It is, however, the sacrifice of a bird, probably a turkey, by decapitating, that is especially interesting, as the operation as shown in the Dresden Codex 25c (Pl. 26, fig. 2), 26c, 27c, 28c, in the rites of the four years, is described in full by Landa. In the codex, a priest is represented as holding in his hand before an altar, a headless bird. Landa (1864, pp. 212, 218, 224, 228)[327-[+]] tells us that in the Kan, the Muluc, the Ix, and the Cauac years, the priests burnt incense to the idol, decapitated a "gallina" (undoubtedly a turkey), and presented it to the god.

The turkey is also used as a head-dress. Only in one case, however, Tro-Cortesianus 95c (Pl. 16, fig. 5), is the whole bird represented in this connection. This is clearly of totemic significance here, as it occurs in that part of the codex where birth and infant baptism are shown. In many other places there are curious partial representations of bird heads in the front of head-dresses which may or may not be identified as heads of turkeys. Among these are the head-dress of god H in Dresden 7c, of god E in Dresden 11e, of god C in Dresden 13b, of god A in Dresden 23c, and a female divinity in Dresden 20a (Pl. 16, fig. 13). Schellhas (1904, p. 43) identifies these birds as vultures.

That the turkey is connected with the rain seems clear. This is especially the case among the Nahuas. In the Aubin manuscript the rain god, Tlaloc, often appears in the disguise of the turkey-cock (uexolotl), and in the Vaticanus 3773, 14, the turkey (Pl. 16, fig. 7) is represented in the "House of Rain," in contrast to the owl shown in the "House of Drought" (Seler, 1902-1903, p. 75). It might be noted also that Fewkes (1892, p. 228) shows that the turkey is emblematic of the rain among the pueblo peoples. The same idea seems to be present among the Mayas, as we note in the Tro-Cortesianus 10b (Pl. 16, fig. 2) the turkey is pictured in the rain and surrounded on three sides by bands of constellation signs.

Two methods of capturing the turkey are shown in the Tro-Cortesianus 93a and 91a (Pl. 16, figs. 1, 3). By the first, the bird is captured alive in a sort of wicker basket, which drops over it at the proper moment. The second method is by the "twich-up" or snare, which consists of a noose tied to a bent sapling and properly baited. In connection with Pl. 16, fig. 1, it may be suggested that possibly this represents a cage rather than a trap, in which the bird is confined. The Lacandones at the present time often keep their totem animals in captivity (Tozzer, 1907, p. 40).

KING VULTURE (Sarcorhamphus papa). Numerous figures of vultures appear in the codices and elsewhere. Indeed, they are among the most common of the birds depicted. Two species only seem to occur in the writings, the king vulture and the black vulture. The former is a large black and white bird with the head and the upper part of the neck unfeathered, except for numerous short, almost bristle-like plumules. These naked portions are often colored red and there is a large more or less squarish fleshy knob at the base of the upper ramus of the beak. This conspicuous protuberance has been seized upon as a characteristic in the conventionalized figures, and serves to identify the king from the black vulture. In addition, a series of concentric circles about the eye seems to be a rather constant mark of the king vulture, though they are also sometimes found in connection with figures which, from the absence of the rostral knob, must represent black vultures (Pl. 18, figs. 18, 27; Pl. 19, figs. 7, 10, 11). In the case of the bird shown in Pl. 19, fig. 1, the knob is hardly apparent, and the same is true of Pl. 19, fig. 13. Both these may represent king vultures. A remarkable figure is that shown in Pl. 17, fig. 4, in which an ocellated turkey and a king vulture confront each other with necks intertwined. The short hair-like black feathers of the head are represented in this as well as in Pl. 17, fig. 11, and in the glyph carved in stone (Pl. 17, fig. 10), which from the presence of the knob is probably a king vulture. The characteristic knob is shown in a variety of ways. Thus, in Pl. 17, fig. 1, it is greatly developed and resembles a large horn with a falcate tip. In Pl. 17, fig. 4, it is sharply angular and nearly square. Frequently, it is a circle with a centered ring surmounted by one or two additional rings or terminated by a mitre-shaped structure (Pl. 17, figs. 2, 5-7, 8-12). A very simple form was found in the carving shown in Pl. 17, fig. 13, where a long projecting knob is seen at the base of the culmen.

The king vulture seems to have a part to play as a mythological being, as it is pictured as a god with human body and bird head in the act of cohabiting with a woman in Dresden 19a, and with a dog in Dresden 13c (Pl. 17, fig. 3). Moreover, the same vulture god is represented on a blue background and under a band of constellation signs in Dresden 38b, and is also to be noted in Dresden 8a. Foerstemann (1906, p. 66) shows that the thirteenth day of the Maya month is reached in the tonalamatl reckoning at this place. This day is Cib, which corresponds to the Nahua day Cozcaquauhtli, which has the meaning vulture, and here, as previously noted, the vulture god is represented. In Tro-Cortesianus 22c (Pl. 17, fig. 2) and 10a,[330-*] the king vulture appears alone, in the first instance with a blue background, and in the second with a background representing rain. Rain is also shown in connection with the vulture god in Dresden 38b, and the black vulture in Tro-Cortesianus 18b (Pl. 19, fig. 13).

The king vulture is found employed as a head-dress twice out of the three times it appears in any connection with female figures, Tro-Cortesianus 26c (Pl. 17, fig. 12) with male figure, and 94c (Pl. 17, fig. 11) and 95c with female figures. The last two clearly have to do with the baptism and naming of infants, as previously explained.

The study of the glyph used to indicate the vulture is interesting, for we find it recurring again and again throughout the Maya codices and often when there is no other drawing of the animal, as in Dresden 39c (Pl. 17, fig. 5; Pl. 18, fig. 19). The first example (glyph 6) is clearly the head of the king vulture, whereas the second (glyph 3) is probably the head of the black vulture. The glyph in Dresden 38b (Pl. 17, fig. 7) appears in connection with the vulture god directly below it. In Dresden 11b (Pl. 18, fig. 1), it occurs alone and no figure appears in the usual place below. The Tun period glyph (Pl. 17, fig. 10) frequently shows vulture characteristics especially in the nostril of the face. The teeth, however, often appearing in the Tun glyph would be against this theory. The blending of bird and mammal characteristics is not uncommon in the Maya drawings, however.

The Nahua day sign, Cozcaquauhtli, as previously noted, has the meaning vulture, and we naturally find this bird frequently represented in the Mexican codices. In the Nuttall Codex, the head of the king vulture occurs repeatedly as a glyph for this day. In its less modified forms (Pl. 18, figs. 2-4), the beak is merely a pair of flattened rami, surmounted proximally by the conspicuous quadrangular knob. The minute hair-like feathers on the otherwise naked head are shown as a fringe at the throat and crown, while a conventionalized ear is represented posteriorly. A series of interesting figures (Pl. 18, figs. 5-10) illustrates steps in the further reduction of this head to a small glyph in which only the beak with its large squarish knob remains (Pl. 18, fig. 10).

BLACK VULTURE (Catharista urubu). It is difficult to assign any single characteristic to the figures representing the black vulture (Maya, t[vs.]om) other than the long raptorial beak. A number of drawings probably depict black vultures, though this cannot be certainly affirmed. Such are those shown in Pl. 18, figs. 11, 12, 14, 17; Pl. 19, figs. 2-4, 13, 14. Stempell considers the vulture shown in Pl. 18, fig. 13, to be a king vulture, but it has no knob on the beak, and thus is quite likely the black vulture. The fact that its head is shaped much like that of the god with the king vulture head (Pl. 17, fig. 3) would indicate merely the individuality of the artist. The coloring of the species under discussion is uniformly black in the Dresden and Tro-Cortesianus, except in certain cases where the birds are shown in outline only, as in Pl. 19, fig. 12. It is not certain, however, that these two last are black vultures, though they suggest the species. The two birds shown in Pl. 19, figs. 5, 6, are almost surely black vultures, and, as represented in the manuscript, are descending upon a man. Stempell thinks they may be ravens, but this is very doubtful, for the raven probably was unknown to the Mayas, since its range is to the northward. What appears to be a crest is seen on the head of the bird in Pl. 19, fig. 4. The black coloring and the shape of the bill otherwise suggest the black vulture, though perhaps the crest would indicate the harpy eagle. Similarly, Pl. 19, fig. 14, is provided with a sort of tuft or crest, but its general appearance is suggestive of the vulture. A pottery whistle (text fig. 2) from the Uloa Valley evidently represents a black vulture. The head of the bird shows the characteristic wrinkled appearance seen in the drawings, with the heavy beak. The absence of the rostral knob would preclude its being a king vulture.



It is natural that this bird should find an important place in the Maya writing, as it is an abundant species in the region considered, and of great importance as a scavenger. The black vulture seems to lack the mythological character associated with the king vulture. It appears usually in connection with death and in the role of a bird of prey. This is especially true in the Tro-Cortesianus where in 24d, 26d (Pl. 19, figs. 5, 6) and 28c, it is attacking a human being, in the first and last cases represented as dead. In 86a and 87a, the bird is shown plucking out the eye of a man. In Dresden 3a (Pl. 19, fig. 7), it appears at the top of the tree above the human sacrifice and seems to be in the act of consuming the victim. In Tro-Cortesianus 91c, it also appears in a tree. In Tro-Cortesianus 40a (Pl. 17, fig. 9), and 42a (Pl. 19, fig. 1), it is shown as eating the entrails of a deer. In the first case, the bird looks like a king vulture, although this is the only instance where this species is shown as a bird of prey. In Tro-Cortesianus 28b and 36b (Pl. 18, fig. 17), the black vulture appears eating the Kan sign. In the first example, the Kan represents the newly sowed corn, in the second, the Kan is held by god F. Landa (1864, p. 230)[333-*] records that in the Cauac year there was a ceremony to prevent the ants and the birds devouring the corn. In Dresden 34b and 35b, the vulture is shown on top of the head-dress of god F, evidently the enemy of the harvest and, again, on 35b (Pl. 19, fig. 4) on top of the Cauac sign. Its role as a bird of prey is further shown in Dresden 36b (Pl. 19, fig. 11), where it is shown attacking a serpent.

