburg, South Carolina, 249

Hartwell, A. S., Gen., 272

Hawks, J. M., Surg., 256

Hawley, J. R., Gen., 93,102,114

Hayne, H. E., Sgt., 249

Hazard, Miles, 262

Heasley, A, Capt., 220, 256

Heron, Charles, 126

Hilton Head, 32 Higginson visits, 106 troops on duty at, 214

Hinton, R. J., Col., 264

Holden, Lt, 126

Hooper, C. W., Capt., 154, 226, 256, 257, 258

Hospital, camp, 56, 63

Howard University, 250

Hughes, Lt. Com., 91, 93, 94

Hunter, David., Gen.-28, 35, 40, 62, 80, 124, 130, 131, 138, 164, 260, 261, 263 takes Negro sgt to N.Y., 73 visits camp, 76 speaks to Negro troops, 76 Higginson confers with, 106 orders evacuation of Jacksonville, 107 attacks Charleston, 137 goes North, 150

Hyde, E. W., Lt, 258, 259, 279

Hyde, W. H., Lt, 89, 257

Jackson, A. W., Capt, 87, 89, 256, 257, 258

Jacksonville, Florida Confederates threaten to burn, 110 Higginson's men reach, 112-113 description of, 114-115 order to evacuate, 130 attempts to bum, 130-131

James, William, Capt., 96,165,256

Jekyll Island, 83

Johnston, J. F., Lt, 257

Jones, Lt., 89

Kansas, 29, 43, 64

Kemble, Fanny, 82, 261

Kennon, Clarence, Cpl., 262

King, T. B., 82

Lambkin, Prince, Cpl., 45, 116

Leslie's Illustrated Weekly, 56

Lincoln, Abraham, 46, 238

London Spectator, 76

Long, Thomas, CpL, 240

Mclntyre, H., Sgt., 85, 86, 239

Maine, 43

Maine Regiment, Eighth, 75, 123, 124, 126

Manning, B. H., Lt, 259

Maroons, 235, 237

Massachusetts Regiment, First, 139 Fifty-Fourth, 27, 215, 232

Meeker, L., Maj., 122, 126

Merriam, E. C., Capt, 256, 257

Metcalf, L. W., Capt, 85, 87, 96, 220, 256

Miller family, 234

Minor, T. T, Surg., 87, 256

Mitchell, O. M., Gen., 263

Montgomery, James, Col., 114, 120, 130, 264 enters Jacksonville, 112 river raid led by, 120, 129, 164

Moses, Acting Master, 83

Mulattoes, 33, 42, 234 pass for white, 49-50

Music, troops play, 47, 187-213

Negro soldiers visited, 30 work at night, 38-39 as sentinels, 42, 66-69 honor and fidelity, 66 march to Beaufort, 74-75 conduct under fire, 86-87, 100-101, 128-129 treatment of whites by, 116 on picket duty, 133 on raid up Edisto, 167-176 appraisal of, 231-247 from North and South compared,

Negro spirituals, 187-213

Negroes, traits of, 66, 69-71 physical condition of, 72, 246 set free by Higginson's men, 166-169

New Hampshire Regiment, Fourth, 139, 225

New Year's celebration, 55, 56, 57-61

New York, 34 Officers, white, 51

O'Neil, J. B., Lt., 257

Osborne, Lt., 220

Parker, C. E., Lt., 257

Parker, N. B., Capt., 256, 257, 258

Parsons, William, 89

Phillips, Wendell, 118, 236

Pomeroy, J., Lt, 257

Port Royal, 82, 83, 124 capture of, 164 as winter camp, 177 new camp at, 215 objective of Sherman, 247