This vulture is associated with god B in Dresden 69b, with god M in Tro-Cortesianus 70a (Pl. 18, fig. 12), and with god D in Tro-Cortesianus 67a (Pl. 17, fig. 1). The last may be the king rather than the black vulture, as suggested above. The black vulture occurs only once as the usual head-dress, in Dresden 17b (Pl. 18, fig. 13), and here in connection with a female figure and the idea of birth. Two birds, probably vultures, appear over the enclosure around the head of god C in Tro-Cortesianus 100b (Pl. 19, fig. 12). In the Lower Chamber of the Temple of the Tigers occurs a black vulture in bas-relief with a necklace represented (Pl. 19, fig. 14).

The glyph of the king vulture has already been discussed. There are other glyphs which seem to show the black vulture, although it is quite possible that no sharp distinction was made between the two in regard to the glyphs at least. In one case (Pl. 18, fig. 18), the wrinkled skin of the head and neck is indicated much as in the case of the king vulture. A few other glyphs are shown (Pl. 18, figs. 16, 19, 22, 27), as well as a variety from the Nuttall Codex in which the minute hair-like feathers of the head are variously represented, usually much exaggerated as a sort of crest or comb. Pl. 18, fig. 22, is interesting as being the only case in the Maya codices where the whole figure is shown in the glyph. As noted in the case of the glyphs of the king vulture, the greater number of these occur quite alone. They seem to indicate that a full drawing of the bird is meant to be understood as occurring below.

Several of the carved glyphs (Pl. 19, figs. 8-10) show the black vulture heads in some detail with the conspicuously open nostril and hooked beak. A carving of the entire bird may be shown on Stela D from Copan (Pl. 28, fig. 5), where the naked head and neck are marked off by lines indicating wrinkled skin. The same lines on the neck of the bird depicted on Pl. 28, fig. 2, will probably identify it as a vulture, and, if the square ornament above the beak certainly is part of the figure, it is unquestionably the king vulture. The knob is not, however, clearly on the bird's beak. There are two interesting glyphs which occur on the eastern facade of the Monjas at Chichen Itza. The glyphs in this inscription are unlike the usual Maya hieroglyphs, although several of the so-called constellation signs can be made out. The two glyphs in question represent the entire body possibly of a vulture, that on Pl. 17, fig. 13, probably the king vulture, and that on Pl. 18, fig. 14, the black vulture.

HARPY EAGLE (Thrasaetos harpyia). In the Nuttall Codex, what is undoubtedly the harpy eagle is of frequent occurrence. This great bird is not uncommon in the forests of southern Mexico and Central America, and must have attracted the notice of the people from its size. The elongated feathers at the back of the head form a conspicuous crest, a feature that characterizes this species in most of the representations. A stone carving from Chichen Itza (Pl. 20, fig. 10) pictures a harpy eagle eating an egg-shaped object, and another similarly engaged is copied from the Codex Vaticanus 3773 (Pl. 20, fig. 14). The former is considered to be a vulture by Maudslay, but the presence of feathers covering the head excludes this interpretation. In two stone glyphs (Pl. 20, fig. 1, 3), occurs a large bird apparently devouring something held in its talons, as in Pl. 20, fig. 10. From this general resemblance, it seems probable that both represent the harpy, although no crests are shown on the glyphs. In the Dresden and the Tro-Cortesianus occur a few figures of crested birds that probably are the same species. The crest feathers are reduced to two, however, or, in some cases, what may be a third projecting forward from the base of the bill (Pl. 20, figs. 5, 7, 12, 13). The last two figures are not certainly identifiable, though it is probable that they represent the harpy.

The eagle seems to be the bird associated with warriors in the codices. Seler (1900-1901, p. 89) notes that the eagle and the jaguar are both the mark of brave warriors among the Nahuas. In the Aubin manuscript, the warrior god, Yaotl, is always associated with the eagle (quauhtli). In the Maya pantheon, god M is usually considered the war god, as he is almost always armed with a spear. He is seen in Dresden 74 (Pl. 20, fig. 13), and in Tro-Cortesianus 109c with an eagle as a head-dress. There are other gods, however, who wear a similar head covering. God L appears in Dresden 14b (Pl. 20, fig. 7) and again in 14c (Pl. 20, fig. 5) with an eagle head-dress. God D in Dresden 23c (Pl. 20, fig. 11) has an eagle coming from a Tun sign on top of his head. The eagle is probably represented at the prow of a boat in Dresden 43c (Pl. 20, fig. 12) in which god B is rowing. In Tro-Cortesianus 88c (Pl. 20, fig. 4), a bird which may represent the eagle appears sitting on a Cimi (death) sign. Above in the glyphs the character for the south is shown. Here, clearly, there is some connection between the signs of the cardinal points in the line of glyphs and the various creatures pictured below.

There seems to be only one glyph which can in any way be taken for that of the eagle in the Maya manuscripts and this appears only once, in Tro-Cortesianus 107c (Pl. 20, fig. 9). This identification may be questioned, as there is no drawing of an eagle associated with the glyph. Attention has already been called to the two stone glyphs in Pl. 20, figs. 1, 3. There are various drawings of the glyph for the eagle in the Nahua and Zapotecan codices (Pl. 20, fig. 8), as the Nahua day, Quauhtli, has the meaning eagle. It is interesting to note in the glyph from the Nuttall Codex (Pl. 20, fig. 8) the tips of the feathers are crowned with stone points, a frequent way of representing birds of prey among the Mexican peoples.

YUCATAN HORNED OWL (Bubo virginianus mayensis). Stempell makes a serious mistake by confusing the eared owl shown in full face with that shown in profile in the drawings, for he considers both to represent the great horned owl. The figures are, however, quite different in every way. The owl in full face view is unquestionably the great horned owl (Maya, ikim), the Yucatan form of which is recognized by the subspecific title mayensis. This is the bird opposed to the "Moan-bird" which, as will be shown later, is associated with death. In Pl. 21 are some truly remarkable figures which seem to represent this horned owl, the first modelled in stucco from Palenque, the second carved in stone from Yaxchilan, and the third carved in wood from Tikal. Figs. 1 and 3 show the bird in flight with extended wings. The two erectile tufts of feathers or "horns" are conspicuously represented in fig. 3, at either side of the bird's head and between them the flat top of the crown is secondarily divided in like manner into three parts, representing the "horns" and the top of the head. The beetling brows, heavy hooked beak, and spread talons combine to give a fierce and spirited mien to the great bird. Pl. 21, fig. 2, may be a greatly conventionalized owl in which the essential characteristics of the bird are reproduced in a rectangular design. The large bill is conspicuous in the center, and in each upper corner terminates one of the ears. The eyes are represented by rectangular areas at the base of the bill, each with three vertical bars across it. Below the beak, or at either side of the tip, are the feet, each with the claw cross-hatched. What seem to be the reduced and highly conventionalized wings fill the lower corner of each side of the figure.

The shield in the center of the Tablet of the Sun at Palenque (Pl. 22, fig. 6) shows a face in which the motif seems to be the full-face view of the horned owl. The hooked bill curves over the mouth at each side of which is the curious scroll seen in the same connection in the figures of Pl. 21. The ears are somewhat shorter in proportion than usual and below each, at the sides of the face, is a large ear-plug, similar to that elsewhere found. The eyes are still further conventionalized with a decorative scroll surrounding each. Another example of the conventionalized owl's head is on Stela 1 from Cankuan (Maler, 1908, Pl. 13). We are not yet ready to advance an explanation of the reason why the owl should occupy such a prominent position in the art of the Mayas.

In only one case is the horned owl found in the Maya manuscripts. In Tro-Cortesianus 95c (Pl. 22, fig. 2), this owl appears as the head-dress of a woman in that portion of the codex where baptism and naming are shown. An owl's head seems to be shown on the end of a warrior's staff in the bas-relief of the Lower Chamber of the Temple of the Tigers at Chichen Itza (Pl. 22, fig. 4). Pl. 22, figs. 5, 7, show two owls from the Aubin manuscript; the first is considered to be the screech owl (chiqualli) and the second the horned owl (tecolotl, in Nahuatl). Pl. 22, figs. 1, 3, show two drawings of owls from Nahua manuscripts.

YUCATAN SCREECH OWL or MOAN BIRD (Otus choliba thompsoni). A second species of owl is represented by the figures on Pl. 23. This has likewise two feathered tufts or "ears" on its head and is always shown with the head, at least, in profile, but the tufts one in front, the other at the back of the head. The facial disc is not very prominent the beak rather long, the tail short, and the plumage somewhat mottled. A dark ring usually surrounds the eye. It is, with little doubt, the screech owl, the only other form of eared owl commonly met with in the Central American region, and in Yucatan is represented by the race above indicated. This owl, under the name of the Moan bird,[338-*] is always associated with the idea of death among the Mayas. The familiarity of this species and its mournful quavering cry uttered at night have no doubt led to its association with death and mystery as with owls in other parts of the world.

This Moan bird has an important place in the Maya pantheon, as it is the representative in many places of god A, the Death god. It appears with a human body in Dresden 7c (Pl. 23, fig. 1), 10a (Pl. 23, fig. 8), and 11a (Pl. 23, fig. 3) and in Tro-Cortesianus 66a (Pl. 23, fig. 2). In each of these places, it occupies the space in which one of the regular gods is usually found. In Dresden 10a, the day reached in the tonalamatl reckoning is Cimi, meaning death, and here, as has been noted, is found the Moan bird, the symbol of death, with another sign of death in the circle just above the head of the bird (Pl. 23, fig. 8).

This owl is used as a head-dress itself, but always for women, Dresden 16a (Pl. 23, fig. 19), 18b (Pl. 23, fig. 5), Tro-Cortesianus 94c (Pl. 23, fig. 4), and 95c (Pl. 23, fig. 20). It occurs in both manuscripts in the pages mentioned several times before, where birth, baptism, and the naming of children are shown. The curious figure, with a head similar to Pl. 23, fig. 21, carried on the back of some of the women, is the Moan sign, referring to the idea of death, possibly to still-birth, as copulation and birth are shown in this section of the codex (Dresden 18c, 19c). The Moan is found associated with man only once in the manuscripts. In Tro-Cortesianus 73b (Pl. 23, fig. 18), he is found perching on a curious frame-like structure in which god B is sitting.

There are several glyphs representing the Moan bird or screech owl; the first type is easily identifiable, as the head of the bird is clearly pictured (Pl. 23, figs. 11-14, 16). This head is frequently associated with the number thirteen (Dresden 8b). It may occur in the line of glyphs (Dresden 16c), and refer to the Moan pictured below, or it may occur in the line of glyphs with no picture corresponding to it below (Dresden 53b). Pl. 23, fig. 15, from Dresden 38c has been placed with these drawings, although the identification is not certain. It may refer, however, to the large Moan head below, on which god B is sitting (Pl. 23, fig. 11). The second type of glyph does not resemble in any way the Moan, but they are clearly signs for it, as they are often found in connection with the picture of the Moan, Dresden 7c (Pl. 23, figs. 6, 7, 21) and 10a. In both places fig. 7 is associated with the number thirteen. Schellhas also places Pl. 23, fig. 17, among the Moan signs.



One of the eighteen Maya months is named Muan, and some of the glyphs appearing for this month in the codices certainly represent the Moan or screech owl. This is especially so with text figs. 3-6. Foerstemann (1904a) considers that the month Muan and, consequently, the sign as well, refer to the Pleiades.

In connection with the screech owl referring to death, it is interesting to note that among the Nahuas the owl is considered of unlucky augury and is usually found in the "House of Death" and "of Drought", as contrasted with the turkey, considered as a bird of good fortune, and found in the "House of Rain."

COPPERY-TAILED TROGAN or QUETZAL (Pharomacrus mocinno). The quetzal is common locally in certain parts of southern Mexico. Its brilliant metallic green plumage and the greatly elongated tail feathers make it a very notable bird. The feathers of the head are erect and stand out as a light crest, those of the anterior portion being slightly recurved. The delicate erect feathers of the head are well indicated in Vaticanus 3773, 17 (Pl. 24, fig. 9) and the tail, also, in this figure, is only slightly conventionalized with an upward instead of the natural downward sweep. In most of the representations, the crest feathers are indicatd[TN-7] by large plumes, the most anterior of which project forward. They may be even further modified into three knobs shown in Dresden 7c (Pl. 24, fig. 1). The two characteristics of the quetzal, namely its erect head feathers and its extraordinarily long tail feathers, are often used separately. Thus the tail, which is commonly drawn with the outer feather of each side strongly curled forward, appears by itself in Pl. 24, fig. 8, or it may be seen as a plume in the head-dress of a priest or warrior and in other connections as an ornament. A greatly conventionalized drawing of the bird is also shown in Pl. 24, fig. 11, in which the head bears a curious knob and the dorsal feather of the tail is upcurled in the manner of the other drawings. It is not at once apparent why the long drooping tail feathers should be shown thus recurved. Possibly these feathers, when used by the Mayas for plumes, curled over by their own weight, if held erect, so that the representations are a compromise between the natural appearance and that when used as ornament in the head decoration.



The color of the bird and the very long tail feathers have already been mentioned, and these explain the reason of the importance of this bird among the Mayas. It is claimed by several old authorities that the quetzal was reserved for the rulers, and that it was death for any common person to kill this bird for his own use. It seems from a statement in Landa (1864, p. 190)[341-*] that birds were domesticated for the feathers. This bird occurs again and again in various modifications throughout the Maya art. The feathers of the quetzal are the ones usually associated with the serpent, making the rebus, Quetzalcoatl, the feathered serpent, the culture hero of the Nahuas, or Kukulcan, which has the same signification among the Mayas. It is impossible to mention here all the various connections in which the quetzal appears. The feathers play an important part in the composition of the head-dresses of the priests and warriors, especially those in the stone carvings. A quotation has already been given from Landa, showing the use made of feathers in the dress of the people. Text fig. 7 shows perhaps the most elaborate representation of this bird. It is found on the sculptured tablet of the Temple of the Cross at Palenque. The quetzal is shown seated on top of a branching tree which was long taken to represent a cross. A similar representation is seen on the tablet of the Temple of the Foliated Cross from the same ruined city. In the Codex Fejervary-Mayer, there are four trees in each of which there is a bird. A quetzal is perched in the one corresponding to the east, which is regarded as the region of opulence and moisture. Seler (1901, p. 17) suggests that the quetzal in the tree on the two bas-reliefs at Palenque may represent a similar idea and that temples which would show the other three trees and their respective birds had not been built in that center.

The representation of the quetzal as an entire bird is, after all, comparatively rare. The most realistic drawing is seen on a jar from Copan in the collections of the Peabody Museum. The whole body of the bird is shown as a head-dress in a few places in the codices where birth and the naming of children are pictured. In Dresden 16c (Pl. 24, fig. 3) and Tro-Cortesianus 94c (Pl. 24, fig. 6), the quetzal is the head-dress of women. In Dresden 13b (Pl. 24, fig. 2), a partial drawing of the bird is shown as a part of the head-dress of god E, in Dresden 7c (Pl. 24, fig. 1) of god H, and in Tro-Cortesianus 110c of god F. The feathers alone appear as a female head decoration in Dresden 20c (Pl. 24, fig. 8). It occurs as a sacrifice among the rites of the four years in Tro-Cortesianus 36b (Pl. 24, fig. 12). In Tro-Cortesianus 70a (Pl. 24, fig. 5), it is found in the act of eating fruit growing over the "young god." In Tro-Cortesianus 100b (Pl. 24, fig. 4), the bird is perched over the encased head of god C.

There seems to be a glyph used for the quetzal. In those drawn in Pl. 24, figs. 10, 17, it is noticeable that the anterior part only of the head is shown. The first is a glyph from the tablet of the Temple of the Sun at Palenque, and at least suggests the quetzal by the feathers on the top of the head, as also Pl. 24, fig. 13, a glyph from Copan, Stela 10, where the entire head appears in a much conventionalized form. Other glyphs are shown in Pl. 24, figs. 14-16, in which there is a single prominent recurved feather shown over the eye, succeeded by a few conventionalized feathers, then one or more directed posteriorly. It is to be noted that whereas in many previous examples of glyphs the full drawing of the animal or bird has been found in connection with them, here with the quetzal glyphs there is no instance where a drawing of the bird occurs with them. A curious human figure (Pl. 24, fig. 19), with a head decoration similar to the frontal curve and markings on the quetzal glyphs (fig. 14-16), may possibly represent this bird in some relation.

BLUE MACAW (Ara militaris). A large macaw (Maya, mox or ṭuṭ) is undoubtedly pictured in the figures in Pl. 25. The least conventionalized drawing found is that shown in Dresden 16c (Pl. 25, fig. 2), a bird characterized by long narrow tail feathers, a heavy bill, and a series of scale-like markings on the face and about the eye. Further conventionalized drawings are found in Pl. 25, figs. 3, 10, 13, and Pl. 26, fig. 1. In all these the tail is less characteristic, though composed of long, narrow feathers, and the facial markings are reduced to a ring of circular marks about the eye. These last undoubtedly represent, as supposed by Stempell, the bare space about the eye found in certain of these large parrots. In addition, the space between the eye and the base of the bill is partially bare with small patches of feathers scattered at somewhat regular intervals in rows. It is probable that this appearance is represented by the additional round marks about the base of the bill in Pl. 25, figs. 1, 2, 5, 8, the last two of which show the head only. There has hitherto been some question as to the identity of certain stone carvings, similar to that on Stela B from Copan, of which a portion is shown in Pl. 25, fig. 8. This has even been interpreted as the trunk of an elephant or a mastodon, but is unquestionably a macaw's beak. In addition to the ornamental crosshatching on the beak, which is also seen on the glyph from the same stela (Pl. 25, fig. 5), there is an ornamental scroll beneath the eye which likewise is crosshatched and surrounded by a ring of subcircular marks that continue to the base of the beak. The nostril is the large oval marking directly in front of the eye.

The animal in Dresden 40b (Pl. 25, fig. 1) has always been considered to be a tortoise (Schellhas, 1904, p. 44, and Foerstemann, 1904). This animal, together with the dog, is found beneath the constellation signs carrying firebrands; both are regarded as lightning beasts. By comparing the head of the figure shown in Pl. 25, fig. 1, with figs. 2, 4, 5, of the same plate, the reasonableness of the identification of this head as that of a macaw and not that of a tortoise appears clear. The same figure occurs in Tro-Cortesianus 12a (Pl. 25, fig. 3) carrying a torch.

In order to make this point clearer, we will take up the consideration of the glyphs at this place, rather than at the end of the section as usual. As the macaw in Pl. 25, fig. 1, has been hitherto identified as a turtle, so the glyph found in connection with it (Pl. 25, fig. 6) has been considered to stand for the turtle. Pl. 25, fig. 7, is another drawing of the same glyph. By comparing the markings on the face of fig. 1, it is seen that a similar ring surrounds the eye shown on the glyph. The second glyph (Pl. 25, fig. 7) is better drawn and shows, in addition to the eye ring, the slightly erectile feathers at the back of the head. Comparison with the glyphs representing turtles (Pl. 14, figs. 7-10) hitherto confused with these macaw glyphs shows differences, the most important of which are of course the eye ring and the feathers at the back of the head.

Various other glyphs occur which undoubtedly represent the heads either of macaws or smaller parrots. They are, for the most part, glyphs from the stone inscriptions. A crest, resembling that depicted on the head of the quetzal, is found on a glyph on Altar Q from Copan (Pl. 25, fig. 10). The eye ring, however, seems to indicate the macaw which also has slightly erectile feathers on the head. Much doubt is attached to the identification of the glyph of the month Kayae[TN-8] from Stela A, Quirigua (Pl. 25, fig. 9). It resembles closely the glyphs of the turtle (Pl. 14, figs. 7-9) and especially that on Pl. 14, fig. 10. The Quirigua glyph has a prominent fleshy tongue, however, like the parrot. From the fact that the glyph is certainly that for the month Kayab and the Kayab glyphs in the codices (Pl. 14, fig. 10) resemble the sign for a, in the Landa alphabet which seems to stand for ak (turtle), we are led to identify this as a turtle rather than a parrot.