Ramsay, Allan, 209

Randolph, W. J., Capt, 120, 256

Rebels. See Confederates Religious activities, 47, 48, 240-241

Rivers, Prince, Sgt., 61,75,245,249 qualities of, 73, 78 plants colors, 99

Robbins, E. W., Capt, 256, 257,

Roberts, Samuel, 231

Rogers, J. S., Capt, 103, 173, 250, 256

Rogers, Seth, Surg., 89, 103, 255

Rust, J. D., Col., 124, 125,126,131

Sammis, Col., 49

St. Simon's Island, 83, 84

Sampson, W. W., Capt, 170, 256,

Savannah, Georgia, 115, 249

Saxton, M. W., Lt., 258

Saxton, Rufus, Gen., 29, 55, 58, 59, 61,70,76,80,88,102,108, 143, 164, 216, 224, 225, 229, 232, 235, 261, 263, 267, 269, 270, 273 offers command to Higginson, 78 Higginson reports to, 33 issues proclamation, 34 receives recruits, 40 speaks on New Year's program, Negroes idolize, 66 speaks to troops, 76 initiates plans for Shaw monument, 217 Christmas party, 219

Searles, J. M., Lt., 259

Sears, Capt., 94

Selvage, J. M., Lt, 258

Serrell, E. W., Col., 260

Seward, W. H., 238

Seymour, T., Gen., 132, 228

Shaw, R. G., Col., 170, 264, 278 camp named for, 215 Higginson meets, 216 killed, 217

Sherman, W. T., Gen., 170, 247

Showalter, Lt.-Col, 128

"Siege of Charleston," 163

Simmons, London, Cpl., 245

Slavery, effect of, 38, 244

Smalls, Robert, Capt, 33, 80

Songs, Negro, 136, 187-213

South Carolina, 29 men under Higginson, 35, 40 man reads Emancipation Proclamation, 59-60

South Carolina Volunteers, First, 27, 237 order to Florida countermanded, 225 becomes Thirty-third U.S. Colored Troops, 248 South Carolina Volunteers, Second, 27, 126, 264

Sprague, A. B. R., Col., 28

Stafford, Col., 264

Stanton, E. M., 266

Steedman, Capt, 130

Stevens, Capt, 83

Stevens, Thaddeus, 272, 273

Stickney, Judge, 61, 106, 114

Stockdale, W, Lt, 257

Stone, H. A., Lt, 257

Strong, J. D., Lt.-Col., 80, 121, 126, 172, 174, 175, 255

Stuard, E. S., Surg., 256

Sumner, Charles, 268

Sunderland, Col., 113

Sutton, Robert, Sgt, 61, 88, 94, 95, 188 character of, 78-79 leads men, 85-86 wounded, 90 exhibits slave jail, 97-98 court-martialed, 104

Thibadeau, J. H., Capt, 257

Thompson, J. M., Capt, 256, 257

Tirrell, A. H., Lt, 258

Tobacco, use of, 58

Tonking, J. H., Capt, 256

Trowbridge, C. T., Lt-Col., 164, 167, 169, 175, 226, 231, 235, 243, 245, 249, 255, 256, 260, 262, 263, 272, 277-279 commands "Planter," 80,103 and men construct Ft Montgomery, 121 on river raid, 165

Trowbridge, J. A., Lt, 257, 258

Tubman, Harriet 37 Twichell, J. F., Lt-CoL, 123, 126 Virginia

Vendross, Robert, Cpl., 249

Walker, G. D., Capt, 257

Walker, William, Sgt., 267, 274

War Department, 40, 93

Washington, William, 44

Watson, Lt., 109

Webster, Daniel, 27

Weld, S. M., 216

West, H. C., Lt, 258

West, J. B., Lt, 257, 258

White, E. P., Lt, 257

White, N. S, Capt, 256, 258, 259

Whiting, William, 269, 270, 274, 275

Whitney, H. A., Maj, 170, 220, 255, 256

Wiggins, Cyrus, 250

Williams, Harry, Sgt., 220

Williams, Col., 264

Wilson, Henry, 268, 271

Wilson family, 233

Wood, H., Lt, 258, 25?

Wood, W. J., Maj., 267

Woodstock, Georgia, 95

Wright, Gen., 107, 112

Wright, Fanny, 234

Yellow Fever, fear of, 74

Zachos, Dr., 41

THE END