The use of the macaw as a lightning beast has already been commented upon. The parrot is also used in the codices as a head-dress. As with several other birds the only places in the manuscripts where the whole bird is shown is in connection with the bearing of children and the baptism. Here the parrot head-dress is seen on women, Dresden 16c (Pl. 25, fig. 2) and Tro-Cortesianus 94c (Pl. 25, fig. 13). There seems to be an exception to the whole bird appearing as a head-dress exclusively with women in Tro-Cortesianus 26c (Pl. 26, fig. 1), where god F appears with a head-dress composed of the whole bird. The bird is also seen as a head-dress on Altar Q from Copan (Pl. 26, fig. 3). The head of the macaw appears as part of the head-dress of god H in Dresden 11a (Pl. 26, fig. 13), god E in Dresden 11b (Pl. 26, fig. 11), god F in Dresden 14b, god D in Tro-Cortesianus 89a (Pl. 26, fig. 5) and of women in Dresden 12b (Pl. 26, fig. 6) and 19a (Pl. 26, fig. 9). In the rites of the four years in Tro-Cortesianus 37b, there are two birds which are quite different from those we have been considering, but which may represent macaws (Pl. 25, fig. 12; Pl. 26, fig. 10).

In the Nuttall Codex, occur several figures of heavy-billed birds that may be macaws or other smaller parrots of the genera Amazona or Pachyrhynchus. They are not, however, certainly identifiable (Pl. 26, figs. 4, 7).

IMPERIAL WOODPECKER (Campephilus imperialis). We have here introduced two drawings from the Nuttall Codex (Pl. 27, figs. 5, 6) which seem to represent the Imperial ivory-billed woodpecker, a large species that occurs in the forests of certain parts of Mexico. The figures show a long-billed bird with acutely pointed tail feathers, a red crest, and otherwise black and white plumage. The red crest of the woodpecker is of course highly conventionalized in the drawings where it is shown as of a number of erect feathers instead of the prominent occipital tuft of this bird. The crest and particularly the pointed tail feathers and long beak combined with the characteristic coloring seem to leave little doubt as to the identity of the species figured. This bird does not seem to appear in the Maya drawings.

RAVEN (Corvus corax sinuatus) (?). There occurs in the Nuttall Codex a figure of a large black bird (Pl. 27, fig. 7), which may be a black vulture, but which, from the presence of what appear as prominent bristles over the nostril, may also be a raven. These bristles are rather prominent in ravens and quite lacking in the vulture, so that we are led to identify the drawing as representing the former bird. We have found no other figures that suggest ravens.

MISCELLANEOUS BIRDS. Four drawings of birds from the Aubin manuscript are shown here (Pl. 27, figs. 8-11), in order that the conventionalization of the bird form may be seen. The first two are supposed to represent the parrot (cocho) and the last two the turkey cock (uexolotl). There is little in the drawings by which they can be differentiated. In the codex, the heads of the parrots are colored red. There is no doubt, however, about the identification, as they occur in the same relative position on every page of the manuscript and are two of the thirteen birds associated with the thirteen gods, the "Lords of the House of Day" (Seler, 1900-1901, pp. 31-35). From the foregoing, it may be seen that where there is no question about the identification, the drawing of the bird form is rather carelessly done and no great attempt is made to indicate the special characteristics of the different birds.

As has been shown previously, it is not always possible to identify without question many of the forms appearing in the manuscripts. This is especially true with birds. In Tro-Cortesianus 20c, an unidentifiable bird, painted blue, appears on the top of the staff carried by god F. The head-dress of this same god in Tro-Cortesianus 27c is a bird form and in Tro-Cortesianus 55b, the tonalamatl figure is a bird whose identity cannot be made out with certainty.

MAMMALIA

OPOSSUM (Didelphis yucatanensis, D. mesamericana). Figures representing opossums are not with certainty identifiable in the Maya writings. We have provisionally identified as a frog the animal shown in Pl. 29, fig. 6, although at first sight the two median round markings might be taken to represent a marsupial pouch. Stempell considers the animals found in the upper division of Dresden 25-28 as opossums of one of the above species, and this seems very possible. They are shown with long tails, slightly curved at the tips, and with long head and prominent vibrissae. A rather similar figure is found in the Nuttall Codex (Pl. 34, fig. 7). There is nothing, however, that seems to preclude their being dogs and, in our opinion, they represent this animal.

NINE-BANDED ARMADILLO (Tatu novemcinctum). This is the common species of armadillo (Maya, wetš) found throughout the warmer portion of Mexico and Central America, where it is frequently used as an article of food, and its shell-like covering is utilized in various ways. Several representations of it occur in the Tro-Cortesianus (Pl. 29, figs. 1-4), where it is characterized by its scaly covering, long ears and tail, and the moveable bands about the body.

This animal is associated with the bee culture, as it is represented twice in Tro-Cortesianus 103a (Pl. 29, figs. 1, 3) seated below a bee under an overhanging roof. The hunting scenes in the Tro-Cortesianus also show the armadillo; in 48a (Pl. 29, fig. 4) and in 91a it is shown in a pit-fall. In the last case the Cauac signs are clearly seen on top of the trap, whereas in the former case the same signs seem to be indicated by the crosses. Finally, this same animal occurs seated in Tro-Cortesianus 92d (Pl. 29, fig. 2) facing a female figure. There seems to be no glyph used in connection with this animal.

YUCATAN BROCKET (Mazama pandora). Among the numerous representations of deer in the Maya writings, there is but one that appears to show the brocket. This occurs in Tro-Cortesianus 92a (Pl. 30, fig. 2), where a hoofed animal with a single spike-like horn is shown, seemingly impaled on a stake set in the bottom of a pit-fall. As stated by Stempell, this animal from the character of its horns is probably to be identified as a brocket, though there is nothing to preclude its being a young spike buck of some species of Odocoileus.

YUCATAN DEER (Odocoileus yucatanensis; O. thomasi). Several species of small deer (Maya, ke) occur in Mexico and Central America whose relationships are not yet thoroughly understood (Pls. 30-32). The species of Yucatan and southern Mexico have small lyrate antlers with few, short tines, rather different from the broader type of the more northern species with well developed secondary tines. The former type of antlers seems to be indicated by the conventionalized structure shown in Pl. 32, figs. 8-12. These probably represent the Yucatan deer or its ally Thomas's deer of southern Mexico. Two of the figures, both from the Nuttall Codex, show the lower incisor teeth (Pl. 32, figs. 8, 11), though in other cases these are omitted. The larger part of the figures of deer represent the does which have no antlers. For this reason it is impossible to distinguish females of the brocket from those of the other species of deer, if indeed, the Mayas themselves made such a distinction. The characteristics of deer drawings are the long head and ears, the prominently elevated tail with the hair bristling from its posterior side (the characteristic position of the tail when the deer is running), the hoofs, and less often the presence of incisors in the lower jaw only and of a curious oblong mark at each end of the eye, possibly representing the large tear gland.

The deer plays a large part in the Maya ceremonials. It is an important, perhaps the most important animal offering as a sacrifice to the gods. Several pages of the Tro-Cortesianus (38-49) are given over to the hunt and the animal usually represented is the deer, the hunters are shown, the methods of trapping, the return from the chase, and the rites in connection with the animals slain. Tro-Cortesianus 48b (Pl. 30, fig. 1) shows the usual method of trapping where the deer is caught by a cord around one of the fore legs. Tro-Cortesianus 91a pictures the same method and 92a (Pl. 30, figs. 2) shows where the deer is caught on a spike in another type of trap. In Tro-Cortesianus 86a (Pl. 31, fig. 5) the deer appears with a rope around his body held by a god who is not easily identified.

Interesting descriptions of the hunt are given in several of the early accounts.[349-*] It will be noted that the hunt was usually connected with the religious rites and the offering of deer meat and various parts of the body of the deer had a ceremonial importance. Attention is called to similar practices among the Lacandones, the inhabitants of the region of the Usumacinta at the present time (Tozzer, 1907), where the greater part of the food of the people must, first of all, be offered to the gods before it may be eaten by the natives.

The figures of the deer in the codices are clearly associated with god M, and the latter may be considered a god of the hunt as well as a god of war. It is very unusual to find a quadruped used as a head-dress in any way, and yet in several cases we find god M has the head of a deer as a sort of head covering, Tro-Cortesianus 50b (Pl. 31, fig. 6), 51c (Pl. 31, fig. 7) and 68b. In the first two cases, the god seems to be supplied with a bow and arrow. In a passage in Landa (1864, p. 290)[350-*] there is a description of this very scene.

In the month Zip, the hunters each took an arrow and a deer's head which was painted blue; thus adorned they danced. God M is found in one case in the Dresden in connection with the deer. In Dresden 13c the animal is represented as female and is shown in intercourse with god M.

An offering of venison is frequently pictured in the manuscripts. Landa (1864, p. 220)[350-[+]] also furnishes a parallel for this. The haunches of venison arranged as offerings in dishes are realistically seen in a number of representations of religious rites, as in Dresden 28c (Pl. 31, fig. 14) in the last of the rites of the dominical days, 35a (Pl. 31, fig. 12) and in Tro-Cortesianus 5a above the serpent enclosing the body of water, 65a in front of god B or D and 105b (Pl. 31, fig. 13) and 108a (Pl. 31, fig. 15), both of which are in connection with the bee ceremonies.

The head of the deer, rather than the legs, is also shown as an offering, in Tro-Cortesianus 69b with god B and Tro-Cortesianus 78 (Pl. 31, fig. 10) in the line of glyphs. The whole deer may be represented as an offering in Tro-Cortesianus 2b (Pl. 31, fig. 8).[351-*]

There are some examples in the manuscripts where the deer is pictured quite apart from any idea of the hunt or an offering. In Tro-Cortesianus 14b, it is shown on top of the body of one of the large snakes and in Tro-Cortesianus 29c (Pl. 31, fig. 3), it appears seated on the end of a snake-like curve. The deer occurs in Tro-Cortesianus 30b (Pl. 30, fig. 6) in connection with the goddess from whose breasts water is flowing. God B appears in Dresden 41c (Pl. 31, fig. 1) seated on a red deer. The same animal is also to be noted in Dresden 60a (Pl. 30, fig. 5) in connection with the combat of the planets.[351-[+]] A deer is seen in Tro-Cortesianus 92d seated on a mat opposite a female figure in the same manner as the armadillo on the same page and a dog on the preceding page. These, as previously noted, probably refer to cohabitation. On Pl. 32, fig. 9, is a deer from the Peresianus and Pl. 32, fig. 12, shows another from Stela N, east, from Copan.

The Nahua day Macatl signifies deer and we naturally find a large number of glyphs representing this animal among the day signs in the Mexican manuscripts (Pl. 31, fig. 9; Pl. 32, figs. 8, 10, 11).

YUCATAN PECCARY (Tayassu angulatum yucatanense; T. ringens). Peccaries (Maya, qeqem) of the T. angulatum group are common in Mexico and Yucatan, and a number of local forms have been named. The white-lipped peccaries also occur, but in the figures it is impossible to distinguish the species. These animals are characterized by their prominent snout, curly tail, bristling dorsal crest, and rather formidable tusks, as well as by the possession of hoofs. By these marks most of the figures are readily identifiable (Pl. 32, fig. 1; Pl. 33, figs. 1, 2, 4-6, 9). The tail is, however, often omitted as well as the erect line of bristles down the back. The presence of hoofs and the possession of a truncated pig-like snout are sufficiently characteristic. In the Dresden Codex occur several figures of undoubted peccaries. Two of these are pictured in Pl. 32, figs. 2, 4. In each the hoofs and curly tail appear, and in the latter figure the bristling back is conventionally drawn by a series of serrations. These marks are sufficient to identify the animals. Their heads are further conventionalized, however, by a great exaggeration of the snout beyond that slightly indicated in Pl. 32, fig. 1, and Pl. 33, figs. 6, 9. Other representations of the peccary, are shown in Pl. 32, fig. 5, a man with a peccary's head, and fig. 7 in which the animal's hoofs are replaced by human hands and feet. In both cases the form of the head remains characteristic. A curious combination is shown in Pl. 32, fig. 3, an animal whose head and fore feet are those of a peccary, while the hind feet have five toes, and there is a long tail. The addition of what look like scales is found in a figure from the Dresden (Pl. 32, fig. 6).

The peccary is found in several different connections in the manuscripts. As deer are found associated with the hunt, so, but to a much more limited extent, the peccary. It is represented pictured as being captured in snares of the familiar "jerk-up" type. Similar drawings show this animal caught by the foreleg and held partially suspended, Tro-Cortesianus 49a (Pl. 33, fig. 9),[352-*] 49c (Pl. 33, fig. 1), and 93a (Pl. 33, fig. 4). Tro-Cortesianus 41b also shows the peccary associated with hunting scenes. Another realistic drawing of this animal in Dresden 62 (Pl. 33, fig. 6)[352-[+]] represents him as seated on the open jaws of a serpent connected with a long number series. We are unable to explain the signification of the appearance of the animal in this connection. The peccary is pictured in Tro-Cortesianus 27b (Pl. 33, fig. 5) seated on the left hand of the goddess from whose breasts water is flowing.

The peccary seems to be associated with the sky, as it is seen in a conventionalized form in four instances (Dresden 44b, 45b, (Pl. 32, fig. 4)[TN-9] coming from a band of constellation signs and in Dresden 68a (Pl. 32, fig. 2) coming from a similar band with god E sitting underneath.[353-*] Above each of these conventionalized figures occur the corresponding glyph forms (Pl. 33, figs. 7, 8), which show merely the head with the exaggerated upturned snout. There is a striking resemblance between these snouts and those of the stone mask-like figures so frequently represented as a facade decoration in northern Yucatan. The presence in the mouths of the faces there represented of a recurved tusk in addition to other teeth is a further resemblance to the drawings of peccaries. Stempell (1908, p. 718) has reproduced a photograph of these extraordinary carvings and considers them the heads of mastodons, apparently solely on account of the shape of the upturned snout, whose tip in many of the carvings turns forward. They certainly do not represent the heads of mastodons, but we are not ready to say that the peccary is the prototype of these carvings, although the similarity between the glyphs (Pl. 33, figs. 7, 8) and the masks is worthy of note. One point which does not favor this explanation is the fact that on the eastern facade of the Monjas at Chichen Itza where the mask-like panel is seen at its best, we find a realistic drawing of a peccary (Pl. 33, fig. 2) on the band of glyphs over the doorway, and it in no way suggests the head on the panel and is quite different from the head already noted as the glyph of the peccary in the codices.

BAIRD'S TAPIR (Tapirella bairdi). No undoubted representations of tapirs occur in the manuscripts here considered. Possibly tapirs did not live in the country occupied by the Maya peoples. At the present time they are found only to the south of Yucatan. In Central America Baird's and Dow's tapirs are native, the latter, however, more on the Pacific coast. We have included a drawing of an earthenware vessel (Pl. 28, fig. 1) that represents a tapir, about whose neck is a string of Oliva shells. The short prehensile trunk of the tapir is well made and the hoofs are likewise shown. A greatly elongated nose is found in many of the drawings of the deities, but it does not seem clear that these represent trunks of tapirs, or, as suggested by Stempell, mastodons! Two such heads are shown in Pl. 39, figs. 7, 9. These offer a considerable superficial resemblance to that of a tapir, but as no other drawings that might be considered to represent this animal are found, it seems very questionable if the long noses are other than parts of grotesque masks. The superficial resemblance of the curious nose pieces of the masks on the panel of the Maya facades to elephants' trunks does not seem to us especially significant, as otherwise the carvings are quite unlike elephants. They have no great tusks as an elephant should, but, instead, short recurved teeth similar to those representing peccary tusks, as already pointed out.

RABBIT (Sylvilagus or Lepus). Rabbits and hares from their familiarity, their long ears, and their peculiar method of locomotion, seem always to attract the notice of primitive peoples. Several species occur in Mexico, including the Marsh rabbit (Sylvilagus truei; S. insonus), various races of the Cottontail rabbit (S. floridanus connectens; S. f. chiapensis, S. f. yucatanicus; S. aztecus; S. orizabae, etc.) and several Jack rabbits (Lepus alleni pallitans; L. callotis flavigularis, L. asellus). It is, of course, quite impossible to determine to which of these species belong the few representations found. Several drawings, shown in Pl. 30, figs. 3, 4, 7, 8, are at once identifiable as rabbits from their long ears, round heads, and the presence of the prominent gnawing teeth.[354-*] In two of the figures (Pl. 30, figs. 7, 8), the entire animal is shown, sitting erect on its haunches, the first with one ear in advance of the other, a trait more characteristic of the jack rabbit than of the short-eared rabbits. For convenience of comparison, we have placed beside these two figures one of a deer in much the same position. It is at once distinguished, however, by its long head, longer bushy tail, and by the marks at each end of the eye. What at first sight appear to be two gnawing teeth of the rabbit seem to be the incisors of the lower jaw. This is the animal identified by Stempell as a dog.

The animal shown to be a rabbit in Dresden 61 (Pl. 30, fig. 8) is pictured seated on the open jaws of a serpent in the same way as the peccary on the following page. These two animals, together with two representations of god B and the black god (Dresden 61), are each clearly connected with the serpents on which they are sitting.

The Nahua day Tochtli signifies rabbit and naturally the animal occurs throughout the Mexican manuscripts as representing this day (Pl. 30, figs. 3, 4).

OTHER RODENTS. We have included in Pl. 29, figs. 5, 7, 8, three undetermined mammals. The second of these is characterized by the two prominent gnawing teeth of a rodent and by its long tail. It may represent a pack rat (Neotoma) of which many species are described from Mexico. In its rounded ears and long tail, fig. 5 somewhat resembles fig. 7, but it lacks the gnawing incisors. Still less satisfactory is fig. 8 from Tro-Cortesianus 24d, at whose identity it seems unsafe to hazard a guess. It is shown as eating the corn being sowed by god D.

JAGUAR (Felis hernandezi; F. h. goldmani). Throughout its range, the jaguar (Maya, balam or tšakmul) is the most dreaded of the carnivorous mammals. It is, therefore, natural that the Mayas held it in great awe and used it as a symbol of strength and courage. A few characteristic figures are shown in Pl. 34, figs. 1-3; Pl. 35, figs. 5-14. The species represented is probably Felis hernandezi, the Mexican race of jaguar, or one or the other of the more or less nominal varieties named from Central America. The distinguishing mark of the jaguar, in addition to the general form with the long tail, short ears and claws, is the presence of the rosette-like spots. These are variously conventionalized as solid black markings, as small circles, or as a central spot ringed by a circle of dots (Pl. 35, fig. 12). Frequently the solid black spots are used, either in a line down the back and tail or scattered over the body. The tip of the tail is characteristically black, and the teeth are often prominent. Such a figure as this (Pl. 35, fig. 10) Stempell considers to be a water opossum (Chironectes), for the reason that it is held by the goddess from whose breast water is flowing. This can hardly be, however, for not only are the markings unlike those of the water opossum, but the large canine tooth indicates a large carnivore. Moreover, the water opossum is a small animal, hardly as big as a rat, of shy and retiring habits, and so is unlikely to figure in the drawings of the Mayas.

As for the significance of the jaguar in the life of the Mayas, it may be said that this animal seems to have played a most prominent part. At Chichen Itza, the building on top of the southern end of the eastern wall of the Ball Court, usually called the Temple of the Tigers, has a line of jaguars carved in stone as frieze around the outside of the building, and in the Lower Chamber of the same structure, the figure of a jaguar (Maudslay, III, Pl. 43) serves as an altar. The front legs and the head of a jaguar often are seen as the support of a seat or altar on which a god is represented as at Palenque in the Palace, House E (Maudslay, IV, Pl. 44) and in the Temple of the Beau Relief (Holmes, 1895-1897, Pl. 20). Altar F at Copan (Pl. 35, fig. 7) shows the same idea. The head of a puma or jaguar (Pl. 34, fig. 6) appears in the bas-relief of the Lower Chamber of the Temple of the Tigers, evidently representing a part of an altar. A realistic carving of a jaguar was found on a stone near the Temple of the Cones at Chichen Itza (Maudslay, III, Pl. 52, fig. a), and another occurs near the present hacienda of Chichen Itza carved in relief on a ledge of rock.

In the Maya manuscripts the jaguar appears in a number of connections. Its mythological character is shown in Dresden 8a (Pl. 35, fig. 5), where it is pictured as the tonalamatl figure. The day reached here in the reckoning is Ix, and this corresponds to the Nahua Oceolotl, which means jaguar. In Dresden 26, in the pages showing the ceremonies of the years, the jaguar is carried on the back of the priest, evidently representing one of the year bearers (Ti cuch haab). Balam, the name of the jaguar, is the title given to the four Bacabs or Chacs, the gods of the four cardinal points. In Tro-Cortesianus 64a, two jaguar heads are noted as the end of curious bands of Caban signs over a flaming pot. The second one is shown as dead. A jaguar head is employed in two places in the Tro-Cortesianus, 34a and 36a, as a head-dress for a god who is in the act of sowing corn. This animal appears very infrequently in the pages of the Tro-Cortesianus given over to the hunting scenes, 41c, 40c, 43b, and, even here, it never appears in the same way as the deer and peccary, as an animal for sacrifice.

The jaguar as a predacious beast is noted in Tro-Cortesianus 28b (Pl. 35, fig. 8), where it is attacking god F in a similar way as the vultures in the preceding picture. The jaguar appears in Tro-Cortesianus 30b (Pl. 35, fig. 10) seated on the right hand of the goddess from whose breasts water is flowing. The figure in Tro-Cortesianus 12b between the various offerings may be a jaguar or a dog, more probably from its connection with an offering, the dog. A curious modification of the jaguar may be shown in Tro-Cortesianus 20a (Pl. 34, fig. 2), where a god is seated on the gaping jaws of some animal whose identity is uncertain. It may be a serpent, although the black-tipped tail from which the head appears to come certainly suggests the jaguar.

There are several carved glyphs in stone that probably represent jaguars. Two of these (Pl. 28, fig. 4; Pl. 35, fig. 9) have the characteristic round spots, but others are unmarked, and suggest the jaguar by their general character only (Pl. 35, fig. 6). This latter may, of course, represent the puma quite as well. A realistic jaguar head appears as a glyph in Tro-Cortesianus 2a (Pl. 35, fig. 13). The more usual glyph for the jaguar is more highly conventionalized, although the spots and the short rounded ear are still characteristic (Pl. 35, fig. 11). A slight modification of this glyph appears in Dresden 8a in connection with the full drawing of the animal below.

The Nahua day Oceolotl, as already noted, means jaguar, and the jaguar glyph is found among the day signs (Pl. 34, fig. 3). Seler (1904, p. 379) associates the jaguar in the Vaticanus and the Bologna with Tezcatlipoca. He notes that the second age of the world, in which the giants lived and in which Tezcatlipoca shone as the sun, is called the "jaguar sun." Tezcatlipoca is supposed to have changed himself into a jaguar.

PUMA (Felis bangsi costaricensis). As shown by Stempell, there can be little doubt that some one of the mainly nominal species of Central American puma is represented in Dresden 47 (Pl. 34, fig. 7). This animal is colored reddish in the original, as is the puma, is without spots, although the tip of the tail, as in the pictures of the jaguar, is black. The animal is represented as being transfixed with a spear.[358-*] Another animal colored red in Dresden 41c seems to represent a puma. God B is shown seated upon him. A crude figure from the Painted Chamber of the Temple of the Tigers (Pl. 34, fig. 5) is probably the same species of puma. The cleverly executed head, shown in profile in Pl. 34, fig. 6, is also perhaps the same animal, although it may possibly represent the jaguar. One or the other of these two cats is also intended, in Pl. 34, fig. 4, a drawing of a piece of pottery.

COYOTE (Canis). Two figures from the Nuttall Codex have been included as possibly representing coyotes (Pl. 35, figs. 1, 2). They are chiefly characterized by their prominent ears and bristling hair, and seem to be engaged in active combat. Coyotes of several species occur in Mexico and though not generally regarded as aggressive animals are of a predacious nature. No drawings of the coyote have been noted in the Maya codices.

DOG (Canis). The dog (Maya, peq) evidently played an important part in the life of the Mayas as it does with other races of men generally. On Pls. 36, 37, we have included certain figures of dogs from several manuscripts. These may represent two breeds, for it is well known that both a hairy and a hairless variety were found by the early discoverers in Mexico.[359-*] Hairiness is more or less clearly indicated in the following figures:—Pl. 36, figs. 1-7, 12; Pl. 37, figs. 4, 5. The figures of dogs usually agree in having a black mark about the eyes that frequently is produced as a downward curved tongue from the posterior canthus. Sometimes, as in Pl. 37, figs. 1-3, 10, this tongue is not blackened. Commonly also black patches are elsewhere distributed on the body, generally on the back. These markings are probably the patches of color separated by white areas that occur frequently in dogs or other animals after long domestication.[359-[+]] We have included among the figures of dogs two in which the eye is differently represented and which are unspotted (Pl. 37, figs. 4, 6). These modifications may have some special significance, but otherwise the animals appear most closely to represent dogs.

We have already suggested that the animal attired in man's clothing, and walking erect in Dresden 25a-28a is likewise a dog, though Stempell believes it to represent the opossum in support of which he calls attention to its prominent vibrissae and slightly curled tail.

The dog played a large part in the religion both of the Mayas and the Mexican peoples. It was connected especially with the idea of death and destruction. The Lacandones of the present time make a small figure of a dog to place on the grave (Tozzer, 1907, p. 47). This is but one of the many survivals of the ancient pre-Columbian religion found among this people. The dog was regarded as the messenger to prepare the way to the other world. Seler (1900-1901, pp. 82-83) gives an interesting parallel of the Nahua idea of the dog and his connection with death. He paraphrases Sahagun as follows: "The native Mexican dogs barked, wagged their tails, in a word, behaved in all respects like our own dogs, were kept by the Mexicans not only as house companions, but above all, for the shambles, and also in Yucatan and on the coast land for sacrifice. The importance that the dog had acquired in the funeral rites may perhaps have originated in the fact that, as the departed of both sexes were accompanied by their effects, the prince by the women and slaves in his service, so the dog was assigned to the grave as his master's associate, friend, and guard, and that the persistence of this custom in course of time created the belief that the dog stood in some special relation to the kingdom of the dead. It may also be that, simply because it was the practice to burn the dead, the dog was looked on as the Fire God's animal and the emblem of fire, the natives got accustomed to speak of him as the messenger to prepare the way in the kingdom of the dead, and thus eventually to regard him as such. At the time when the Spaniards made their acquaintance, it was the constant practice of the Mexicans to commit to the grave with the dead a dog who had to be of a red-yellow color, and had a string of unspun cotton round his neck, and was first killed by the thrust of a dart in his throat. The Mexicans believed that four years after death, when the soul had already passed through many dangers on its way to the underworld, it came at last to the bank of a great river, the Chicunauhapan, which encircled the underworld proper. The souls could get across this river only when they were awaited by their little dog, who, recognizing his master on the opposite side, rushed into the water to bring him over." (Sahagun, 3 Appendix, Chap. 1.)

As might be expected from the foregoing, there are abundant evidences in the manuscripts of the presence of the dog in the various religious rites and especially those which have to do with the other world, the Kingdom of the Dead. In Tro-Cortesianus 35b, 36b, 37a, 37b, the pages showing the rites of the four years, the dog appears in various attitudes. In 35b and 36b, it bears on his back the Imix and Kan signs, in 37a (Pl. 37, fig. 8) it is shown as beating a drum and singing, in 37b (Pl. 36, fig. 2) it is beside a bowl containing Kan signs. In all of these places, the dogs seem to be represented among the various birds and animals which are to be sacrificed for the new years. Landa (1864, p. 216)[361-*] states that in the Kan year a dog was sacrificed. In the Muluc year, Landa (1864, p. 222)[361-[]] records that they offered dogs made of clay with bread upon their backs and a perrito which had black shoulders and was a virgin. It has already been noted that two of the dogs represented in Tro-Cortesianus 35b and 36b have a Kan and Imix sign fastened to the back. Moreover, we have also pointed out that the Kan sign frequently seems to have the meaning of maize or bread. It will be noted that in Tro-Cortesianus 36b two human feet are shown on each of which is a dog-like animal.[361-[]] These may indicate the dance in which dogs were carried as noted by Landa. Cogolludo (1688, p. 184)[361-Sec.] also mentions a similar dance. Still another reference in Landa (1864, p. 260)[362-*] mentions that in the months Muan and Pax dogs were sacrificed to the deities.

Reference has already been made to the identification of the four priests at the top of Dresden 25-28 as having the heads of dogs rather than of opossums. It may be suggested that in the role of the conductor to the other world the dog is represented as carrying on his back in each case the year which has just been completed and therefore is dead. This, of course, would necessitate the identification of god B, the jaguar, god E, and god A as representing in turn the four years.

The dog, according to Sahagun's account (p. 360) was looked upon as the "Fire God's animal," and as an emblem of fire. This idea is seen frequently in the Maya manuscripts where the dog with firebrands in his paws or attached to his tail is coming head downward from a line of constellation signs, as in Dresden 36a (Pl. 37, fig. 3), 40b (Pl. 37, fig. 1) or is standing beneath similar signs as in Dresden 39a (Pl. 37, fig. 2) and probably in Tro-Cortesianus 13a. His tail alone has the firebrand in Tro-Cortesianus 36b. Firebrands are carried by figures which have been identified by us as dogs in Tro-Cortesianus 24c (Pl. 37, fig. 6), 25c, and 90a. Here the animal is represented as in the air holding his firebrands over a blazing altar beside which god F is seated. In two out of the four cases, F is shown as dead. The dog in these latter examples has his eye composed of the Akbal sign. This same glyph can also be made out with difficulty on the forehead of the dog shown in Dresden 36a (Pl. 37, fig. 3). As has been noted, Akbal means night and possibly death as well. It is certain that destruction is indicated in the preceding examples as well as in Tro-Cortesianus 87a and 88a (Pl. 37, fig. 4) where the dog is holding four human figures by the hair.

Beyer (1908, pp. 419-422) has identified the dog as the Pleiades and various other suggestions have been made that the dog represents some constellation. The more common form of spotted dog is shown as a single tonalamatl figure in Tro-Cortesianus 25d and 27d (Pl. 36, fig. 14) and an unspotted variety in Dresden 7a (Pl. 37, fig. 10). The dog is frequently shown as copulating with another animal or with a female figure. In Dresden 13c (Pl. 37, fig. 7) the second figure is a vulture, in Dresden 21b (Pl. 37, fig. 5) it is a woman and also in Tro-Cortesianus 91c (Pl. 36, fig. 12).

The same animal appears also in a number of scenes not included in the preceding. In Tro-Cortesianus 88c (Pl. 36, fig. 1) a dog is seated on a crab and seems to be connected with the idea of the north as this sign is noted above the figure; in Tro-Cortesianus 66b (Pl. 36, fig. 3) a dog and another animal (Pl. 32, fig. 3) are seated back to back under a shelter; in Tro-Cortesianus 30b a dog is seated on the right foot of the woman from whose breasts water is streaming; in Dresden 29a (Pl. 37, fig. 12) god B is shown seated on a dog; and, finally, in Dresden 30a (Pl. 37, fig. 9) god B holds the bound dog by the tail over an altar.

The dog appears from numerous references to be used in connection with a prayer for rain. Comargo (1843) in his history of Tlaxcallan states that when rain failed, a procession was held in which a number of hairless dogs were carried on decorated litters to a place devoted to their use. There they were sacrificed to the god of water and the bodies were eaten.

The glyphs associated with the dog are interesting as we have, as in the case with the deer, one showing a realistic drawing of a dog's head in Tro-Cortesianus 91d (Pl. 37, fig. 13) and several others far more difficult of interpretation. Pl. 37, fig. 11, seems to stand for the dog as it is found in several places where the dog appears below, Dresden 21b, 40b. It is thought by some to represent the ribs of a dog which appear in somewhat similar fashion in Pl. 37, fig. 8. Some of the glyphs in the codices for the month Kankin show the same element (text figs. 8-10).



The Nahua day sign Itzcuintli signifies dog and corresponds to the Maya Oc (Pl. 36, figs. 9-11). This in turn is considered by many to stand for the dog as the animal of death and signifies the end. The sore, cropped ears of the domesticated dog are supposed to be represented in this sign, Oc. Nahua and other day signs for Itzcuintli (dog) are shown in Pl. 36, figs. 4, 6, 13.

BEAR (Ursus machetes; U. horriaeus). In northern Mexico, in Chihuahua and Sonora, occur a black bear (Ursus machetes) and the Sonoran grizzly (U. horriaeus). It is unlikely that the Mayas had much acquaintance with these animals since they range more to the northward than the area of Maya occupation. Stempell has identified as a bear, a figure in Dresden 37a (Pl. 35, fig. 3). This represents a creature with the body of a man walking erect but with the head apparently of some carnivorous mammal, as shown by the prominent canine tooth. This appears as a tonalamatl figure. The resemblance to a bear is not very clear. Less doubt attaches to the figure shown in Pl. 35, fig. 4, which seems almost certainly to depict a bear. The stout body, absence of a tail, the plantigrade hind feet, and stout claws, all seem to proclaim it a bear of one of the two species above mentioned. This picture is found in connection with one of the warriors shown in the bas-relief of the Lower Chamber of the Temple of the Tigers at Chichen Itza. It seems clearly to designate the figure in much the same way as figures are named in the Mexican writings, i.e., by having a glyph showing this nearby. Attention has already been called to the fact that here at Chichen Itza, and, especially on this bas-relief, there is much which shows a strong influence from the north. The two figures in Tro-Cortesianus 43a are probably bears. Foerstemann (1902, p. 68) considers that they are men masked as Chacs or Bacabs.

LEAF-NOSED BAT (Vampyrus spectrum; Artibeus jamaicensis; or Phyllostomus hastatus panamensis). Several remarkably diabolical representations of bats (Maya, so[c], usually written zotz) occur among the Maya remains. These all show the prominent nose leaf distinguishing the family Phyllostomatidae and, as the Mayas probably used the largest and most conspicuous of the native species for artistic representation, it is likely that some one of the three species above mentioned is the one here shown.



The bat had a place in the Maya pantheon. One of the months of the Maya year (Zotz) was named after this animal and the glyph for this month shows the characteristic nasal appendage. This is to be seen more clearly in the glyphs selected from the stone inscriptions (Pl. 38, figs. 1, 2, 4-6) than in those from the codices (text figs. 11-14) although the nose leaf is still visible in the latter. The day sign Akbal (night) occurs as the eye in the figures from the manuscripts. A carving showing the whole body of the bat is used as a glyph in Stela D from Copan (Pl. 38, fig. 3). This may also represent the Bat god who is associated with the underworld, "the god of the caverns." This god is pictured on the "Vase of Chama" (Pl. 38, fig. 7) figured by Dieseldorff (1904, pp. 665-666) and by Gordon (1898, Pl. III). Seler (1904a) has discussed the presence of this god among the Mayas, the Zapotecs, and the Nahuas. The bat does not seem to occur in the Maya manuscripts as a god, although there are glyphs which seem to refer to this god (Dresden 17b), as pointed out by Seler, when there is no other representation of this deity.

No doubt in the times of the Maya civilization, these bats haunted the temples by day as they do now, and thus became readily endowed with a religious significance.



CAPUCHIN MONKEY (Cebus capucinus,—C. hypoleucus Auct.)[TN-10] With the possible exception of one or two figures, monkeys (Maya, maaš or baa[c]) are not represented in the Maya codices examined. In Tro-Cortesianus 88c (Pl. 39, fig. 4) occurs a curious nondescript animal with what seem to be hoofs on the forefeet, a somewhat bushy tail of moderate length, and a head that appears to be distinctly bonneted, somewhat as in the representations of the capuchin. Stempell regards this as a monkey, though recognizing that the short bushy tail is unlike that of any Central American species. The figure seems quite as likely a peccary or possibly a combination of a deer with some other animal. A glyph (Pl. 39, fig. 5) found directly above the figure just referred to, suggests a monkey, though it cannot be surely identified. A pottery whistle from the Uloa Valley (text fig. 15) shows two monkeys standing side by side with a posterior extension for the mouth piece. Their heads are shaped as in other representations of this monkey with a distinct cap or bonnet and facial discs. A pottery stamp from the same locality shows a monkey with a long tail (Gordon, 1898, Pl. 11, fig. f). It recalls the drawings of monkeys given by Strebel (1899, Pls. 1-4).

In the Nuttall Codex are numerous heads and a few other figures of a monkey, which from the erect hair of the crown, curling tail, and distinctly indicated facial area must be the common bonneted or capuchin monkey of Central America. This species does not occur in Yucatan. What is undoubtedly the same animal is shown as a head glyph in Pl. 39, fig. 8, from the Aubin manuscript. The identifications of the head-forming glyphs in the Nuttall and the Aubin manuscripts are certainly correct as the Nahua day sign (Ocomatli) means ape.



Text figs. 16-19, show some of the signs for the day Chuen from the Maya codices. This is the day corresponding to the day Ocomatli of the Nahuas. There is little resembling an ape in the Maya signs although it has been remarked that the sign may show the open jaws and teeth of this animal.

Foerstemann (1897) as noted by Schellhas (1904, p. 21) alludes to the fact that the figure of god C, which occurs also in the sign for the north, in the tonalamatl in Dresden 4a-10a occurs in the day Chuen of the Maya calendar, and this corresponds to the day Ocomatli, the ape, in the Nahua calendar. This would suggest a connection between god C and the ape and this may be seen in the glyphs for god C (text figs. 20-24). Foerstemann sees "an ape whose lateral nasal cavity (peculiar to the American ape or monkey) is occasionally represented plainly in the hieroglyph picture." He also associates god C with the constellation of Ursa Minor.



It will be seen from the detailed examination of the fauna shown in the codices that after all a comparatively small part of the animal life of the country occupied by the Maya speaking peoples is represented. The drawings in some cases are fairly accurate, so that there is little difficulty in determining the species intended by the artist. At other times, it is hazardous to state the exact species to which the animal belongs. It is only in a comparatively small number of cases, however, that there is any great doubt attached to the identification. It will be noted that the drawings of the Dresden manuscript are much more carefully and accurately done than those of the Tro-Cortesianus. A greater delicacy and a more minute regard for detail characterize the Dresden drawings in general.

In the animals selected for reproduction by the Mayas, only those were taken which were used either in a purely religious significance for their mythological character (and here naturally there is to be noted an anthropomorphic tendency) or animals were chosen which were employed as offerings to the many different gods of the Maya pantheon. The religious character of the whole portrayal of animal life in the codices is clearly manifest, and it is this side of the subject which will come out more clearly as the manuscripts are better known.

FOOTNOTES:

[300-*] Quoted in Thomas, 1882, pp. 115, 116.

[300-[+]] "En el mes de Tzoz se aparejavan los senores de las colmenares para celebrar su fiesta en Tzec."

[301-*] "En este mes (Mol) tornavan los colmenares a hazer otra fiesta como la que hizieron en Tzec, para que los dioses proveessen de flores a las avejas."

[303-*] Strebel (1899, Pl. 11) gives several realistic reproductions of the centipede from pottery fragments.

[309-*] Attention is also called to two whistles representing frogs in the Memoirs of the Peabody Museum, I, No. 4 (Gordon, 1898), Pl. 9, figs, i, j.

[311-*] We have added here a Spanish description from the Relacion de la Ciudad de Merida (1900, pp. 66, 67) of the varieties of serpent found in the country. "Ay una suerte de culebra que llaman los naturales taxinchan, de una tercia de largo, que para andar hinca la cabeza en el suelo y da un salto, y de aquella suerte dando saltos anda, la espalda y la cabeza tiene dorada y la punta dela cola este se cria en los montes, y quando pica a alguna persona le haze reventar sangre por todos los poros del cuerpo que pareze que suda sangre y si no es le haze algun rremedio muere dentro de un dia natural y para la mordedura desta culebra tienen por rremedio los naturales dar a bever ala tal persona chile y hoja de piciete molido junto y desleido en agua, y con esto guarecen e sanan—ay biboras muy grandes y ponzonosas de una vara e mas de largo, y tan gruesa como un brazo, que tienen cascabeles en la punta de la cola, y si muerden matan sino se rremedio con brebedad, y tienen los naturales por rremedio beber chile e piciete como para la mordedura del taxinchan—ay otras suertes de culebras que se llaman cocob, de tres y cuatro varas de largo y tan gruesas como una lanza gineta, que tanbien son muy ponzonosas, y al que pican haze salir sangre por todo el cuerpo y por los ojos, como el taxinchan, ... procuraban guarecerse desta ponzona con juros y encantamentos, que avia grandes en cantadores y tenian sus libros para conjurarlas y encantarlas, y estos encantadores, con pocas palabras que dezian, encantaban y amansaban las culebras ponzonosas, las cojian y tomaban con las manos sin que les hiziese mal ninguno—tanbien ay culebras bobas sin ponzonas, de dos varas y mas de largo y tan gruesas como el brazo, y suelen ponerse sobre arboles juntos alos caminos, y quando pasa alguna persona se deja caer encima y se le enrosca y rebuelve al cuerpo y a la garganta, y apretando le procura ahogarle y matarle, a sucedido matar algunos yndios cacadores yendo descuidados—tanbien tienen estas culebras distinto natural para comer y sustentarse."

[313-*] Pl. 9, figs. 5, 9, show drawings of the rattlesnake which occur on the fresco.

[316-*] The reader is also referred to the bas-relief of the Lower Chamber of the Temple of the Tigers at Chichen Itza where a serpent is shown behind a low altar.

[317-*] Foerstemann (1906, p. 15) agrees with Schellhas that this may be a rebus for the name Quetzalcoatl or Kukulcan. As the bird is a vulture rather than a quetzal this could hardly be the case.

[317-[+]] "Y con isopo en el mano de un palo corto muy labrado, y por barbas o pelos del isopo ciertas colas de unas culebras que son como caxcavales."

[318-*] Brinton (1893, p. 25) notes that the equivalent of Kan in the Nahuatl of Miztitlan is xilotl which means ear of corn. This seems to show the correctness of the usual identification of the Kan sign as meaning maize or bread (pan).

[318-[+]] "Y les ofrecian dos pellas de una leche o resina de un arbol que llaman kik, para quemar y ciertas iguanas y pan y una mitra y un manojo de flores y una piedra preciosa de las suyas."

[319-*] "Y pintaban un largarto que significaba el Diluvio—y la tierra e sobre este largarto hazian un gran monton de lena y ponianle fuego."

[323-*] See in this connection Seler, 1904.

[327-*] "Y ofrecerle cabecas de pavos y pan y bevidas de maiz."

[327-[+]] (Kan year) "Sahumavan la imagen, degollavan una gallina y se la presentavan o offrecian ... y assi le hazian muchas offrendas de comidas y bevidas de carne y pescado, y estas offrendas repartian a los estrangeros que alli se hallavan."

(Muluc year) "Y despues degollavanle la gallina como al passado."

(Ix year) "Y degollavan la gallina ... a la estatua de Kac-u-Uayeyab ofrescian una cabeca de un pavo, y empanados de codornices y otras coasa[TN-11] y su bevida."

(Cauac year) "Coma solian y degollavanle la gallina ... un hombre muerto y en cima un paxaro cenicero llamad kuch, en senal de mortandad grande, ca por muy mal ano tenian este."

[330-*] Foerstemann identifies this bird as a black eagle.

[333-*] "Este ano en que la letra era Cauac y reynava el Bacab-Hozanek tenian, allende de la pronosticada mortandad, por ruyn, por que dezian les avian los muchos soles de matar los maizales, y comer las muchas hormigas lo que sembrassen y los paxaros, y porque esto no seria en todas partes avria en algunos comida, la qual avrian con gran trabajo."

[338-*] Brinton (1895, p. 74), according to our interpretation, makes a mistake when he considers the crested falcon as the Moan, "in Maya muan or muyan." He adds, "Some writers have thought the moan bird was a mythical animal but Dr. C. H. Berendt found the name still applied to the falcon. In the form muyan, it is akin in sound to muyal, cloud, muan, cloudy, which may account for its adoption as a symbol of the rains, etc."

[341-*] "Crian paxaros para su recreacion y para las plumas para hazer sus ropas galanas."

[349-*] Relacion hecha por el Licenciado Palacio al Rey. D. Felipe II (1866, p. 31). "Lo que hacian en los sacrificios de la pesca y caza, era que tomaban un venado vivo y llevabanlo al patio del cu e iglesia que tenian fuera del pueblo y alli lo ahogaban y lo desollaban y le salaban toda la sangre en una olla, y el higado y bofes y buches los hacian pedazos muy pequenos y apartaban el corazon, cabeza y pies, y mandaban cocer el venado por si, la sangre for[TN-12] si, y mientras esto se cocia, hacian su baile. Tomaban el Papa y sabio la cabeza del venado por las orejas, y los cuatro sacerdotes los cuatro pies, y el mayordomo llevaba un brasero, do se quemaba el corazon con uli y copa, e incensaban al idolo que tenian puesto y senalado para la caza y pesca. Acabado el mitote, ofrecian la cabeza y pies al idolo y chamuscabanla, y despues de chamuscada, la llevaban a casa del Papa y se la comia y el venado y su sangre comian los demas sacerdotes delante del idolo; a los pescados les sacaban las tripas y los quemaban ante el dicho idolo. Lo propio era con los demas animales."

Relacion de Cotuta y Tibolon (1898, p. 105). "Un dios que dezian que eran benados en matando un yndio un benado benia luego a su dios y con el coracon le untaba la cara de sangre y sino mataba algo aquel dia ybase a su casa aquel yndio le quebraba y dabale de cozes diziendo que no era buen dios."

Cogolludo (1688, Book I, Chap. VII, p. 43) "Correan tan poco los venados, y tan sin espantarse de la gente, que los soldados de a cavallo del exercito los alcancavan, y alanceavan, muy a su placer, y de esta suerte mataron muchos de ellos, con que comieron algunos dias despues ... Que en que consistia aquella novedad, de aver tanta maquina de venados, y estar tan mansos? Les dieron por respuesta; Que en aquellos Pueblos los tenian por sus Dioses a los venador; porque su Idolo Mayor se les avia aparecido en aquella figura."

[350-*] "Y con su devocion invocavan los cacadores a los dioses de la caca, ... sacava cada uno una flecha y una calabera de venado, las quales los chaces untavan con el betun azul; y untados, vailavan con ellas en las manos unos."

[350-[+]] In the Muluc years, he states "davan al sacredote una pierna de venado" and also in the same month, "Ofrecian a la imagen pan hecho como yemas de uevos y otros como coracones de venados, y otro hecho con su pimienta desleida."

[351-*] Foerstemann (1902, p. 20) identifies this animal as a rabbit!

[351-[+]] Foerstemann identifies this animal as a dog.

[352-*] This animal has been identified by Stempell as an agouti notwithstanding the hoofs and tusks.

[352-[+]] Foerstemann (1906, p. 228) suggests that this animal is a bear.

[353-*] Attention is called to the curious half-human, half-animal figure in Tro-Cortesianus 2a which may suggest the figures in Dresden 44a, 45a and which are here identified as peccaries. Both are descending from the band of constellation signs and the heads of each are not greatly dissimilar.

[354-*] Foerstemann (1906, p. 229) suggests that fig. 8 is a walrus!

[358-*] Seler (1904) gives an interesting explanation of the reason why the puma and the other corresponding figures are shown hit with a spear.

[359-*] Relacion de la Ciudad de Merida (1898, p. 63): "Ay perros naturales dela tierra que no tienen pelo ninguno, y no ladran, que tienen los dientes ralos e agudos, las orejas pequenas, tiesas y levantadas—a estos engordan los yndios para comer y los tienen por gran rregalo—estos se juntan con los perros de espana y enjendran y los mestizos que dellos proceden ladran y tienen pelo y tambien los comen los yndios cano alos demas, y tambien los yndios tienen otra suerte de perros que tienen pelo pero tan poco ladran y son del mesmo tamano que los demas."

[359-[+]] Brinton (1895, p. 72) regards these spots as representing stars.

[361-*] "Y que le sacrificassen un perro o un hombre ... porque hazian en el patio del templo un gran monton de piedras y ponian al hombre o perro que avian de sacrificiar en alguna cosa mas alta que el."

[361-[+]] "Avian de ofrescerle perros hechos de barro con pan en las espaldas, y avian de vailar con ellos en las manos las viejas y sacrificarle un perrito que tuviesse las espaldas negras y fuesse virgen."

[361-[+]] These might quite as well be rabbits as dogs.

[361-Sec.] "De los Indios de Cozumel dize, que aun en su tiempo eran grandes Idolatras, y usaban un bayle de su gentilidad, en el qual flechaban un perro q auian de sacrificar."

[362-*] "Donde sacrificavan un perro, manchado por la color del cacao ... y ofrecianles yguanas de las azules y ciertas plumas de un paxaro."



BIBLIOGRAPHY.

Aubin Manuscript, See Seler 1900-1901.

Beyer, Herman. 1908, The symbolic meaning of the dog in ancient Mexico; in American Anthropologist (N. S.), Vol. X, pp. 419-422, Washington.

Bologna Codex, See Cospiano Codex.

Borbonicus Codex, See Hamy, 1899.

Borgia Codex, See Seler, 1904-1906.

Brasseur de Bourbourg, Charles Etienne. 1869-1870, Manuscrit Troano. Etudes sur le systeme graphique et la langue des Mayas; 2 vols., 4^o Paris.

Brinton, Daniel Garrison. 1893, The native calendar of Central America and Mexico; in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society; Vol. XXXI, pp. 258-314, Philadelphia.

1895, A primer of Mayan hieroglyphics; in Publications of the University of Pennsylvania, Series in Philosophy, Literature, and Archaeology, Vol. III, No. 2, pp. 152, Boston.

Camargo, Domingo Munoz. 1843, Histoire de la Republique de Tlaxcallan; in Nouvelles Annales des Voyages et des Sciences Geographique; IV Serie, Tome 3, Paris. (Spanish edition published by Chavero, Mexico, 1892.)